M. McCormick for pilot. Colonel Green had command of troops on board,
about one hundred and fifty men. Captain A. R. Wier, Cook’s regiment
artillery, was in charge of her artillery. Captain Martin, of the
cavalry, was a volunteer on board. The _Neptune_ was commanded by
Captain Sangster, with Captains Swift and McGovern for pilots. Colonel
Bagby had command of troops on board, about one hundred men. Lieutenant
Harby, in command of a company infantry acting as artillery, was in
charge of her artillery. The _John F. Carr_ was commanded by Major
A. W. McKee. General Magruder called for three hundred volunteers
from Sibley’s brigade, armed with Enfield rifles and double-barrel
shot-guns, to man this flotilla.
The entire flotilla was under command of Captain Leon Smith, a man of
great experience in steamboat management, who was employed by Magruder
in the Quartermaster Department, made a volunteer aide on his staff
with rank of major, and afterwards called _commodore_ by the general.
Major Smith had charge of all work in preparing these steamers for
action. He had orders to be ready to attack the Federal vessels at
midnight.
At half-past four o’clock the Confederate flotilla, at Half Moon
Shoals, fired up with rosin and proceeded towards Galveston, arriving
within a mile of the Federal gunboats at daylight.
When a lookout on the _Harriet Lane_ soon after midnight first
discovered the Confederate flotilla, Wainwright, asleep in his
stateroom, was notified and assumed charge of the deck. After this
flotilla disappeared the _Harriet Lane_ retained her position, with
steam on, while her officers, on the watch for further developments,
leaned over her rails listening to sounds from on shore, that indicated
some movement there by the enemy, until the first gun was fired at the
wharf. Her anchor was then raised to the cathead, but not secured, and
attempts made to turn around for the purpose of proceeding towards
Kuhn’s Wharf to occupy the place made vacant by the _Clifton_, gone to
Renshaw’s assistance. To do this without getting aground necessitated
a use of great skill and consumed much time, for the vessel had to
forward and back to gradually swing her bow around. Why she should
have been stationed at this point--head of the ship channel where it
was impossible to manœuvre her--when the _Westfield_ or _Clifton_ (old
ferry-boats) were better adapted for the position, had often been
discussed by naval officers at Galveston.
While working his vessel around Wainwright opened fire on the city.
Her bow was headed towards the wharf when signs of an approach by the
flotilla were again seen, which caused him to abandon proceeding down
the channel and to work his vessel around again in order to present her
bow to the enemy. Fairly around she steamed up to meet the _Bayou City_
and _Neptune_, who showed a disposition to attack, other cotton boats
keeping out of harm’s way. A fire was opened upon them with shells from
her eight-inch forward gun, sending three shells and a cannon shot into
the _Bayou City_; the shells passed through her engineer’s room, one
exploding near the engineer, doing some damage; the cannon shot passed
through her messroom and pantry.
Within one-half a mile the _Bayou City_ opened fire. Her second shot
struck the _Lane_ plumb behind a wheel, close to the magazine, making
a hole large enough for a man to crawl through; when fired a fourth
time the gun exploded, killing Captain Wier, with others, and wounding
Captain Schneider, with other men.
As it was plain that the enemy’s intention was to close with him,
Wainwright backed his vessel some distance in order to get a good
headway, for it was understood on board, the _Lane_ was to try and ram
her bow into the _Bayou City_, cut her down even if it crippled the
_Lane_, then reach the _Neptune_ and capture her by boarding. This was
not to be, because just before reaching the _Bayou City_ her bow ran
aground, barely allowing the Confederate pilot time to put his helm
hard around in season to prevent his boat going on to the _Lane’s_ bow
in a strong ebb tide, which also prevented his running against the
_Lane_ so as to strike forward of the port or left wheel-house, which
was his purpose to enable the Confederates to board. He did carry away
the _Lane’s_ port cathead, whereby an anchor was let go, and ran out
fifteen fathom of chain attached. The _Harriet Lane_ was now at an
anchor and also aground.
Wainwright, from his position upon the bridge with Third Assistant
Engineer Mullen by his side, ordered the crew forward upon the
forecastle ready to repel boarders. As the _Bayou City_ struck a
glancing blow in passing, about twenty of her men jumped for the
forecastle deck. Many fell into the water, and those that reached the
deck were met by sailors armed with pistols, cutlasses and boarding
pikes, to be hurled overboard. One colored sailor, Nick Wheeler, caught
a man upon a pike, which entered his body near the stomach and came out
between his shoulders, and had to shake him off into the water. All
this occupied very few minutes.
As the _Bayou City_ passed to shoal water off in the harbor beyond
the channel, with her outside planking of port wheel-house and sides
torn off from contact with the _Lane’s_ strong upper works, her men
from behind cotton bales opened a scattering musketry-fire upon the
blue-jackets. The blue-jackets trained a gun upon her, and at a
favorable moment Acting Master Hamilton pulled the lanyard, which
broke; he reached for a hatchet that had lain beside the gun-carriage
a few moments before, intending to strike the percussion-cap to fire
the gun, but it was gone; some one had seized that hatchet for a weapon
when Wainwright called for boarders to be repelled.
It was then thought she would be taken in hand by other naval vessels,
and attention was given to the _Neptune_, that came up immediately
afterwards and struck the _Harriet Lane_ upon the starboard (or right)
side, intending to board, but did not succeed, and passed by, her men
firing from their rifles. At this time Commander Wainwright was killed
upon the bridge where he had remained a mark for the enemy, paying no
attention to suggestions from his officers not to expose himself. He
received one ball in the forehead, that went out back of his head, and
four balls in the body. Lieutenant Lea was also mortally wounded in the
abdomen and carried below, and Acting Master Hamilton was wounded in
the arm. Fire was returned by the _Lane’s_ crew as fast as they could
load their small-arms.
The _Neptune_ passed astern, turned, and came back making for the port
side, with a brisk musketry-fire maintained by her men, when a shot or
shell from one of the _Lane’s_ nine-inch port guns, fired by Engineer
Mullen (who broke the lanyard on the first pull, quickly tied it
together and tried a second time with success), smashed the _Neptune’s_
bow, causing her to take water fast. She got on to the channel’s edge,
and soon sank in about eight feet of water. Many of her men jumped
overboard to reach land, and for a time the Confederate riflemen on
shore opened a fire upon their own men escaping from one of their own
vessels.
When it was seen that the _Neptune_ was out of the fight a round of
cheers went up on board the _Harriet Lane_, and her men threw their
caps in the air with joy, supposing all was ended. But the vessels
below had not attended to the _Bayou City_, and she had rounded and
again approached the _Lane_, swung diagonally across the channel,
aground, with her anchor out, for sufficient time had not elapsed to
remedy either mishap. As she came along evidently intending to board,
the pivot gun forward was trained upon her and fired; the shot struck
her wheel-house without inflicting any perceptible damage, and before
another gun could be brought to bear she struck the _Lane_ abaft the
port wheel-house, running her bow so far under the gunwale and wheel
that both vessels were stuck fast.
After a short exchange of shots with small-arms the enemy, headed by
Major Leon Smith, Colonel Tom Green and Captain Martin, commenced to
jump into the boarding nettings that were up in place, cutting them
apart with their long knives. They got aboard in three places, on the
wheel-house and aft; met with a gallant resistance by the _Lane’s_
crew, who fought upon deck until driven under the gangway, forecastle
and hurricane decks by superior numbers, where they still kept it up,
and hurled at the enemy their pistols, boarding pikes, and whatever
they could find suitable for such a purpose after their small-arm
ammunition had been expended.
No formal surrender of the _Harriet Lane_ was made, and no man can tell
just when her capture could be considered complete. It is said that
her pennant was hauled down by James Dowland, Jr., clerk to Captain
Wharton, assistant quartermaster, and it is a settled fact, the claim
made by Major Leon Smith that he killed with his own hands Commander
Wainwright is not true, and could not be, as Wainwright was dead some
time before.
Why the casualties upon the _Harriet Lane_ and _Bayou City_ were
so light as they proved to be, is one of those rare circumstances
impossible to explain. While it lasted the fighting had been of
a desperate character on both sides; shot and dangerous missives
of destruction flew in all directions. Upon a comparison of notes
afterwards, officers of both sides considered it a miracle so few were
seriously injured. Many men suffered from bruises and light wounds,
easily healed, who are not mentioned in the official report of killed
and wounded.
Like their companions on shore the Confederates upon the _Bayou City_
were without discipline, and for a time after they had obtained control
of the _Harriet Lane_ her officers and crew were in danger of being
shot down in cold blood. Sailing Master Munroe, as he came down from
the hurricane-deck to surrender, had a shot-gun levelled at him, and
was shot in the face by a drunken Confederate loafer. He could not be
called a soldier, for soldiers do not act in such a cowardly manner.
This loafer met his deserved punishment then and there, by being
instantly shot through the head by Engineer Mullen.
Among the _Lane’s_ crew were several colored sailors who fought
nobly; and little Robert Cummings, a second-class white boy, with two
revolvers in his hands danced about the deck, continually yelling at
the top of his voice and sending a shot at the enemy every opportunity
he got, full of fight as any man aboard.
Beside the crew, made prisoners, were the following officers: Commander
Wainwright, killed; Lieutenant-Commander Edward Lea, mortally wounded
in bowels; Acting Master Charles H. Hamilton, wounded in arm; Acting
Master Josiah A. Hannum; Acting Master W. F. Munroe, seriously wounded;
Second Assistant Engineers M. H. Plunkett (in charge) and Charles H.
Stone; Third Assistant Engineers A. T. E. Mullen, Robert N. Ellis and
John E. Cooper; Assistant Surgeon Thomas N. Penrose; Paymaster R.
Julius Richardson.
When it was seen that the _Harriet Lane_ had been captured, the
_Clifton_ and _Owasco_ tried to get near enough to so disable her as
to be unfitted for use to the enemy. One of the eleven-inch shells,
fired while on the way, struck close to her stern-post, and opened a
hole in her hull large enough for a man to walk in. When this shell
from the _Owasco_ went into the stern, Paymaster Richardson was about
to open his stateroom door to obtain his watch. The entire shell passed
crashing through his room, while he was turning the door handle; a
moment sooner and he would have been killed or wounded.
The Confederates then placed the captured officers upon the
hurricane-deck, with a threat to shoot them down if another gun was
fired by the _Owasco_, an act of barbarism they would have carried out
in their state of excitement. The _Owasco_ got too close and within
easy range of the Confederate riflemen, who fired a volley that killed
and wounded several of the crew, including every man serving the rifled
gun. In consequence of this loss, all of her guns could not afterwards
be manned. The gunboats were short of a full complement of men; none of
them could suffer much loss without being seriously crippled.
None of the Confederate steamers were a match for any United States
vessel present. They were considered mere playthings by naval officers,
upon which an officer of sound judgment and discretion would not
have risked his life or reputation in attacking the Federal navy. An
ordinary man-of-war steam launch, armed with a light bow gun, could
have coped successfully with them. They took the chances, and by
nothing but good luck were saved from an ignominious defeat. Look and
see how this luck favored them: first, the _Harriet Lane_ should not
have been placed where she was, while two other vessels were present
who could have been more easily handled at this point of the channel;
second, she ran aground when on the verge of ramming the _Bayou City_,
and that steamer barely had time to save herself; third, the gun
missing fire that Hamilton had trained upon the _Bayou City_, which
undoubtedly would have sent that steamer where the _Neptune_ went.
Everything favored the Confederates at critical moments during the
engagement, and they had nothing to brag about, except good fortune,
for their dare-devil bravery.
After the volley had been fired the _Owasco_ fell back, opening fire
upon the city. In passing Kuhn’s Wharf, within thirty feet, she was
hailed by Colonel Burrell, to take his men off. This request was heard
on board, but no response given. The _Owasco_ kept on.
The _Bayou City_ and _Harriet Lane_, entangled and aground, disabled
for any service they could render in this fight, with the _Neptune_
sunk, were at the mercy of the Federal vessels if they acted promptly.
The _Lucy Govirn_ and _John F. Carr_ remained out of danger. In
this emergency Major Leon Smith ordered a white flag run up at 8
A.M., and adopted bluff tactics. Captain Lubbock was sent on
board the _Clifton_ and _Owasco_ to demand an immediate surrender of
the fleet. This demand was made of Lieutenant-Commander Law, who asked
what terms of surrender were offered, and received for a reply “that he
would be allowed a ship to remove his people, the balance of the public
property to be surrendered.” Law was also informed by Captain Lubbock,
that Wainwright and Lea were killed, with two-thirds of the crew killed
and wounded, a statement Acting Master Hannum, who was with Lubbock,
confirmed. The truth was, only ten out of a crew of one hundred and
twenty men were seriously injured. Hannum had lost his head and did not
know what he was about.
Commander Law asked for three hours’ time to consult with Commander
Renshaw, still aground near Pelican Spit, and a three hours’ truce was
then agreed upon at about eight o’clock. Law proposed to go with his
vessel, but Lubbock insisted he should go in his gig, anchoring the
_Clifton_ exactly where she was until the truce was over. Law thought
it was rather rough, but agreed. The senior officer of the _Harriet
Lane_ fit for duty, Acting Master Hannum, was allowed to go with Law,
on his parole of honor to return. All of the gunboats then displayed
white flags.
Renshaw refused to accede to the Confederate proposition, and ordered
Law to get every vessel out of port with despatch while he blew up the
_Westfield_, as all attempts to float her had failed.
Not receiving any communication from the navy, and at a loss to
understand what was going on, while the _Clifton_ and _Owasco_ had
dropped down the channel far enough to be out of direct range of the
enemy’s desultory musketry-fire which was kept up on the troops upon
the wharf, Colonel Burrell ordered Corporal Henry W. McIntosh, Company
D, to stand up upon the breastwork, with a piece of sail-cloth attached
to an oar-blade. Several handkerchiefs were also attached to bayonets
and raised in the air.
Corporal McIntosh was fired at several times, the bullets whizzing
very close, before the truce flag was acknowledged. General Magruder
afterwards apologized for this breach of the usages of war, explaining
the difficulty of managing the unruly men that formed his command, and
the personal exertions made by himself and staff-officers to stop the
firing. Magruder was called to account, for this action of his men, by
the Confederate War Department at Richmond. He had a personal interview
with Colonel Burrell, while a prisoner at Houston, and produced an
order calling upon him to report forthwith to the War Department, and
requested a signed document from the colonel stating the facts.
A cessation of hostilities for half an hour was asked, for the
express purpose of communicating with the fleet. This was granted
with the understanding that only one man was to leave the wharf. The
intention of Colonel Burrell was to prevail upon the naval commander
to send a gunboat to the wharf, embark his men at the expiration of
the half-hour, and assist the navy with his men if the fight was to
continue. No idea of a surrender entered his head at this time.
Selecting Adjutant Davis to see the naval commander, a difficulty
presented itself in obtaining a boat, as the one held at the wharf
was sunk. The Confederates had managed quietly to remove from the
neighborhood all of the row-boats without attracting any attention.
Fortunately two refugees just then passed towards the gunboats,
were hailed, ordered to the wharf, and took the adjutant into their
boat, proceeding towards the _Clifton_. While on the way a row-boat,
containing some Confederate officers and flying a flag of truce, tried
to overtake them. One of the officers ordered them to stop, when the
adjutant shouted: “I will see you d----d first,” and with his revolver
in hand ordered the refugees to row for all they were worth to the
_Owasco_, the nearest vessel, fearing some treachery.
On reaching the _Owasco_ he found that Commander Law, the ranking
officer, had gone to see Renshaw. Commander Wilson refused to do
anything until Law’s return, as the truce flags were up. No amount of
entreaty was of avail. Wilson’s attention was called to the fact that
the Confederates on shore had again manned their guns and moved others
into position, even while truce flags were up on shore--a violation of
the truce on their part. It was of no use, Adjutant Davis had to remain
until Commander Law should return.
The time agreed upon for cessation of hostilities expired. The
Confederates had replaced their artillery in favorable positions to
fully command the wharf. No reply had been received to the request
sent the naval commander, and the naval vessels had left the troops
without protection. Thus abandoned by his only support, not a sign
of succor from any source, his position completely at the mercy of
the enemy’s artillery, with riflemen posted in commanding and covered
places, when the Confederate truce flag came to the wharf, at the
expiration of the time agreed upon, Colonel Burrell proceeded to meet
it. After a discussion of terms of surrender, it was agreed that upon
an unconditional surrender the officers and men were to retain all of
their personal effects and all private baggage. Only property of the
United States, except knapsacks, haversacks and canteens, was to be
delivered up. The very best terms the enemy would concede.
Colonel Burrell then offered General Scurry his sword, which that
officer refused, saying: “Keep your sword colonel, a man’s done what
you have deserves to wear it.” The Confederate troops came down yelling
like mad people when the surrender was completed, and soon swarmed upon
the wharf. When Major-General Magruder, in a gorgeous uniform, met
Colonel Burrell, he remarked: “Don’t be cast down colonel, it is the
fortune of war; you will soon be paroled.” On his appearance upon the
wharf, Surgeon Cummings courteously offered him a glass of whiskey, but
Magruder declined with thanks. The numerous “colonels” and “majors,”
who seemed to be thick as bees, were not so backward, for they sampled
a case of fine liquors, the private property of the officers, in such a
manner that it was never seen afterwards.
To their anxious inquiries about the killed and wounded, when informed
none were killed with but few wounded they expressed great surprise,
expecting to find a heavy loss had been sustained. Magruder remarked
that they would probably never again be subjected to such a heavy fire
and suffer so small a loss.
An inspection of the breastwork disclosed that it was marked in
hundreds of places by bullets, while the storehouse looked like a
sieve. The officers occupied quarters in the storehouse on and after
the twenty-ninth. Previous to this time they had lived aboard the
_Saxon_, while she lay at the wharf. The enlisted men were in the
building. Some cooking was done on the _Saxon_ at the cooking-range;
but stoves having been procured on the twenty-seventh they were set up,
but not fully protected so as to prevent setting fire to the building
until the thirty-first, when they were ready for use. A pot of beans
was being baked in one of the stoves for the officers, who expected
next day to have a royal meal; a shot cut the stove funnel in two; the
stove sustained no damage; the next day Confederates enjoyed that royal
meal with the savory dish of New England.
The regimental flags were placed in the barracks between two heavy
beams. Lieutenant Cowdin received instructions, when landing, to keep
a sharp eye on the colors, and in no event allow them to be lost. Why
Lieutenant Cowdin at this period did not think of some way in which
to avoid their capture is excusable only on the ground that he was
severely wounded in the back and under the surgeon’s care. Why other
officers, or men, did not arrange to save them is a puzzle. To be
sure it was a time of intense anxiety and excitement; but the colors
should not have been forgotten. It was an easy matter to take them
from the staffs and either placed in somebody’s knapsack or have been
wound around the body of some man, under his clothing, and the staffs
destroyed, or, what would have been better, the flags could have been
torn into pieces and distributed amongst the men for keepsakes. The
enemy did not know so small a force had colors with them until they
were found after the action.
Confederate Major Shannon, who had been a prisoner of war in the
Federal hands and received kind treatment, as a mark of his gratitude
for that treatment, asked for and received permission to take care of
private baggage of the command, and prevent unruly men of Magruder’s
force from despoiling it. This was not an easy matter to do, but the
major succeeded in his purpose; the baggage was properly delivered in a
few days to the prisoners at Houston. The officers’ swords were passed
over to the provost-marshal at Houston, properly marked, to be returned
when the owners were paroled or exchanged. They never were seen again.
About nine o’clock arms had been stacked, knapsacks slung, and the
Forty-Second detachment marched from the wharf, passing between lines
of General Magruder’s force drawn up in the streets of Galveston, and
proceeded to some empty houses in the suburbs, where the men remained
until one o’clock in the afternoon. The captured crew of the _Harriet
Lane_ joined them during the forenoon.
As the troops marched from the wharf Commander Law returned. When
Adjutant Davis asked him what was going to be done, he replied: “The
_Harriet Lane_ is captured, Wainwright dead, and the fleet will
proceed to sea immediately.” Orders were sent to the little schooner
_Corypheus_ for the captain to scuttle her and take his men on board
some of the remaining vessels; but he asked permission to set sail, and
did so, saving her. With truce flags flying, the gunboats proceeded
to sea. The _Clifton_ lead, followed by the _Owasco_, then the
_Corypheus_, and last was the _Sachem_, whose commander, by diligent
work during the action, had patched up her boilers and got steam
started.
Renshaw sent the _Westfield’s_ crew on board transports _Saxon_ and
_Mary Boardman_, and a slow-match was applied to a train of powder
leading to her magazine. As no explosion took place at the expected
time, he went back in a row-boat with Lieutenant Zimmerman, Engineer
Green, two quartermasters, four firemen and five sailors. As Renshaw
was about coming over her side into the row-boat again, a premature
explosion took place. The _Westfield_ fell to pieces, and not a
vestige of the boat’s occupants was ever seen again. This was about
ten o’clock A.M. Her guns were afterwards recovered by the
enemy, and placed in battery to protect the harbor from another visit
by Federal vessels. News of Renshaw’s death reached Law when the
_Clifton_ was half-way towards the bar, placing him in command of the
navy, and that officer concluded to proceed at once to New Orleans,
abandoning the blockade from fear of an attack by the _Harriet Lane_,
although an officer on board the _Mary Boardman_ informed him another
transport-vessel would be down in forty-eight hours, and ought to be
warned. In the race for New Orleans the _Mary Boardman_ reached the
city first, followed next day by the _Clifton_, and afterwards the
_Saxon_ and _Honduras_.
The following account of how the _Westfield_ was destroyed is taken
from a letter written by William L. Burt, aide-de-camp to General
Hamilton, to Major-General Banks. Major Burt was on board transport
_Mary A. Boardman_, lying at anchor near the flag-ship _Westfield_:
“Captain Law had an interview with Commander Renshaw. Our vessel, the
_Mary Boardman_, was then alongside the _Westfield_, having endeavored
to haul her off. As soon as Captain Law left for his own vessel
Commander Renshaw sent an officer to us saying, that he was going to
blow up the _Westfield_, and requesting us to assist in taking off her
men and whatever could be saved. I remonstrated with this officer, that
it was unnecessary, and that the whole force could lie by and protect
the _Westfield_ until the tide turned (which was then running out),
when she would float, and we could save her, and as she was heavily
armed and of light draught she was invaluable. I also requested the
commander to come on board. This remonstrance was repeated to every
officer that came to my vessel with men. We received on board the men
and their baggage, with property of the ship, until our decks would
hold no more, and the rest was placed on the transport _Saxon_.
“At about ten A.M., while the commander’s boat and crew and
second cutter and crew were at the _Westfield_ to receive the last men,
the commander, having poured turpentine over the forward magazine and
just over where she was aground, set her on fire with his own hand.
He stepped down into his boat, in which were Lieutenant Zimmerman,
Chief-Engineer Green, and two oarsmen. The magazine immediately
exploded, tearing the bow of the vessel open and blowing her to pieces
to the water’s edge and back to the smoke-stack. After the explosion
no living thing could be seen. She did not sink, being aground; her
guns aft, which were double-shotted and run out, as the flames should
reach them, threatened us, at the short distance we were from her, with
destruction, which might have been foreseen when she was fired.
“Acting Sailing-Master Smalley took charge of us as pilot, and we
started for the bar. It was evident that we could not get over with
what we had on board, and we threw overboard everything on deck except
what belonged to the men of the _Westfield_. We went over the bar,
striking very heavily, followed by the _Saxon_, two small schooners,
the _Clifton_, _Owasco_ and _Sachem_, gunboats, leaving the _Harriet
Lane_ in the hands of the rebels, with two barks loaded with coal, and
one small schooner.”
The behavior of Colonel Burrell is spoken of in the highest terms by
officers and men who were under him. He walked the wharf during the
entire time the action continued, with shot and shell flying around in
unpleasant proximity. While risking his own life in this manner, in
order to be able to observe all that was taking place, he kept his men
under shelter as much as possible. They rose to their feet from behind
the breastwork only when ready to fire on the enemy.
All of the officers are entitled to credit for their gallant conduct
under the trying circumstances of this their first fight. Gallant
Captain Sherive especially showed marked courage and bravery.
The men, as a whole, behaved like veterans; not that there was no
quivering--there was; but no display of childish fear took place. Every
order given was obeyed with marked promptitude, and in such a manner to
show that they stood to their duty like men.
Many comical incidents happened during the engagement, and if all could
be remembered they would make a respectable-sized chapter. A few, that
the men often talked and laughed about, are here given: Frank Veazie,
officers’ cook, during the hot firing, kept up a promenade inside the
storehouse with his coat collar up and bent over as if rain was falling
upon him. Private Billy Burt, Company D, when all hands were crowded
for shelter near the breastwork, during the first hour, shouted: “For
God’s sake, get where the sergeants are and we will be safe!” The
quartermaster’s colored boy, Charlie Amos, fell asleep early in the
evening, sleeping through all the uproar, and did not awake until it
was over.
The loss by the United States naval squadron was:
_Clifton_--One wounded.
_Owasco_--One killed; fifteen wounded, including Commander Wilson.
_Harriet Lane_--Five killed; five wounded; exclusive of officers, one
hundred and ten sailors were made prisoners.
_Westfield_--Fourteen killed.
The Confederate loss is hard to ascertain. From the character of their
raw volunteers many men slightly wounded must have never been reported,
besides, their administration department was too loose for an exact
official report of casualties. While not so heavy as would be supposed
from the naval cannonade of the city, it is officially reported by
General Magruder to have been about twenty-six killed and one hundred
and seventeen wounded, but Surgeon Cummings, who had excellent
opportunities for knowing, places it at about three hundred killed and
wounded.[7] A part of the Confederate loss was known at the time to be
as follows:
[7] Andrew Parish, a lad of fourteen or fifteen years, Magruder’s
colored servant, who was with the general in Virginia and Texas, says
he saw at Galveston from fifty to seventy-five Confederate dead after
the action was over. With the usual proportion of wounded to killed,
Mr. Parish almost corroborates Surgeon Cummings.
Colonel Pyron’s regiment--Two killed; six wounded.
Captain Wilson’s battery-- ---- killed; four wounded.
On steamer _Bayou City_--Five killed; two wounded.
On steamer _Neptune_--Seven killed; twenty-eight wounded.
Among the Confederate officers placed _hors-de-combat_ were:
Surgeon Fisher, Colonel Cook’s regiment, killed.
Captain Weir, Company B, Texas artillery, killed on _Bayou City_.
Lieutenant Sidney W. Sherman, Texas artillery, killed.
Lieutenant Harvey Clark, Colonel Cook’s regiment, mortally wounded.
Major Dickinson, wounded in eye badly.
Major A. M. Lea, C. S. engineers, wounded.
Captain Schneider, slightly wounded.
Lieutenant Madden, slightly wounded.
Captain McMahan, slightly wounded.
Property captured by the enemy was as follows: the _Harriet Lane_ with
her fine battery, the guns on the _Westfield_, three sailing vessels
loaded with coal, viz., _Arthur_, _Cavallo_ and _Elias Pike_--these
vessels were said to have been burned by the navy, or set on fire--one
set regimental colors, one garrison flag, arms and ammunition, tents,
intrenching tools, commissary supplies, and quartermaster stores of
clothing, etc., etc., that the detachment carried to Galveston.
The garrison flag was afterwards found upon a Confederate Texan
soldier, made prisoner at Thibodeaux by Lieutenant Alf. Halstead,
Company K, One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York Infantry, on the
twenty-third June, 1863, a few days after the action at La-Fourche
Crossing, in which a detachment of the Forty-Second Regiment took part.
This soldier had got possession of the flag, and carefully preserved
it. By request of Lieutenant Halstead the flag was forwarded to
Governor John A. Andrew, to be placed among other State _mementos_ of
the war.
On the day of surrender the following vessels, with reënforcements and
military stores, were on the way to Galveston. Had the action been
delayed one week quite a respectable military force would have been
assembled upon the island.
Transport steamer _Cambria_, with Governor Hamilton and troops.
Transport steamer _Honduras_, with detachment First Vermont Battery,
Captain Hibbard.
Transport steamer _Charles Osgood_, with two companies Forty-Second
Regiment.
Transport steamer _Che-Kiang_, with three companies Forty-Second
Regiment, one company Texas cavalry, and a number of Texas refugees.
The _Honduras_ and _Charles Osgood_ were spoken in the Gulf by gunboat
_Clifton_, and returned to New Orleans. The _Che-Kiang_ lay at the
United States Barracks below New Orleans January 3d, ready to proceed
the next day, when the news was telegraphed from the Passes, and her
orders were countermanded. The _Cambria_ arrived off Galveston January
2d, and was fortunate to escape capture from well-laid plans of General
Magruder.
The following accounts were given by Sergeant Nichols, Company G,
Forty-Second Regiment, and by Purser Bach, steamer _Cambria_, before
it was known what steps were taken by the Confederates to catch the
transport steamer:
STATEMENT OF SERGEANT NICHOLS.
“The _Cambria_, Captain Sumner, arrived off Galveston Bar at three
o’clock P.M. January 2d. On board were three hundred men First
Texas Cavalry, Colonel Davis, recruited in New Orleans from Texas
refugees, and equipments for a full cavalry regiment; a detachment
First Vermont Battery with guns; Sergeants Nichols, Vialle, Attwell,
and Private Greene, all of Company G, Forty-Second Regiment, _en
route_ to join their company. A small brass cannon on deck was fired
several times to signal a pilot and notify the navy, without attracting
attention. Several refugees, ‘Nicaragua’ Smith, Foley, big ’Jack’
and others, volunteered and went in a row-boat to notify the fleet.
As his volunteers did not return, Captain Sumner remained off the
bar until morning without suspicion of any danger. About ten o’clock
A.M. next day a sloop, pilot flag up, with three or four men
aboard, approached and made an attempt to entice the steamer on the
bar, reporting she could follow, and they would take soundings. There
was ten and one-half feet of water on the bar, and the _Cambria_ drew
eleven feet. Not one of the men would come on board. After some talk
Captain Sumner became suspicious, and, in a loud voice, ordered: ’Men,
stand by the ports!’ although the steamer was not armed. Just then
a few refugees on board recognized Confederate Captain Payne on the
sloop, told Sumner of the fact, who ordered him to come on board the
_Cambria_ or the sloop would be blown to pieces. Captain Payne came
aboard, and, in answer to questions, said, Captain Wainwright was in
command of the fleet, with several other false stories, playing his
part well until he, in turn, recognized several faces on board. He
then knew he was trapped, and said: ‘The game is up, I am lying; the
Confederates are in possession of the city and harbor.’ The whole story
of what had occurred was then told, including a tale of the capture
of Smith and his comrades. Payne reported that the _Harriet Lane_
was about ready to come out after the _Cambria_, so Captain Sumner
allowed the other men on the sloop to get away, while he made haste
to reach New Orleans. This Captain Payne was placed in confinement on
a war-vessel at New Orleans. He was afterwards seen on the streets of
that city apparently a free man.”
“Nicaragua” Smith was tried by a court-martial, declared a traitor,
and shot January 8th, game to the last. Six balls entered his body.
A characteristic speech made by him when face to face with the firing
party would not bear repetition here. Two of his comrades escaped, but
Foley and big “Jack” managed to be paroled when the enlisted men were
sent to the Federal lines.
STATEMENT OF PURSER BACH.
“ON BOARD STEAMER CAMBRIA,
“January 7th, 1863.
“MAJOR-GENERAL BANKS,
“Commanding Department of the Gulf:
“The steamer _Cambria_, with two companies First Texas Cavalry, horses
of the Second Vermont Battery, and a great number of men, women and
children (refugees), left New Orleans for Galveston December 31st,
1862, at 9 P.M. Arrived outside the island January 2d, at
7 P.M. Strong wind and high sea running. No sign of pilot,
consequently came to anchor.
“Next morning, third instant, weather very hazy and high sea. We
commenced beating about, in the hope of a pilot coming to us, up to 12
M. No such success, during which time several of the refugees,
being well acquainted with the bar, were desirous of piloting us
in. The captain would not listen to any such suggestions. They then
offered to take one of the life-boats and go for a pilot, to which
he also dissented; but, upon the earnest solicitations of officers
and refugees, amounting almost to a demand, he reluctantly consented,
and the boat left, manned by six men, two of whom were soldiers and
four refugees. This was about 12.30 P.M. The colonel sent a
pressing letter to the officer in command, stating that we were in
distress, the horses on board suffering from the rough weather, and
demanding assistance.
“About 7 P.M. the weather cleared to bright moonlight; sea
more calm. The boat did not return, and hopes for her safety were given
up, as it was supposed she might have swamped in crossing the bar. At
this time three shells were plainly visible as having been fired from
near the city, which was the first cause of uneasiness on the part of
our captain. On the supposed warning the colonel had his men called
together and put in readiness in case of emergency. Nothing further
transpired, however, during the night.
“The next morning the day broke clear, the sun shining bright, with
the city and its surroundings in full view. We hoisted pilot-jack and
blew the whistle about eight o’clock, which signal was answered by
pilot-boat inside the bar, near a schooner, and a bark with American
colors flying, which proved to be the bark _Cavallo_. After the boat
came toward us she tacked, apparently running and sounding the bar.
She then went toward the bark and lowered her jack, signifying that
she had put the pilot on board. In the meantime the pilot-boat shot
up alongside and asked: ‘How much water do you draw, captain?’ To
which he replied: ‘Nine and a half to ten feet.’ The answer then
was: ‘You can go in; there is plenty of water on the bar.’ ‘Are you
a pilot?’ was then demanded. _Reply._--’No, but you can follow us
in.’ _Question._--’Where is the pilot?’ _Answer._--’On the bark.’
_Question._--’Why does he not come out for us?’ _Answer._--’Because
he had special orders to take the bark out first.’ In the meantime we
separated some distance. Again the pilot-boat shot up alongside, when
the captain ordered the pilot on board, when he replied: ‘There are
too many men there for me.’ He then immediately hauled jib-sheet to
windward, slacked off the main-sheet, and put his helm hard to port,
with the intention of getting clear. Seeing this, the captain ordered
the steamer backed, which placed the steamer between the pilot-boat
and the bar. The captain then called out: ‘Stand by your guns, fore
and aft, and be ready to fire. Do not open your port-holes before
the colonel gives the word.’ The pilot-boat then came to, and the
pilot said he would come on board. The colonel asked him who was in
command. His immediate reply was: ‘Captain Wainwright.’ After several
unimportant questions and answers he was recognized and called by
name by one of the refugees, by which he was apparently confused and
lost his presence of mind. Seeing that the captain looked upon him
with marked suspicion, he said: ’Gentlemen, I cannot lie any longer;
Galveston is in the hands of the Confederacy.’ The captain, hearing
that the _Harriet Lane_ was in their hands and as she was reported
uninjured, immediately put the steamer to sea. The counterfeit pilot,
T. W. Paine, was, of course, detained on board as prisoner. The
pilot-boat and crew were permitted to depart, as the colonel thought by
their returning it would give us more time to escape.
“About nine o’clock on the evening of the fifth instant we met the
United States sloop-of-war _Brooklyn_, and was boarded by an officer
from her, to whom we gave the foregoing information. We afterward
learned that the boat sent ashore with the six men was detained and the
men taken prisoners.
“Respectfully submitted,
“LEWIS BACH,
“_Acting-Purser Steamer Cambria_.”
What steps were taken to entrap the _Cambria_, or any transports
unlucky enough to arrive while the United States gunboats fled to
New Orleans, is described by General Magruder in his official report
of the action. He says: “Having buried the dead, taken care of the
wounded, and secured the captured property, my exertions were directed
to getting the _Harriet Lane_ to sea. The enemy’s ships fled to New
Orleans, to which place one of their steam transports was dispatched
during the action. I knew that a large naval force might be expected to
return in a few days. I therefore ordered the employment at high wages
of all the available mechanics to repair the _Harriet Lane_, her main
shaft having been dislocated and her iron wheel greatly disabled, so
that the engine could not work. The United States flags were ordered to
remain flying on the custom-house and at the mast-heads of the ships,
so as to attract into the harbor any of the enemy’s vessels which might
be bound for the port of Galveston. A line of iron buoys, which we had
established for the guidance of his ships in the harbor, were displaced
and so arranged as to insure their getting aground.
“On the third of January, I being then on board of the _Harriet Lane_,
a yawl-boat, containing several men, in command of a person named
Thomas Smith, recently a citizen of Galveston, and who had deserted
from our army, was reported alongside. He informed me he was sent from
the United States transport-steamship _Cambria_, then off the bar, for
a pilot, and that they had no idea of the occupation of the city by us.
I forthwith ordered a pilot-boat, under command of Captain Johnson, to
bring in this ship, but, through a most extraordinary combination of
circumstances, the vessel which contained E. J. Davis and many other
apostate Texans, besides several hundred troops and 2,500 saddles for
the use of native sympathizers, succeeded in making her escape. The
man Smith, who had, it is said, several times set fire to the city of
Galveston before he deserted, had been known as Nicaragua Smith, and
was dreaded by every one. He returned to Galveston in order to act as
Federal provost-marshal. His arrival produced much excitement, during
which some one without orders sent a sail-boat to Pelican Spit, now
occupied by our troops, to direct the commanding officer there not fire
on our pilot-boat, although she was under Yankee colors. The sail-boat
thus sent was at once supposed to be destined for the Yankee transport.
The pilot-boat gave chase to her, and the guns from the shore opened on
her within hearing of the ship.
“Night coming on, I thought it surer, as the alarm might be taken, to
capture her at sea before morning; but the _Harriet Lane_ could not
move, and our cotton gunboats could not live on the rough sea on the
bar. Therefore one of the barks, the _Royal Yacht_, a schooner of ours,
the pilot-boat and the _Leader_, a schooner loaded with cotton, which
I had ordered to be sent to a foreign port, with a proclamation of the
raising of the blockade at Galveston, were directed to be prepared
and armed with light artillery. This was done by two o’clock the same
night, our little fleet being manned by volunteers, under the command
of Captain Mason, of Cook’s regiment of artillery.
“Unfortunately the wind lulled, and none but the pilot-boat could
reach the enemy’s ship. The pilot-boat went out under the command of a
gallant sailor, Captain Payne, of Galveston. The enemy’s ship proved
to be a splendid iron steamer, built in the Clyde. I had ascertained
from her men taken ashore that she had only two guns, and they were
packed on deck under a large quantity of hay, and I anticipated an easy
conquest and one of great political importance, as this ship contained
almost all the Texans out of the State who had proved recreant to their
duty to the Confederacy and to Texas. The pilot-boat was allowed to get
close to the ship, when the boat was hailed and the pilot ordered to
come on board. Captain Payne answered that he thought there were rather
too many men to trust himself to; whereupon he was directed to come on
board, or he would be fired into. He went on board as ordered, and soon
after the steamer sailed in all haste seaward, leaving the pilot-boat
and hands to return to us.
“I am thus particular in this narration as the friends of Captain
Payne fear that he may meet with foul play from the enemy. I shall
ascertain, through Commodore Bell, his fate, and act accordingly.
Smith, the deserter, was tried regularly the next day before a general
court-martial, and, being convicted of deserting to the enemy, was
publicly shot in Galveston, in accordance with his sentence. The
proceedings, which were formal in all respects, legal and regular, are
forwarded.”
* * * * *
The following papers, connected with this action, are here given. The
first, a dispatch from William L. Burt, was the first news sent North
of the action, and naturally caused many a heart to ache for relatives
and friends supposed to be at Galveston:
“SOUTHWEST PASS, LA.,
“January 3d, 1863, 1.45 P.M.
“MAJOR-GENERAL BANKS:
“I have received the following dispatch, which I hasten to communicate:
“’ON BOARD MARY BOARDMAN,
“’January 3d, 1863, 12 noon.
“’N. P. BANKS,
“’Commanding Department of the Gulf:
“’Galveston was attacked by land and water on the morning of January
1st. Colonel Burrell and his men were all killed or taken prisoners.
Four rebel rams made an attack on the _Harriet Lane_, and carried her
by boarding. Captain Wainwright and Lieutenant Lee killed, and all
the men killed or prisoners. The captain of the _Owasco_ (Wilson) was
killed. Commander Renshaw blew up the flag-ship _Westfield_ to prevent
her from falling into the hands of the enemy. He was killed, and also
First-Lieutenant Zimmerman. Two barks loaded with coal fell into the
hands of the rebels. We have some seventy men from the _Westfield_
on board. They must have some arrangements for taking charge of them
immediately on our arrival, as we have only our own crew.
“’WM. L. BURT,
“’_Major and Aide-de-Camp, Staff of General Hamilton_.’
“C. HUGGINS.”
General Banks, in a letter to Major-General Halleck, gives as his
reason for sending Colonel Burrell to Galveston, the following:
“HEADQUARTERS DEPT. OF THE GULF,
“NEW ORLEANS, LA., January 7th, 1863.
(_Extract._)
“_Sir_: The detachment of troops was sent to Galveston upon the
suggestion of Admiral Farragut, and upon the statement of General
Butler, that he had contemplated ordering a small force there to assist
in recruiting Texas refugees. It was supposed that the fleet made the
occupation of the part of the island adjacent to the gunboats perfectly
secure. It would not, however, have been sent forward so soon after my
arrival had it not been for the impatience of General Hamilton. When it
became known that our destination was New Orleans and not Texas, which
was not until our arrival here, those connected with him became very
violent, and denounced unsparingly the Government and all connected
with the expedition for what was called bad faith in its management.
“General Hamilton is not a bad man, but he does not manifest great
force of character, and is surrounded by men who came here on the
Government transports, unbeknown to me, for base, speculative purposes,
and nothing else. I notified him of the conduct of these men, and he
promised to correct it, but has not yet done so. He explains their
presence by saying, that in the North he became indebted to them for
pecuniary assistance. I sent him notice that they would be required to
leave the Department if their course was approved by him.
“It was mainly the impatience of these people that prompted me to
forward the detachment to Galveston; but only upon the concurrence of
Admiral Farragut and General Butler as to its expediency and safety.
Such is a full statement of my participation in this affair.
“I have the honor to be, with much respect,
“your obedient servant,
“N. P. BANKS,
“_Major-General commanding_.
“MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK,
“_Commander-in-Chief U. S. Army_.”
The flag-of-truce scheme, so fortunately put into use by Major Smith,
led to some correspondence on the subject between General Magruder and
Commodore Bell, commanding United States forces off Galveston. None
of this correspondence is of material interest to the Forty-Second
Regiment, except the following extract from a letter by Colonel Debray
to Commodore Bell, January 22d, viz.: “As to your complaint of a breach
of truce in connection with the Forty-Second Massachusetts, I would
respectfully state that the land troops were not embraced in the terms
of truce on the 1st instant, either directly or indirectly. As soon as
daylight came they could have been destroyed by our guns and musketry
in five minutes. To avert a misunderstanding on this subject with you,
which Major-General Magruder would much regret, he will send a full
statement by to-morrow morning.”
The full statement of Magruder to Bell is embraced in the following
papers sent to the Confederate War Department in Richmond, Va., by
Major-General Magruder, in justification of himself. It is proper to
state that the statement signed by Colonel Burrell, was drafted after
a long consultation between his officers, and, while not correct in
every respect, the officers felt under obligations to Generals Magruder
and Scurry, for favors granted and expected, and were disposed to help
Magruder out of his muddle with the Confederate War Department. The
documents were:
“The following document is not to be considered or used as official in
any way, but as strictly personal.
“ISAAC S. BURRELL,
“_Colonel 42d Regt. Mass. Vols._
“_Statement in relation to the surrender of a portion of the
Forty-Second Regiment, Massachusetts Volunteers, at Galveston,
Texas, on the morning of January 1st, A.D. 1863, to the
Confederate forces under the command of Major-General J. B.
Magruder, with the circumstances attending the surrender_:
“After the steamer _Harriet Lane_ had raised the white flag in token
of surrender, the white flag was also raised by the Forty-Second
Regiment by order of the colonel commanding; but the fire continuing
for ten or fifteen minutes from the wharf and the brick building above
Kuhn’s Wharf, where the said Forty-Second Regiment was stationed, when
Brigadier-General Scurry came down to Kuhn’s Wharf and demanded the
unconditional surrender of the troops on the wharf the firing ceased
and was not resumed so far as the wharf is concerned.
“The surrender was made immediately, and the battle terminated, so far
as said Forty-Second Regiment was concerned. Between the time the white
flag was raised on the wharf and the cessation of the firing only one
man was wounded and none killed.
“This statement is made in justice to Brigadier-General Scurry, who, by
his gentlemanly conduct and uniform kindness to officers and privates,
is entitled to the grateful remembrance of the whole command. We
believe that the firing after the white flag was raised was unknown to
him and against his will or orders.
“The flag of truce was not raised on the wharf by the Forty-Second
Regiment until every vessel in the harbor had raised one.
“When the demand for surrender was made by Brigadier-General Scurry,
the colonel of the Forty-Second Regiment asked to be allowed the same
time given to the fleet for consideration (three hours), but his
request was refused.
“Having carefully examined the above statement, I believe it to be true
in every point, and accordingly I have affixed my signature thereto.
“ISAAC S. BURRELL,
“_Colonel 42d Regt. Mass. Vols._”
This was enclosed in a letter sent to Richmond, Va., by General
Magruder, of which the following is an extract:
“HOUSTON, TEXAS, January 23d, 1863.
“This statement made by Colonel Burrell, commanding the detachment
of the Forty-Second Massachusetts Regiment Volunteers, captured at
Galveston on the 1st instant, it will be seen agrees in every important
particular with the statement furnished by me in my communication to
Commodore Bell. Our naval officers distinctly state that the white flag
hoisted on board the ship did not apply to the land force. Captain
Lubbock, the commander of one of our gunboats, who arranged with the
senior officer in command of the Federal fleet the terms of the truce,
stated, on his return from the Federal flag-ship, to Brigadier-General
Scurry, in the presence of Colonel Burrell, that the land troops were
not embraced in these terms, directly or indirectly, he having been
sent by Captain Leon Smith, commanding our fleet of gunboats, to demand
the surrender of the rest of the Federal fleet, and to give the Federal
commander three hours’ time to accept or decline his demand, during
which time the fire was to cease between the ships. I knew nothing
of the arrangements, nor did any officer ashore, and when Captain
Lubbock, on his return, touched at Kuhn’s Wharf, where the Forty-Second
Massachusetts Regiment was stationed, he gave the above information to
Brigadier-General Scurry in the presence of Colonel Burrell, and the
latter surrendered unconditionally, after his request to be allowed the
same time given the ships was refused. Had the Federal commander of
the land forces been in superior force to myself and engaged in battle
ashore he would certainly have prosecuted his advantage to the utmost,
regardless of a truce between two fleets, which he had not authorized.
If necessary, I think it can be fully established also that the Federal
troops ashore were ready to surrender the moment daylight gave them an
opportunity of doing so, and would have done it even before daylight
had it been possible.
“I have also to state that I am informed by Brigadier-General Scurry,
who was in that portion of the battle, that the white flag displayed
from Kuhn’s Wharf was respected the moment it was seen.”
With the exception of Private Hersey, left to help take care of
baggage, wounded men taken to hospital, Surgeon Cummings, left to
attend them, and naval officers to attend the funeral of Wainwright
and Lea, all of the prisoners marched to Virginia Point in the
afternoon, where they were obliged to wait until half-past one o’clock
A.M. next day, January 2d, for cars to transport them to
Houston.
On arrival at that city, about noon, the depot was reported to be
crowded with people, and the train was stopped half a mile out. The
men then marched, under guard, through Houston to their quarters in
a cotton warehouse near Buffalo Bayou. The officers were confined in
Kennedy’s building, corner of Travis and Congress Streets.
On the march through crowded streets, many bantering remarks were
made, mostly by women, who were exceedingly bitter and sarcastic. The
men had been cautioned by their colonel not to pay any attention to
insults, which they must expect to receive, but carry themselves as if
on parade. They did march through the City of Houston as if on parade,
giving the people a sight of good marching, military bearing and good
manners such as they had not seen before.
In passing the _Houston Telegraph_ newspaper office, where from the
windows was displayed the captured regimental colors underneath the
Texas Lone Star Flag, the men got mad, some of them threatening to “go
for them.” Cool counsel prevailed, and no trouble occurred.
The _Houston Telegraph_, in giving an account of the arrival of the
prisoners, said they were acknowledged Americans, with an occasional
foreigner to be seen among them, either Irish or Dutch. Gave them
credit for being well dressed and good looking. Spoke of Colonel
Burrell as a tall, slim specimen of a man, who was much stared at by
the people, but he never lifted his eyes from the ground during the
march. As the prisoners of war marched up Main Street they were well
treated, and received from the Houstonites the compliment of being a
fine-looking body of men, who ought to be ashamed of themselves for
volunteering their services in the villainy of trying to subjugate a
chivalrous people.
At the hospitals in Galveston Surgeon Cummings remained until the
eighteenth of January, attending Federal wounded, also assisting the
Confederate surgeons. Sisters of Mercy, attached to the Convent of St.
Leon, rendered service to the wounded of both sides impartially. On the
tenth, while a gunboat was shelling the city from the Gulf side, some
shells exploded in the convent yard, necessitating removal of patients
to a small, wooden school-house, when a hospital flag was raised, which
stopped further mischief.
Commander Wainwright and Lieutenant Lea, of the _Harriet Lane_, were
buried with Masonic and military honors on the second. Major Lea, C.
S. A., father of the lieutenant, officiated at the grave, reading the
Episcopal Church burial service in a firm, unfaltering voice to the
end, when he gave way to his feelings and wept like a child. The rest
of the killed were buried on the third.
Surgeon Cummings, on the twentieth of January, found time to make the
following official report of the killed and wounded:
“HOUSTON, TEXAS, January 20th, 1863.
“COLONEL I. S. BURRELL,
“42d Regt. Mass. Vols.:
“_Sir_,--The following is a correct list of the wounded of said
Forty-Second Regiment at the battle of Galveston, January 1st, 1863:
=====================+====+==========+===================+============
NAME. | CO.| RANK. | HOW WOUNDED. | RESULT.
---------------------+----+----------+-------------------+------------
Francis L. Nott. | G. | Private. | Shell in left | Died in 17
| | | side of bowels. | hours.
Jos. W. D. Parker. | G. | “ | Ball in arm. | Recovering.
Edmund B. Doubel. | G. | “ | Ball in left | “
| | | hand, severe. |
George R. Dary. | G. | “ | Ball in left arm, | “
| | | above elbow. |
Thos. T. Sweetser. | G. | “ | Buckshot in chin, | “
| | | slight. |
James L. Davis. | G. | “ | Splinter in face, | “
| | | slight. |
John M. Barnard, Jr. | G. | “ | Spent ball in | “
| | | left leg, |
| | | slight. |
John T. Cook. | G. | “ | Splinter in leg, | “
| | | slight. |
David L. Wentworth. | | Act-Ord. | Shell in leg. | “
| | Sergt. of| |
| | regt. | |
Wm. H. Cowdin. | D. |1st Lieut.| Ball in back. | “
Francis L. Morrill. | D. | Private. | Minnie ball in | I fear loss
| | | hand, severe. | of arm.
Tobias Enslee. | D. | “ | Splinter in head, | Recovering.
| | | slight. |
Edwin F. Josselyn. | D. | “ | Shell in head, | “
| | | severe. |
Daniel J. Sullivan. | D. | “ | Minnie ball in | “
| | | hand, severe. |
Jas. O’Shaughnessy. | D. | “ | Shell in both | “
| | | legs, right |
| | | leg amputated. |
=====================+====+==========+===================+============
“These are all the casualties in our regiment in the late severe
battle, in which the only wonder is that one of us lived to tell the
story. It seems indeed providential that so few are wounded and none
killed on the spot. We have to mourn the loss of one noble fellow, Nott
of Company G, a brave soldier and an excellent man, and to regret the
loss of a leg of Company D, O’Shaughnessy, who is recovering rapidly. I
amputated his leg just below the knee, in order to give him the benefit
of the joint, which was not injured.
“I have the honor to be, dear sir,
“Yours faithfully,
“A. I. CUMMINGS,
“_Surgeon 42d Mass. Regt. Vols._”
Besides the above, there were wounded, who did not report to the
surgeon: Private John Barnes, Company D, slightly in leg; and Private
James W. Vinal, Company G, slightly in hip.
Quartermaster-Sergeant Foster was standing by the breastwork in
conversation with Private Hersey when the first shot was fired,
glanced on the breastwork and passed into the building. In a moment
of excitement Foster fell wounded, so Hersey thought, but on an
examination of a wound he received, a bad cut of a thumb, it proved
to have been made by oyster shells upon which he had fallen. It was
jocularly reported Foster had received a shell wound in the action.
Private Nott was wounded during the first hour. He had got behind a
hawser-post, where Colonel Burrell found him moaning faintly, with a
terrible wound in the side and bowels. He was not apparently suffering
any intense pain. To the question, if he was badly hurt, he replied,
“Yes, in the side,” and begged for water. Private Hersey went into
the building and got it, which appeared to revive him somewhat from a
state of apathy. When the surgeon got an opportunity to examine his
case, Nott was told he could not live many hours, as he was bleeding
internally, and any message for home had better be given then.
Private O’Shaughnessy was wounded during the first half hour. He yelled
like an Indian on the war-path, and was carried into the hospital-room,
where the surgeon remained at his post the entire time that the enemy’s
fire was concentrated upon it.
Privates Enslee and Josselyn were wounded at the commencement, while
standing ready to fire before the order was heard to lie down. A solid
shot, or a shell, struck and crashed through the breastwork, splinters
wounding Enslee in the head. A fragment of shell ruined Josselyn’s
musket, knocked it overboard, then glanced to his head. The wound bled
profusely, but Josselyn did not know he was hit until blood was running
down his face. Upon reporting at the hospital he was so covered with
blood Surgeon Cummings was unable to recognize him. Binding his head up
with a handkerchief, Josselyn returned to his post.
Private Morrill, when wounded, tied a handkerchief around his hand and
kept his place in the ranks until the action was over before reporting
to the surgeon.
Lieutenant Cowdin was wounded while lying down, during the first
hour. A canister shot struck the storehouse brick chimney, knocking
it to pieces, the debris flying in all directions. Supposing he had
been wounded by a falling brick, on standing up he was surprised to
find several small shot ran down his clothing into a boot; they had
struck him in the back, low down, going through coat, shirt, pants and
under-drawers.
Company I, from its sheltered position, had no casualties. Private
Eaton had his bayonet cut in halves, another man received a ball in
his hat, and Private Paget had a ball cut his haversack straps.
An official report of the action was not made to General Banks, until
July, 1864, when Colonel Burrell arrived in New Orleans, paroled and
exchanged.
“NEW ORLEANS, July 27th, 1864.
“TO MAJOR GEORGE B. DRAKE,
“_Assistant Adjutant-General_:
“_Major_,--Pursuant to orders, I proceeded with my command to
Galveston, Texas, and took post. I arrived there December 24th, 1862,
landed next day on Kuhn’s Wharf, and fortified by building barricades,
and tearing up the bridge, making my position as strong as possible.
“I took possession of the city as far as my small force would allow;
my scouts destroyed the telegraph running to Houston; and I took such
precautions as I thought necessary for holding the place. Commander
Renshaw, who had command of the fleet, laid four months within musket
shot of this telegraph and had allowed it to remain in working order.
We found the railroad in good condition. Signals were thrown up every
night, giving the enemy all the information they wanted.
“I requested Commander Renshaw to go up the bay with two of his
lightest draft steamers and dislodge the enemy. I also requested the
use of two howitzers, which were on board of a schooner, and of no use
to the schooner. Both requests he refused to grant.
“I landed my command on the wharf with the distinct understanding that
I was to be supported by the steamer _Harriet Lane_ on my right and
the steamer _Clifton_ on my left. On the morning of the first January,
1863, about four o’clock, I was attacked by a force of infantry and
cavalry, amounting to over six thousand men, with thirty-two pieces of
artillery. The only support I received was from the steamer _Sachem_,
and the schooner _Corypheus_ manned with fifteen men and one gun.
The steamer _Sachem_ was out of order, with her fires out to repair
boilers. The _Harriet Lane_ laid so far up the stream she was unable
to retreat, and became easy prey. The steamer _Owasco_ was two miles
below the city, with little or no steam up. The steamer _Westfield_,
with Commander Renshaw aboard, managed to get aground three miles below
the city, and signaled for the _Clifton_ to come and get her off. At
this time the enemy opened their heavy guns upon me from the head of
the wharf, and continued to throw shot and shell for one hour, when
they made an assault with two of their regiments to drive me from my
position. We repulsed them, and they retreated with severe loss. My
officers and men fought with great gallantry. Being without artillery I
had to rely upon the _Sachem_ and a little schooner for support.
“At this time two cotton boats attacked the _Harriet Lane_, driving the
men from their guns, killing Captain Wainwright. The steamer _Owasco_
came up and fired a few shots, also the _Clifton_, who had fired but
seven or eight shots when a flag of truce was entertained, and they
agreed to cease hostilities for three hours, and immediately dropped
down stream without consulting me at all in the matter. At this time
the enemy were in full retreat from the wharf; the artillery had
limbered up and withdrawn.
“In a short time they returned, and immediately put their guns in
position and opened fire. I had no alternative but to surrender after
the fleet had left. Entirely deserted by the navy in a cowardly manner.
They had agreed to take my command off the wharf if we were hard
pressed. The steamers _Clifton_ and _Owasco_ passed by, but refused
to render any assistance. After receiving the fire of the enemy for a
half-hour, and receiving no assistance, I was compelled to surrender
myself and my command.
“The fleet, at the expiration of the three hours agreed upon by flag
of truce (except the _Westfield_, which was blown up), ran out of the
harbor without firing a shot.
“It is my opinion and belief that Commander Renshaw was a traitor, he
being in constant communication with the enemy. Commander Law proved
himself unworthy of his command. In not holding Galveston we lost the
key to Texas.
“Enclosed please find the report of my excellent and lamented surgeon,
Dr. A. I. Cummings.
“The following is a list of the amount of property lost and
surrendered: two hundred and seventy small-arms, (one hundred and
eighty Springfield smooth-bores and ninety Springfield rifles);
equipments for two hundred and sixty men; medical stores to the amount
of $1,000; one set of surgical instruments; twenty A tents and three
wall tents; five boxes of ammunition; twenty days’ rations for two
hundred and sixty men.
“I remain, major,
“Very respectfully,
“I. S. BURRELL,
“_Colonel 42d Regt. Mass. Vols._”
Admiral Farragut severely censured the naval officers for their conduct
in this action, and would not listen to any explanations. He was
chagrined at the capture of the _Harriet Lane_. When her crew, under
parole, reported to him, on their return to the Federal lines, he gave
them a severe lecture, and accused each and every man of cowardice,
threatening to punish those who tried to offer an excuse. The sailors
said they had never seen the “old man” so mad. A bitter feeling existed
among the _Harriet Lane’s_ crew against the _Clifton’s_ crew, which led
to several fistic encounters in New Orleans, when they met each other.
A full inquiry into the cause of the disaster had been made by Admiral
Farragut. A court-martial, held on board the flag-ship _Hartford_,
had resulted in condemning Commanders Law and Wilson. The blame for
this defeat had been placed where it belonged, and when the exchanged
officers of the regiment left New Orleans for New York, General Banks
placed in the colonel’s hands the following letter:
“HEADQUARTERS DEPT. OF THE GULF,
“NEW ORLEANS, August 5th, 1864.
“TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR ANDREW,
“Of Massachusetts:
“_Sir_,--Colonel Isaac S. Burrell, of the Forty-Second Massachusetts
Volunteers, left New York with the troops under my command at the time
I entered service in this Department. Two days after I assumed command
here he was sent with his regiment to protect the island of Galveston,
which had been for three months in the possession of the naval
authorities of the United States. Two companies of his regiment, under
his own command, arrived there on the twenty-fourth of December, 1862.
The plans of the rebels for the recapture of the island had been so far
matured that before the balance of his regiment could reach the island
(a large part of which was within sight at the time the recapture
occurred), it was impossible for him, with his small force, to defend
the post or effect a retreat with his men. By an arrangement with the
commanding officer of the naval squadron the rebels had maintained a
railway communication from the main-land to the island, and upon the
night of the attack they ran their forces of five or six thousand, with
heavy artillery, to within a quarter of a mile of the position occupied
by Colonel Burrell. It is unnecessary for me to recount the facts
connected with this disaster to our arms, but it is just to Colonel
Burrell, to say, that it is in no wise attributable to him, but that
his conduct and that of his men, from the testimony of all parties, was
highly creditable to the service.
“He has been held prisoner of war by the enemy from the first of
January, 1863, until recently exchanged. He has suffered greatly in
health, and is entitled to consideration from the officers of the
general government, as from the officers of the State of Massachusetts.
I commend him to the favor of your Excellency, as in all respects
worthy of favorable consideration.
“I have the honor to be
“Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
“N. P. BANKS,
“_Major-General commanding_.”