AGRIPPA, surnamed Herod, the son of Aristobulus and Mariamne, and

grandson of Herod the Great, was born A. M. 3997, three years before the

birth of our Saviour, and seven years before the vulgar æra. After the

death of his father Aristobulus, Josephus informs us that Herod, his

grandfather, took care of his education, and sent him to Rome to make

his court to Tiberius. Agrippa, having a great inclination for Caius,

the son of Germanicus, and grandson of Antonia, chose to attach himself

to this prince, as if he had some prophetic views of the future

elevation of Caius, who at that time was beloved by all the world. The

great assiduity and agreeable behaviour of Agrippa so far won upon this

prince, that he was unable to live without him. Agrippa, being one day

in conversation with Caius, was overheard by one Eutychus, a slave whom

Agrippa had emancipated, to say that he should be glad to see the old

emperor take his departure for the other world and leave Caius master of

this, without meeting with any obstacle from the emperor’s grandson,

Tiberius Nero. Eutychus, some time after this, thinking he had reason to

be dissatisfied with Agrippa, communicated the conversation to the

emperor; whereupon Agrippa was loaded with fetters, and committed to the

custody of an officer. Soon after this, Tiberius dying, and Caius

Caligula succeeding him, the new emperor heaped many favours and much

wealth upon Agrippa, changed his iron fetters into a chain of gold, set

a royal diadem on his head, and gave him the tetrarchy which Philip, the

son of Herod the Great, had been possessed of, that is, Batanæa and

Trachonitis. To this he added that of Lysanias; and Agrippa returned

very soon into Judea, to take possession of his new kingdom. The emperor

Caius, desiring to be adored as a god, commanded to have his statue set

up in the temple of Jerusalem. But the Jews opposed this design with so

much resolution, that Petronius was forced to suspend his proceedings in

this affair, and to represent, in a letter to the emperor, the

resistance he met with from the Jews. Agrippa, who was then at Rome,

coming to the emperor at the very time he was reading the letter, Caius

told him that the Jews were the only people of all mankind who refused

to own him for a deity; and that they had taken arms to oppose his

resolution. At these words Agrippa fainted away, and, being carried home

to his house, continued in that state for a long time. As soon as he was

somewhat recovered, he wrote a long letter to Caius, wherein he

endeavoured to soften him; and his arguments made such an impression

upon the emperor’s mind, that he desisted, in appearance, from the

design which he had formed of setting up his statue in the temple. Caius

being killed in the beginning of the following year, A. D. 41, Agrippa,

who was then at Rome, contributed much by his advice to maintain

Claudius in possession of the imperial dignity, to which he had been

advanced by the army. The emperor, as an acknowledgment for his kind

offices, gave him all Judea, and the kingdom of Chalcis, which had been

possessed by Herod his brother. Thus Agrippa became of a sudden one of

the greatest princes of the east, and was possessed of as much, if not

more territory, than had been held by Herod the Great, his grandfather.

He returned to Judea, and governed it to the great satisfaction of the

Jews. But the desire of pleasing them, and a mistaken zeal for their

religion, induced him to put to death the Apostle James, and to cast

Peter into prison with the same design; and, but for a miraculous

interposition, which, however, produced no effect upon the mind of the

tyrant, his hands would have been imbrued in the blood of two Apostles,

the memory whereof is preserved in Scripture. At Cæsarea, he had games

performed in honour of Claudius. Here the inhabitants of Tyre and Sidon

waited on him to sue for peace. Agrippa being come early in the morning

into the theatre, with a design to give them audience, seated himself on

his throne, dressed in a robe of silver tissue, worked in the most

admirable manner. The rising sun darted his golden beams thereon, and

gave it such a lustre as dazzled the eyes of the spectators; and when

the king began his speech to the Tyrians and Sidonians, the parasites

around him began to say, it was “the voice of a god and not of man.”

Instead of rejecting these impious flatteries, Agrippa received them

with an air of complacency; and the angel of the Lord smote him because

he did not give God the glory. Being therefore carried home to his

palace, he died, at the end of five days, racked with tormenting pains

in his bowels, and devoured with worms. Such was the death of Herod

Agrippa, A. D. 44, after a reign of seven years. He left a son of the

same name, and three daughters--Bernice, who was married to her uncle

Herod, her father’s brother; Mariamne, betrothed to Julius Archelaus;

and Drusilla, promised to Epiphanius, the son of Archelaus, the son of

Comagena.

AGRIPPA, son of the former Agrippa, was at Rome with the emperor

Claudius when his father died. The emperor, we are told by Josephus, was

inclined to give him all the dominions that had been possessed by his

father, but was dissuaded from it, Agrippa being only seventeen years of

age; and he kept him therefore at his court four years.

Three years after this, Herod, king of Chalcis, and uncle to young

Agrippa, dying, the emperor gave his dominions to this prince, who,

notwithstanding, did not go into Judea till four years after, A. D. 53;

when, Claudius taking from him the kingdom of Chalcis, gave him the

provinces of Gaulonitis, Trachonitis, Batanæa, Paneas, and Abylene,

which formerly had been in the possession of Lysanias. After the death

of Claudius, his successor, Nero, who had a great affection for Agrippa,

to his other dominions added Julias in Peræa, and that part of Galilee

to which Tarichæa and Tiberias belonged. Festus governor of Judea,

coming to his government, A. D. 60, king Agrippa and Bernice, his

sister, went as far as Cæsarea to salute him; and as they continued

there for some time, Festus talked with the king concerning the affair

of St. Paul, who had been seized in the temple about two years before,

and within a few days previous to his visit had appealed to the emperor.

Agrippa wishing to hear Paul, that Apostle delivered that noble address

in his presence which is recorded, Acts xxvi.

AGUR. The thirtieth chapter of Proverbs begins with this title: “The

words of Agur, the son of Jakeh;” and the thirty-first, with “the words

of king Lemuel;” with respect to which some conjecture that Solomon

describes himself under these appellations; others, that these chapters

are the productions of persons whose real names are prefixed. Scripture

history, indeed, affords us no information respecting their situation

and character; but there must have been sufficient reason for regarding

their works in the light of inspired productions, or they would not have

been admitted into the sacred canon.

They are called _Massa_, a term frequently applied to the undoubted

productions of the prophetic Spirit; and it is not improbable that the

authors meant, by the adoption of this term, to lay claim to the

character of inspiration. A succession of virtuous and eminent men,

favoured with divine illuminations, flourished in Judea till the final

completion of the sacred code; and, most likely, many more than those

whose writings have been preserved. Agur may then have been one of those

prophets whom Divine providence raised up to comfort or admonish his

chosen people; and Lemuel may have been some neighbouring prince, the

son of a Jewish woman, by whom he was taught the Massa contained in the

thirty-first chapter. These, of course, can only be considered as mere

conjectures; for, in the absence of historic evidence, who can venture

to pronounce with certainty? The opinion, however, that Agur and Lemuel

are appellations of Solomon, is sanctioned by so many and such

respectable writers, that it demands a more particular examination.

The knowledge of names was anciently regarded as a matter of the highest

importance, in order to understand the nature of the persons or things

which they designate; and, in the opinion of the rabbins, was preferable

even to the study of the written law. The Heathens paid considerable

attention to it, as appears from the Cratylus of Plato; and some of the

Christian fathers entertained very favourable notions of such knowledge.

The Jewish doctors, it is true, refined upon the subject with an amazing

degree of subtilty, grounding upon it many ridiculous ideas and absurd

fancies; yet it is unquestionable that many of the proper names in

Scripture are significant and characteristic. Thus the names Eve, Cain,

Seth, Noah, Abraham, Israel, &c, were imposed by reason of their being

expressive of the several characters of the persons whom they represent.

Reasoning from analogy, we may infer that all the proper names in the

Old Testament, at their original imposition, were intended to denote

some quality or circumstance in the person or thing to which they

belong; and though many, from transference, have ceased to be personally

characteristic, yet are they all significative.

As the custom of imposing descriptive names prevailed in the primitive

ages, it is not impossible that Agur and Lemuel may be appropriated to

Solomon, and Jakeh to David as mystic appellations significative of

their respective characters. It is even some confirmation of this

opinion, that Solomon is denominated Jedidiah (beloved of the Lord) by

the Prophet Nathan; and that in the book of Ecclesiastes, he styles

himself Koheleth, or the Preacher. Nevertheless, this hypothesis does

not appear to rest upon a firm foundation. It is foreign to the

simplicity of the sacred penmen, and contrary to their custom in similar

cases, to adopt a mystic name, without either explaining it, or alleging

the reasons for its adoption. In the names Eve, Cain, Seth, Noah, &c,

before alluded to; in the appellation Nabal; in the enigmatical names in

the first chapter of Hosea; in the descriptive names given to places, as

Beersheba, Jehovah-jireh, Peniel, Bethel, Gilgal; and in many other

instances, the meaning of the terms is either explained, or the

circumstances are mentioned which led to their selection. When Solomon

is called Jedidiah, it is added that it was “because of the Lord;” and

when he styles himself Koheleth, an explanatory clause is annexed,

describing himself “the son of David, the king of Jerusalem.” But if

Solomon be meant by the titles Agur and Lemuel, he is so called without

any statement of the reasons for their application, and without any

explanation of their import; a circumstance unusual with the sacred

writers, and the reverse to what is practised in the book of Proverbs,

where his proper name, Solomon, is attributed to him in three different

places. Nor is anything characteristic of the Jewish monarchs

discoverable in the terms themselves. Jakeh, which denotes _obedient_,

is no more applicable to David than to Nathan, or any other personage of

eminent worth and piety among the Israelites. The name of Agur is not of

easy explanation; some giving it the sense of _recollectus_, that is,

recovered from his errors, and become penitent; an explanation more

applicable to David than to Solomon. Simon, in his lexicon, says it may

perhaps denote “him who applies to the study of wisdom;” an

interpretation very suitable to the royal philosopher, but not supported

by adequate authority; and in his Onomasticon he explains it in a

different manner. Others suppose that it means _collector_; though it

has been argued, that, as it has a passive form, it cannot have an

active sense. But this is not a valid objection, as several examples may

be produced from the Bible of a similar form with an active

signification. If such be its meaning, it is suitable to Solomon, who

was not the collector or compiler, but the author, of the Proverbs. With

respect to the name Lemuel, it signifies one that is for God, or devoted

to God; and is not, therefore, peculiarly descriptive of Solomon. It

appears, then, that nothing can be inferred from the signification of

the names Agur and Lemuel in support of the conjecture, that they are

appellations of Solomon. The contents, likewise, of the two chapters in

question strongly militate against this hypothesis.

When all these circumstances are taken into consideration, together with

the extreme improbability that Solomon should be denominated three times

by his proper name, and afterward, in the same work, by two different

enigmatical names, we are fully warranted in rejecting the notion, that

the wise monarch is designed by the appellations Agur and Lemuel. And it

seems most reasonable to consider them as denoting real persons.

AHAB, the son and successor of Omri. He began his reign over Israel, A.

M. 3086, and reigned 22 years. In impiety he far exceeded all the kings

of Israel. He married Jezebel, the daughter of Ethbaal, king of Zidon,

who introduced the whole abominations and idols of her country, Baal and

Ashtaroth.

2. AHAB the son of Kolaiah, and Zedekiah the son of Maaseiah, were two

false prophets, who, about A. M. 3406, seduced the Jewish captives at

Babylon with hopes of a speedy deliverance, and stirred them up against

Jeremiah. The Lord threatened them with a public and ignominious death,

before such as they had deceived; and that their names should become a

curse; men wishing that their foes might be made like Ahab and Zedekiah,

whom Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon roasted in the fire, Jer. xxix, 21,

22.

AHASUERUS was the king of Persia, who advanced Esther to be queen, and

at her request delivered the Jews from the destruction plotted for them

by Haman. Archbishop Usher is of opinion that this Ahasuerus was Darius

Hystaspes; and that Atossa was the Vashti, and Artystona the Esther, of

the Scriptures. But, according to Herodotus, the latter was the daughter

of Cyrus, and therefore could not be Esther; and the former had four

sons by Darius, besides daughters, born to him after he was king; and

therefore she could not be the queen Vashti, divorced from her husband

in the third year of his reign, nor he the Ahasuerus who divorced her.

Besides, Atossa retained her influence over Darius to his death, and

obtained the succession of the crown for his son, Xerxes; whereas Vashti

was removed from the presence of Ahasuerus by an irrevocable decree,

Esther i, 19. Joseph Scaliger maintains that Xerxes was the Ahasuerus,

and Hamestris his queen, the Esther, of Scripture. The opinion is

founded on the similitude of names, but contradicted by the

dissimilitude of the characters of Hamestris and Esther. Besides,

Herodotus says that Xerxes had a son by Hamestris that was marriageable

in the seventh year of his reign; and therefore she could not be Esther.

The Ahasuerus of Scripture, according to Dr. Prideaux, was Artaxerxes

Longimanus. Josephus positively says that this was the person. The

Septuagint, through the whole book of Esther, uses Artaxerxes for the

Hebrew Ahasuerus wherever the appellation occurs; and the apocryphal

additions to that book every where call the husband of Esther

Artaxerxes; and he could be no other than Artaxerxes Longimanus. The

extraordinary favour shown to the Jews by this king, first in sending

Ezra, and afterward Nehemiah, to relieve this people, and restore them

to their ancient prosperity, affords strong presumptive evidence that

they had near his person and high in his regard such an advocate as

Esther. Ahasuerus is also a name given in Scripture, Ezra iv, 6, to

Cambyses, the son of Cyrus; and to Astyages, king of the Medes, Dan. ix,

1.

AHAVA. The name of a river of Babylonia, or rather of Assyria, where

Ezra assembled those captives whom he afterward brought into Judea, Ezra

viii, 15. The river Ahava is thought to be that which ran along the

Adabene, where a river Diava, or Adiava, is mentioned, and on which

Ptolemy places the city Abane or Aavane. This is probably the country

called Ava, whence the kings of Assyria translated the people called

Avites into Palestine, and where they settled some of the captive

Israelites, 2 Kings xvii, 24; xviii, 34; xix, 13; xvii, 31. Ezra,

intending to collect as many Israelites as he could, who might return to

Judea, halted in the country of Ava, or Aahava, whence he sent agents

into the Caspian mountains, to invite such Jews as were willing to join

him, Ezra viii, 16. The history of Izates, king of the Adiabenians, and

of his mother Helena, who became converts to Judaism some years after

the death of Jesus Christ, sufficiently proves that there were many Jews

still settled in that country.

AHAZ succeeded his father Jotham, as king of Israel, at the age of

twenty years, reigned till the year before Christ, 726, and addicted

himself to the practice of idolatry. After the customs of the Heathen,

he made his children to pass through fire; he shut up the temple, and

destroyed its vessels. He became tributary to Tiglath-pileser, whose

assistance he supplicated against the kings of Syria and Israel. Such

was his impiety, that he was not allowed burial in the sepulchres of the

kings of Israel, 2 Kings xvi; 2 Chron. xxviii.

AHAZIAH, the son of Ahab, king of Israel. Ahaziah reigned two years,

partly alone, and partly with his father Ahab, who appointed him his

associate in the kingdom a year before his death. Ahaziah imitated his

father’s impieties, 1 Kings xxii, 52, &c, and paid his adorations to

Baal and Ashtaroth, the worship of whom had been introduced into Israel

by Jezebel his mother. The Moabites, who had been always obedient to the

kings of the ten tribes, ever since their separation from the kingdom of

Judah, revolted after the death of Ahab, and refused to pay the ordinary

tribute. Ahaziah had not leisure or power to reduce them, 2 Kings i, 1,

2, &c, for, about the same time, having fallen through a lattice from

the top of his house, he was considerably injured, and sent messengers

to Ekron to consult Baalzebub, the god of that place, whether he should

recover, 2 Kings i, 1–17. Elijah met the messengers, and informed them

he should certainly die; and he died accordingly.

2. AHAZIAH, king of Judah, the son of Jehoram and Athaliah. He succeeded

his father in the kingdom of Judah, A. M. 3119; being in the

twenty-second year of his age, 2 Kings viii, 26, &c; and he reigned one

year only in Jerusalem. He walked in the ways of Ahab’s house, to which

he was related, his mother being of that family. Joram, king of Israel,

2 Kings viii, going to attack Ramoth Gilead, which the kings of Syria

had taken from his predecessors, was there dangerously wounded, and

carried by his own appointment to Jezreel, for the purpose of surgical

assistance. Ahaziah, Joram’s friend and relation, accompanied him in

this war, and came afterward to visit him at Jezreel. In the meantime,

Jehu, the son of Nimshi, whom Joram had left besieging the fortress of

Ramoth, rebelled against his master, and set out with a design of

extirpating the house of Ahab, according to the commandment of the Lord,

2 Kings ix. Joram and Ahaziah, who knew nothing of his intentions, went

to meet him. Jehu killed Joram dead upon the spot: Ahaziah fled, but

Jehu’s people overtook him at the going up of Gur, and mortally wounded

him; notwithstanding which, he had strength enough to reach Megiddo,

where he died. His servants, having laid him in his chariot, carried him

to Jerusalem, where he was buried with his fathers, in the city of

David.

AHIJAH, the prophet of the Lord, who dwelt in Shiloh. He is thought to

be the person who spoke twice to Solomon from God, once while he was

building the temple, 1 Kings vi, 11, at which time he promised him the

divine protection; and again, 1 Kings xi, 11, after his falling into his

irregularities, with great threatenings and reproaches. Ahijah was one

of those who wrote the history or annals of this prince, 2 Chron. ix,

29. The same prophet declared to Jeroboam, that he would usurp the

kingdom, 1 Kings xi, 29, &c; and, about the end of Jeroboam’s reign, he

also predicted the death of Abijah, the only pious son of that prince,

as is recorded 1 Kings xiv, 2, &c. Ahijah, in all probability, did not

long survive the delivery of this last prophecy; but we are not informed

of the time and manner of his death.

AHIKAM, the son of Shaphan, and father of Gedaliah. He was sent by

Josiah, king of Judah, to Huldah the prophetess, 2 Kings xxii, 12, to

consult her concerning the book of the law, which had been found in the

temple.

AHIMAAZ, the son of Zadok, the high priest. Ahimaaz succeeded his father

under the reign of Solomon. He performed a very important piece of

service for David during the war with Absalom. While his father Zadok

was in Jerusalem, 2 Sam. xv, 29, Ahimaaz and Jonathan continued without

the city, xvii, 17, near En-Rogel, or the fountain of Rogel; thither a

maid servant came to tell them the resolution which had been taken in

Absalom’s council: whereupon they immediately departed to give the king

intelligence. But being discovered by a young lad who gave information

concerning them to Absalom, that prince sent orders to pursue them:

Ahimaaz and Jonathan, fearing to be taken, retired to a man’s house at

Baharim, in whose court-yard there was a well, wherein they concealed

themselves. After the battle, in which Absalom was overcome and slain,

xviii, Ahimaaz desired leave of Joab to carry the news thereof to David.

But instead of him Joab sent Cushi to carry the news, and told Ahimaaz

that he would send him to the king upon some other occasion; but soon

after Cushi was departed, Ahimaaz applied again to Joab, praying to be

permitted to run after Cushi; and, having obtained leave, he ran by the

way of the plain, and outran Cushi. He was succeeded in the priesthood

by his son Azariah.

AHIMELECH. He was the son of Ahitub, and brother of Ahia, whom he

succeeded in the high priesthood. He is called Abiathar, Mark ii, 26.

During his priesthood the tabernacle was at Nob, where Ahimelech, with

other priests, had their habitation. David, being informed by his friend

Jonathan that Saul was determined to destroy him, thought it prudent to

retire. He therefore went to Nob, to the high priest Ahimelech, who gave

him the shew bread, and the sword of Goliath. One day, when Saul was

complaining of his officers, that no one was affected with his

misfortunes, or gave him any intelligence of what was carrying on

against him, 1 Sam. xxii, 9, &c, Doeg related to him what had occurred

when David came to Ahimelech the high priest. On this information, Saul

convened the priests, and having charged them with the crime of treason,

ordered his guards to slay them, which they refusing to do, Doeg, who

had been their accuser, at the king’s command became their executioner,

and with his sacrilegious hand massacred no less than eighty-five of

them; the Septuagint and Syriac versions make the number of priests

slain by Doeg three hundred and five. Nor did Saul stop here; but,

sending a party to Nob, he commanded them to slay men, women, and

children, and even cattle, with the edge of the sword. Only one son of

Ahimelech, named Abiathar, escaped the carnage and fled to David.

AHITHOPHEL, a native of Giloh, who, after having been David’s

counsellor, joined in the rebellion of Absalom, and assisted him with

his advice. Hushai, the friend of David, was employed to counteract the

counsels of Ahithophel, and to deprive Absalom, under a pretence of

serving him, of the advantage that was likely to result from the

measures which he proposed. One of these measures was calculated to

render David irreconcilable, and was immediately adopted; and the other

to secure, or to slay him. Before the last counsel was followed,

Hushai’s advice was desired; and he recommended their assembling

together the whole force of Israel, putting Absalom at their head, and

overwhelming David by their number. The treacherous counsel of Hushai

was preferred to that of Ahithophel; with which the latter being

disgusted he hastened to his house at Giloh, where he put an end to his

life. He probably foresaw Absalom’s defeat, and dreaded the punishment

which would be inflicted on himself as a traitor, when David was

resettled on the throne. A. M. 2981. B. C. 1023. 2 Sam. xv, xvii.

AHOLIBAH. This and Aholah are two feigned names made use of by Ezekiel,

xxiii, 4, to denote the two kingdoms of Judah and Samaria. Aholah and

Aholibah are represented as two sisters of Egyptian extraction. Aholah

stands for Samaria, and Aholibah for Jerusalem. The first signifies a

_tent_, and the second, _my tent is in her_. They both prostituted

themselves to the Egyptians and Assyrians, in imitating their

abominations and idolatries; for which reason the Lord abandoned them to

those very people for whose evil practices they had shown so passionate

an affection. They were carried into captivity, and reduced to the

severest servitude.

AI, called by the LXX, Gai, by Josephus Aina, and by others Ajah, a town

of Palestine, situate west of Bethel, and at a small distance north-west

of Jericho. The three thousand men, first sent by Joshua to reduce this

city, were repulsed, on account of the sin of Achan, who had violated

the anathema pronounced against Jericho, by appropriating a part of the

spoil. After the expiation of this offence, the whole army of Israel

marched against Ai, with orders to treat that city as Jericho had been

treated, with this difference, that the plunder was to be given to the

army. Joshua, having appointed an ambush of thirty thousand men, marched

against the city, and by a feigned retreat, drew out the king of Ai with

his troops; and upon a signal given by elevating his shield on the top

of a pike, the men in ambush entered the city and set fire to it. Thus

the soldiers of Ai, placed between two divisions of Joshua’s army, were

all destroyed; the king alone being preserved for a more ignominious

death on a gibbet, where he hung till sunset. The spoil of the place was

afterward divided among the Israelites. The men appointed for ambush

are, in one place, said to be thirty thousand, and in another five

thousand. For reconciling this apparent contradiction, most commentators

have generally supposed, that there were two bodies placed in ambuscade

between Bethel and Ai, one of twenty-five thousand and the other of five

thousand men; the latter being probably a detachment from the thirty

thousand first sent, and ordered to lie as near to the city as possible.

Masius allows only five thousand men for the ambuscade, and twenty-five

thousand for the attack.

A Biblical and Theological Dictionary explanatory of the history, manners, and customs of the Jews, and neighbouring nations · 第 8 / 253 段