that Santa Fé, the capital of New Mexico, is also its oldest Spanish
settlement, and even the oldest city in the United States. It is obvious
that the latter opinion is incorrect, for St. Augustine in Florida dates
from 1560. After Coronado’s retreat from New Mexico in 1542 no Spaniard
entered the territory till 1580, consequently no city was founded there
by them; and it is well known that Coronado left no settlers there.
Santa Fé is therefore, in any event, younger than St. Augustine, for it
was built after 1580.
Concurrently with the belief that Santa Fé is the oldest city in New
Mexico prevailed the legend that it occupied the site of a populous
Indian settlement, of a native seat of government for all the pueblos of
the Province. This fable is wholly destitute of documentary proof, and
is not supported by any traditional or archæological evidence. The
present city covers the ruins of an Indian village, and the earthworks
of old Fort Marcy have partly obliterated the remains of another, older
one. The older village contained hardly five hundred inhabitants; the
more modern one, of which one house besides San Miguel’s Church is still
standing, numbered seven hundred souls in the year 1630. The plateau of
Santa Fé contains besides these two ruins only four sites of remains of
Indian dwelling-places or pueblos. Five miles south are two, one smaller
and one larger, on the banks of the usually dry “Arroyo Hondo.” The
small village contained not quite two hundred, the larger one--which is
called “Cua-Kaa” by the Tanos, to whom it belongs--less than eight
hundred souls. Both were deserted before the middle of the sixteenth
century. Twelve miles southwest lie the ruins of “Tzigu-ma,” near the
place called “Ciénega.” This village also, which was abandoned after
1680, never numbered one thousand inhabitants. Lastly, there is San
Marcos, or “Yaa-tze,” eighteen miles south-southwest of Santa Fé, near
the so-called “Cerrillos.” In the year 1680 it contained six hundred
Indians, and the extent of the ruins leads me to the conclusion that
this number was not at any time doubled. The plain of Santa Fé, which
includes an area of hardly one hundred square miles, thus never held
more than three thousand settled inhabitants before the advent of the
Spaniards, and these were distributed among not more than four villages
inhabited at one time. None of these villages could compare in
population with Pecos, Hauicu, Pilabó (or Socorro), Teypaná (or
Quivira), etc., or with the Zuñi of to-day.
Those villages were inhabited in the sixteenth century and from a long
time before by the Indians called “Tanos.” The Tanos were Tehuas; they
constituted the southern half of that great linguistic stock; and their
territory extended from Pojuaque (“P’ho-zuang-ge”), seventeen miles
north of Santa Fé, to San Pedro (“Cua-Kaa”), forty miles southwest.
Their traditions are fully confirmed by the archæological remains; but
these traditions make not the slightest mention of a “center of
population,” or of a New Mexican “Indian capital,” at Santa Fé.
The pueblo on the ruins of which Santa Fé stands is called
“Cua-P’ho-o-ge,” or “Cua-Pooge” (mussel-pearl-place-on-the-water). That
the place, and even the district, played no prominent part in the
sixteenth century, appears from the fact that no Spanish document
specially mentions it till after the founding of the capital.
The plateau is dry and barren. The little Rio de Santa Fé sinks into the
sand not far from the present capital, and issues from it again at the
“Ciénega,” or the entrance to what is called the “Bocas.” The Arroyo
Hondo is entirely dry; the village of Cua-Kaa, as well as San Marcos,
get their water from a spring situated near them. The scarcity of water,
which is still very much felt, would make any aggregation of native
settlers around Santa Fé absolutely impossible.
The historians of Coronado hardly mention the region. Probably Cua-Pooge
was one of the seven villages which Casteñeda mentions as lying near the
snowy mountains.[93] The accounts of the eight Spanish soldiers who went
in the year 1580 with the unfortunate Franciscan monks Fray Augustin
Rodriguez, Fray Juan Lopez, and Fray Juan de Santa Maria to Bernalillo
on the Rio Grande, prove that neither the escort nor the missionaries
set foot upon the Santa Fé plateau.
In the year 1583 Antonio de Espejo, going east from the Queres villages
on the Rio Grande, arrived at the Tanos and Galistéo. He called them
“Ubates”--a corruption of the word “Puya-tye,” by which the Queres now
designate the Tanos. He there touched upon the southern part of the
plain of Santa Fé. He mentions five Tanos pueblos, and estimates their
population at 20,000 souls. Espejo was a careful and intelligent
observer, except that his estimates of population are always exaggerated
at least four times. The exaggerations arise from the fact that whenever
the Spaniards visited a village not only the people of that village, but
those also of the neighboring pueblos, were present to greet their
strange animals, and this multitude followed them as long as they
continued in the territory of the tribe. This was a result more of
curiosity than of fear. Moreover, an Indian village, in consequence of
the peculiar structure of its buildings, always appears at least twice
as large as it really is.
The founding of Santa Fé has been ascribed to Espejo. The error is the
result of inaccurate, extremely superficial historical inquiry. The mere
reading of Espejo’s account would satisfy any one that he marched all
through New Mexico and northern Arizona with only fourteen soldiers;
that his expedition was a mere reconnoissance and no scheme of
colonization; and that he arrived again, with all his men, in Santa
Barbara in southern Chihuahua on the 20th of September, 1583. The story
of the founding of Santa Fé by Espejo in the year 1583, aside from the
one which fixed the origin of the capital in 1550--which suggested the
spurious “Tertio millennial jubilee” of 1883--furnishes a most emphatic
proof of the want of thought and of scientific care with which the
history of Spanish colonization is still written. After his return
Espejo made a proposition to the Crown concerning the settlement of New
Mexico (April 23, 1584) but he died in 1585, before the government had
examined his plan.
The first Spanish settlement in New Mexico was founded in the year 1598
by Juan de Oñate. It was not, however, where Santa Fé now stands, but
thirty miles north of that place, on the tongue of land formed by the
junction of the Rio Grande with the Rio Chama, opposite the present
Indian village of San Juan de los Caballeros. It was therefore very near
the station Chamita, on the Denver & Rio Grande Railroad. Oñate marched
from San Marcos to San Ildefonso on the Rio Grande, barely touching the
southwest corner of the Santa Fé plateaus, and paid no attention
whatever to the little village of Cua-Pooge. The well-watered, highly
fertile valley near San Juan, on the contrary, attracted him at once,
and he began the building, opposite that pueblo, of a chapel and a
Spanish headquarters, which he called “San Francisco de los Españoles,”
on the 23d of August, 1598. The chapel was consecrated on the 8th of
September of the same year. This first colony was called San Gabriel in
1599, and that has continued till now to be the name given to the place
by the Mexicans, although every trace of the buildings disappeared long
ago. Ruins were still visible about 1694.
San Gabriel remained the only settlement of Europeans in New Mexico till
1608. In that year the Crown fixed the governmental regulations of the
new possession and assigned a regular salary of 2000 ducats a year to
the governor, and he immediately departed for Santa Fé. More exact
statements concerning the date of this settlement are not accessible,
although they probably exist in the Spanish archives; but it is certain
that Santa Fé was not founded till after the year 1607. Twenty years
afterward two hundred and fifty Spaniards dwelt there, including
soldiers; and when the Indians rose and drove out the whites in 1680,
the whole district contained not more than one thousand Europeans, about
half of whom lived in Santa Fé.
All the other towns in New Mexico, the Indian villages excepted, are of
much later origin than Santa Fé. Albuquerque, for example, dates from
1701, Las Vegas from 1835, Bernalillo from 1701, Socorro--the old pueblo
was destroyed in 1681--from 1817. The oldest Indian missions in
Arizona--“Tubac,” “Tumacacori,” etc.--date from the close of the
seventeenth century. Tucson was still in 1772 a small village of the
Pimas. Santa Fé is therefore the oldest existing city in the two
Territories, and the second oldest European town in the United States
that is still inhabited.
The first church in Santa Fé was begun in 1622 and completed in 1627. It
stood on the site of the present cathedral, and the remains of the walls
of the old “Parroquia,” or parish church, probably belonged to that
oldest temple. Of San Miguel, the walls are of the middle of the
seventeenth century. The roof and towers were built after 1694. The old
house by the side of it is of the same age. The oldest churches in New
Mexico still standing and in use are those in the Indian villages San
Ildefonso and Santa Clara; the oldest abandoned houses of worship are
those of Pecos, San Diego de Jemez, and perhaps Abó and Cuaray. All
these buildings were erected in the beginning of the seventeenth
century.
JEAN L’ARCHEVEQUE.
The Indian village--or, as it is usually called in New Mexico, the
pueblo--of Santa Clara lies thirty miles north of the city of Santa Fé,
on the Texas, Santa Fé & Northern Railroad. It is inhabited by about
four hundred agricultural Indians of the Tehua tribe, whose one-and
two-storied houses form two irregular quadrangles, surrounding two open
places, called plazas. A large church of adobe, now in decay, stands at
the northeastern end of the village. It dates from the middle of the
last century (1760). The priests’ houses have fallen to ruins, the
interior of the temple is strikingly bare and bald, and the few
paintings are either unrecognizable on account of the dirt and the
advanced decay of the canvas, or they are specimens of the unskilful
works of the domestic art industry so often met with in New Mexico. The
best kept of the appurtenances are two wooden side-altars, marked with
the date of 1782. The bell bears the year-mark of 1710. Everything
savors of neglect; only a few dwellings are outwardly new, but within
the habitations are comparatively clean; while the population, through
frequent mixture with wandering Indians--the Utes, Apaches, and
Navajos--are taller and more slenderly built, if not stronger, than the
ordinary pueblo Indians of New Mexico.
Santa Clara is situated on a sandy prominence which overlooks the
course of the Rio Grande del Norte from a height of about fifty feet.
The village is not more than five hundred paces in a straight line from
the river-bank. The view from the dune on which it stands is therefore
not without attractions, but the immediate vicinity is bare and
treeless. Fields, green in summer, desolate in winter, lie around it,
while in the west the side of a barren table-land rises to shut off
every view in that direction. Only the highest peaks of the mountains of
Abiquin look down furtively, as it were, upon the barren hillside of
rubbish and gravel.
A broad view is spread out toward the east. The course of the Rio Grande
is visible from north to south for a length of ten English miles. A dark
mesa, the Mesa de la Canoa, shuts off the northern horizon, while the
river is lost sight of in the south at the foot of a grand isolated rock
of dark lava--the Mesa de San Ildefonso. A narrow but fertile valley
forms the eastern shore, on the other side of which stretches the chain
of the high mountains--the wild Sierra de la Truchas, the massive flat
dome of the Sierra de Nambe, and the Pico de la Laguna. The range
descends in terraces to the south, where the city of Santa Fé lies
hidden at its foot. All these peaks exceed twelve thousand, the Truchas
thirteen thousand, feet in height, and they are often crowned by
snow-fields in summer.
If one stands, in the evening, when the sun is setting and the shadows
are already cast over the valleys, on the swell above the church of
Santa Clara, he will see the snow-peaks glowing for a little while in
fiery red. The crags of the Truchas blaze like flowing ore. An Alpine
lustre is displayed, less soft in colors than that of the central
mountains of Europe, but much more intense and longer lasting. The
mountains stand out ghostly pale as soon as the last glow is
extinguished, and a white shroud appears to rest upon the landscape.
In this homely Indian village has lain concealed for many years a
treasure of historical knowledge, an archive rich for America, so poor
in archives, of the history of New Mexico. The Indians preserve and
guard the treasure with superstitious care. It was entrusted to them
years ago; and although their care for it has been limited to a
superstitious guardianship and a cautious preservation, and no catalogue
exists and no thought is taken of the greedy mice, the papers are still
tolerably well preserved, and might safely lie there for yet many a
year, suspiciously watched by men to whom the text is still a
puzzle--for to them reading is a mystery, and the art of writing seems a
kind of magic.
The collection is the remains of the archives of the Franciscan order in
New Mexico, the “_Custodia de la conversion de San Pablo de la
Nueva-Mexico_,” which have lain here for more than thirty years, or
since the time when the old military chapel (called _Castruenza_) of
Santa Fé was condemned as unsafe. Such of the documents and church-books
stored there as were not immediately needed were securely deposited in
Santa Clara; for a priest then lived in the pueblo, and Santa Clara
formed a parish by itself. When the parish was discontinued and the seat
of the pastorate was removed to Santa Cruz, the archives were left. No
one having any use for them, they remained in an old cupboard of the
ruined convent till an Indian, who could neither read nor write, but had
a clear head and respect for the old and venerable, proposed to commit
the care of the papers to private hands. It took long and solemn
meetings for consultation before the _Principales_ of the pueblo would
agree to such an innovation. They would keep the documents, indeed, as
something having an incomprehensible sanctity, but to remove them from
the ruins, where they were given up to mold and decay, seemed at first a
doubtful step. Those above, the “Shiuana,” might be displeased at it.
The spiritual powers were finally consulted, and their decision was in
favor of the innovation. The Franciscan archives were thus carried into
the dark back-room of an Indian house, where a blind man was their first
guardian; but they are now in charge of an intelligent, tolerably
clear-seeing citizen of the village.
I tried in 1886 to obtain access to these old manuscripts, but was at
once refused. It is of no use to importune an Indian. If he denies a
request he is fixed in it, and one must wait. I waited two years,
provided myself with a most urgent letter of introduction from the
archbishop and an order from the priest of Santa Cruz, and went again.
At last the prohibition was withdrawn, and after three protracted visits
to Santa Clara, the last of which lasted twenty days, I was able to say
that I had exhausted all the material and had accurate and complete
copies of all the documents which had any important bearing on the
history of New Mexico. It was no easy work, for the hand-writing was
often nearly illegible, and the ink had faded and the paper grown
yellow, and become almost rotten.
The contents of the archives of Santa Clara may be divided into three
classes. The first class consists of documents not strictly
ecclesiastical, among which I found much that was valuable; the second,
of the special church books, including registers of baptism, marriage,
and death, many of the last of which begin with the date of 1694. Many
valuable facts were also found in these. The papers called _Diligencias
Matrimoniales_, or _Informaciones_, official inquiries to determine the
civil standing of the contracting parties, which preceded every
marriage, were the most numerous. Many of these are very long; some of
them are of the seventeenth century, and they unfold an extremely
instructive picture of the customs of those times. There are hardly any
documents left in New Mexico of the period before the great insurrection
of 1680, and I have the few that have been saved. But I found in Santa
Clara a large number of details concerning the years preceding the
insurrection, although contained in manuscripts that were composed one
or two years after the troubles broke out. There have come to light
little “court histories” of the governor of the time, scenes from the
private life of long-vanished families which were then playing an
important part in the troubled world called the Spanish Colony of New
Mexico; notices of many an event which is never mentioned in the printed
annals, and which was still of great importance. The real life of the
people has taken shape out of these obscure writings of the monks, and
many a striking revelation has been obtained from them. One of the
discoveries made in them has given occasion to the present paper.
Among the _Diligencias_ or _Informaciones_ was one the superscription of
which read, “Information of Pedro Meusnier--a Frenchman--1699.” It was
strange to meet with a Frenchman in New Mexico in 1699; and on reading
the document it appeared that Pedro or Pierre Meusnier, or Meunier, at
the time a soldier in the garrison at Santa Fé, born in Paris, had come
to America in the year 1684 with the flotilla commanded by Monsieur de
la Sala. Meunier brought forward two witnesses, one of whom was named
Santiago Grolee, the other Juan de Archeueque. Both were French, and
both declared that they had come across the sea with Meunier in the
flotilla which the same “Monsieur de la Sala” commanded; and Grolee said
that he was born at La Rochelle.
“Monsieur de la Sala” could have been nobody else than the famous brave
discoverer of the mouths of the Mississippi--Robert Cavelier, Sieur de
La Salle. The date agrees with this supposition, for La Salle crossed
the Atlantic Ocean for the last time in 1684, to found a French colony
on the coast of Texas. There came also with the expedition Jacques
Grollet, a sailor, and a certain Jean l’Archévèque. It was the latter
who, on March 18, 1687, led the unfortunate commander into the trap
which his confederates Duhaut and Liotot had set, and in which La Salle
was killed. Grollet was in the plot, but took no part in the murder. The
supposition seems at least well founded that Juan de Archeueque was the
traitor L’Archévèque, and Santiago Grolee was his accessory in a lesser
degree, the sailor Grollet. I wrote at once to Mr. Francis Parkman, the
historian of Canada, and received the answer that my supposition seemed
to him perfectly well founded, although all that is known concerning the
fate of the two men after La Salle’s death is that they were found among
the Indians in 1689 by Alonzo de Leon, commanding a Spanish expedition
to Texas, and were taken to New Mexico. They were sent from Mexico to
Spain where they were supposed to have ended their lives in the galleys.
The last supposition was soon shown to be erroneous. The Jesuit father
Andrés Cavo, author of the work “_Los tres siglos de Mexico_,” says:[94]
“After a number of days the messengers [whom Leon had sent to the
Indians] came back with two Frenchmen, whose names were Jacob Grollet
and Juan l’Archiveque.... After Monclova returned, the governor [Leon]
sent the two Frenchmen to the viceroy, and they legitimated themselves
before him. The Conde de Galve, convinced that the affair was of
particular importance, sent them both to the court of Charles II. under
the care of Captain Don Andrés Perez.[95]... In this year [1691] Don
Andrés Perez came back from Madrid with both of the Frenchmen.” This is
now also confirmed by the deposition of Santiago Grolee himself, which I
found in Santa Clara in the investigation (_Informacion_) concerning his
own person. It is of the year 1699, and he said in it: “We remained lost
in that country five years among the wild infidel Indians, and after we
had at last escaped from their power we went to Spain by the order of
the Viceroy Conde de Galve, in order to give an account of our persons
and of that country.” He said nothing of La Salle’s death and of his own
participation in the murder.
Satisfied that in the persons of Archeueque and Grolee I had found the
notorious L’Archévèque and the sailor Grollet, two of the accomplices in
the killing of La Salle, I made further investigation in the case.
Members of a family named Archibeque still live in different parts of
New Mexico; and as this one wrote his name that way in the later papers,
I thought that these Archibeques might be descendants of the ill-famed
Frenchman. In Santa Clara, and with the help of the general surveyor’s
archives at Santa Fé, I succeeded in restoring a tolerably complete
picture of the life of Jean l’Archévèque. I shall now limit myself to
this picture, and avoid the tedious details of documentary research.
With the exception of the participation in the death of La Salle and the
voyage to Spain, the facts are new and the results of local
investigations.
Jean l’Archévèque was born in Bayonne, in southern France, in the year
1671. His parents were Claude l’Archévèque and Marie d’Armagnac. Both
died in 1719. When thirteen years old, in 1684, he went with Robert
Cavelier de La Salle to the coast of Texas and shared the fortunes of
that unfortunate expedition. He entered the service of the notorious
Duhaut, who, equally with the surgeon Liotot, was chief of the
conspiracy to which La Salle fell a victim. His relation to Duhaut and
his youth, he being only sixteen years old in 1687, explain, or at
least partly excuse, the criminal part which he performed on the morning
of the 18th of March. It was he who stood on the river-bank and when La
Salle came over and inquired for his nephew, who was already murdered,
answered the commander in insolent tones, and led him towards the
ambush, where Duhaut and Liotot were hidden in the high grass. Mr.
Parkman has described the scene from the best sources and with his
accustomed vividness; and I therefore refer to his work, “La Salle and
the Discovery of the Great West,” for the details of the affair. This
historian also gives a very intelligible account of L’Archévèque’s
behavior immediately after the murder. Whether repentance or a sudden
coming back to his senses after the act or uncertainty concerning the
real intentions of his associates determined him to it, L’Archévèque
seems to have afterward gradually separated himself from the murderers.
He thus escaped the vengeance which the freebooter Hiens inflicted on
Duhaut and Liotot. The adherents of the murdered man also seem to have
considered him less guilty. But he did not join the little company which
set out on its extensive wanderings northward under the lead of Joutel.
With Grollet and some others, among whom was Meunier, he stayed among
the Indians of Texas till 1689, when Alonzo de Leon ransomed him. Fray
Isidro Espinosa gives the details of this ransoming in his “_Crónica
seráfica y apostólica_” (first part); but he does not mention
L’Archévèque, although he names Pedro Muñi (or Meunier).
I have not been able to determine the date when the three Frenchmen went
from Mexico to New Mexico. It was probably with Don Diego de Vargas,
the reconqueror of the province. L’Archévèque and Meunier were soldiers,
while Grollet came as a settler. All three were in Santa Fé as early as
1696. In the next year L’Archévèque was married to Antonia Gutierrez,
who was born at Tezonco, near the City of Mexico, and was the widow of a
certain Tomas de Yta, who had been murdered three years previously near
Zacatecas. In the year 1701 he bought a land estate in Santa Fé, but
still continued a soldier, and in that capacity visited in the next year
the distant Indian villages of Acoma, Laguna, and Zuñi. His wife died in
the first year of the eighteenth century, and he continued a widower
till 1719, when he married as his second wife the daughter of the
Alcalde Mayor Ignacio de Roybal. The second marriage was solemnized in
the church of the pueblo of San Ildefonso, and the governor of New
Mexico at the time, General Don Antonio Valverde Cosio, was one of the
witnesses. L’Archévèque, or, as he now began to call himself, Captain
Juan de Archibeque, stood in high credit. He had left the military
service with honor, and had become a successful trader, or peddler. His
trading journeys extended to Sonora, and he occasionally visited the
City of Mexico on business. His notes[96] were current everywhere, and
were even accepted and endorsed by men connected with the government. He
was a man in easy circumstances--for New Mexico, a wealthy man. His son
by his first marriage, Miguel de Archibeque, assisted him faithfully in
his business affairs, and a natural son, Augustin de Archibeque,
likewise helped, by his labor and his watchful care of his interests, in
the accumulation of his wealth. Everything went on according to his
desire.
Jean l’Archévèque celebrated his second marriage on the 16th of August,
1719, with a daughter of one of the first families of New Mexico. A year
afterward, on the same day of the same month, Jean l’Archévèque was a
bleeding corpse.
The “Captain” and former soldier, Juan de Archibeque, enjoyed with the
Spanish military officers no less a degree of confidence than was
reposed in him as a merchant by the same officers and the people in
general. He was consulted concerning all important enterprises; and the
minutes are in my hand of several war councils in which his views were
influential. When, therefore, in the spring of 1720, Governor Don
Antonio Valverde Cosio was contemplating the preparation of an
expedition by order of the viceroy to the far northeast, in order to
establish commercial relations with the Prairie Indians of Kansas, as
well as to make a military reconnoissance in a direction in which an
approach of the French was apprehended, L’Archévèque gave his opinion
that the expedition should be dispatched at once. Among the reasons
which in his view should commend it to the Spaniards, he emphasized the
approach of “his countrymen, the French.” The campaign was organized;
Don Pedro de Villazur was given the command of the fifty armed men who
formed the corps, and Jean l’Archévèque, or Archibeque, went along as
one of his staff. The march led through the great plains to the banks of
the Arkansas River, which the force reached about August 14th. There
they confronted a large camp or village of the Pananas (Pawnees). When
the Pananas returned an obscure and therefore suspicious answer to a
peaceful message of the Spanish commander, Villazur went back with his
men and crossed the Arkansas, in order to have the river between himself
and his presumed enemies. During the night between the 15th and 16th of
August, the Spanish guards and the Indians of the company heard a
splashing in the river, as if men were swimming across; and the guards
were captured. A dog barked, but no attention was paid to that sign. At
daybreak, when the horses had been collected and the command was about
to mount, an attack was made upon them from the high grass. The horses
took fright at the first shots, which were fired from a very short
distance, and were aimed mainly at the tent of the commander. Some of
the soldiers succeeded in catching the fugitive animals, but only for
their own deliverance. The effect of the enemy’s fire was so quick and
murderous that nothing else than flight was thought of. Five or six of
the fifty armed men escaped. Among the dead were the commander, Don
Pedro de Villazur, and Jean l’Archévèque. It is probable his own
countrymen, the French, of whom there were several with the Pananas,
shot him. His personal servant, although himself bleeding from six
wounds, stayed with him till he ceased to breathe, and then saved
himself “by a miracle,” as he declares, with one of the horses of the
deceased. The betrayer of La Salle had fallen, on the anniversary of
his second marriage, at the hands of his own countrymen or their allies.
L’Archévèque left a property of 6118 pesos, a considerable sum for the
time. Besides his sons--his legitimate son Miguel and his natural son
Augustin--he left a daughter, Marie, by his first marriage. His widow
three years afterward married Bernardino Sena. From the two sons are
derived the present families of Archibeque in New Mexico.
It is hardly possible to determine how far L’Archévèque was knowingly
accessory to the murder of La Salle. His youth lends favor to the
supposition that he may have acted ignorantly or thoughtlessly when he
led the great discoverer into the ambush. But his whole character, as it
was afterward unfolded, indicates an early maturity of mind, a
considerable capacity, and great resolution, as well as unusual
sagacity. His hand-writing, which I have often read, shows that he had
been taught in school; and he could have received his instruction only
in France. The manner of his death is very suggestive of a later
requital for his earlier offence.
Of Meunier I could learn nothing further; and of Grollet only that he
settled at Bernalillo, on the Rio Grande, there married Elena Galuegos
in the year 1699, and was still living six years later.
The three persons on whose fate a light has been so curiously thrown by
the archives of Santa Clara were the first French settlers on New
Mexican territory. Driven there in consequence of a murder, one of them
at least, L’Archévèque, played a notable part in the history of the
country. His descendants know little or nothing of the deeds and
adventures of their ancestor, and are quiet, modest people; who yet
seldom fail to insist that they are of French origin. The church in
which Archévèque was married a second time, a year before his tragical
death, cannot be seen from the barren dune on which Santa Clara stands.
The high mesa of San Ildefonso hides the pueblo, although it can be
barely five miles from Santa Clara. That isolated lava cliff also, with
the perpendicular precipices around its summit, bears a memory of the
betrayer of La Salle. As a Spanish soldier he made several unsuccessful
attempts to take the Black Mesa, as it was called, by storm.
From Santa Clara the view is very beautiful; but a taint of blood
adheres to the rocks and to the valley which thence the eye looks down
upon. Elsewhere throughout New Mexico, in places of ancient habitation,
it is the same: for the history of this region is darkened by a sombre
melancholy, the inevitable outcome of its blood-stained past.
THE END
* * * * *
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[Illustration: JOHN BACH MCMASTER.]
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A BOOK FOR THE QUADRI-CENTENNIAL YEAR.
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_ABRAHAM LINCOLN: The True Story of a Great LIFE._ By WILLIAM H.
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FOOTNOTES:
[1] While we may look for the former treasure region in Sumatra, the
latest researches make it probable that Ophir represented not only
Sofala, but also the coasts and interior of East Africa south of it,
including Mozambique, Monomotapa, and the country of the ruins of
Zimbabue (Mashonaland). This conclusion appears more credible than the
opinion persistently maintained by Montesino that Ophir was Peru. The
difficulties of a long sea-voyage from Ezion-Geber to the western coast
of South America would be partly removed if we could accept Professor
Haeckel’s hypothesis of a continent of Lemuria having once stood in
the Indian Ocean, and should also suppose the Western Atlantis to have
existed--which the natives of Australia sought in the eastern part of
their quarter of the globe.
[2] Journal of the Admiral, published by Navarrete, from the “_Historia
apologética de las Indias_” of Bartolomeo de Las Casas, MSS. at Madrid.
[3] Decada iii.
[4] Emeralds may also have been shown to the Spaniards then; for in the
capitulation with Ojeda, on his second voyage, July 5, 1501, islands
are mentioned, near Quiquevacoa, on the mainland, where the green
stones were of which specimens had been brought to him. Quiquevacoa,
or Coquivacoa, was the Indian name for the country around the Gulf of
Venezuela.
[5] The name of “The Rich Coast,” Costa Rica, is still attached to that
part of Central America north of Chiriqui.
[6] Ojeda and Diego de Nicuesa.
[7] Quintana, and Herrera, dec. i. lib. x. cap. iii.
[8] The discovery of Mexico by Córdova and its conquest afterward by
Cortés affected the Spanish colonies south of the Isthmus very little.
The influence of the colonization of the Mexican table-land extended
no farther than to Yucatan, Guatemala, and a part of Honduras. The
booty which the Spaniards gained there, partly in gold, was not great.
The presents which the chiefs at Tenochtitlan sent to the seacoast to
Cortés were lost at sea, and all the treasures which the Mexicans had
accumulated in their great “pueblo” in the lagoon were ruined by the
inundation during the retreat of July 1, 1519, or were burned during
the subsequent attack.
[9] Decada i., p. 267.
[10] “_Relacion de los sucesos de Pedrarias Davila_,” etc.
[11] “_Historia general del nuevo Reyno de Granada, 1688._”
[12] Zamora treats these ceremonies as fabulous, but they are vouched
for by Piedrahita, Pedro Simon, and others, as having once existed.
[13] A group of ten golden figures has been found in the lagoon of
Siecha, representing the _balsa_ with the _dorado_.
[14] Bacatá--the extreme cultivated land.
[15] Dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. i., p. 101.
[16] Dr. Clements R. Markham supposes, following Oviedo y Baños
(“_Historia de Venezuela_,” 1728), that Dalfinger died from a wound
in 1530; but this appears to be erroneous, as is the assertion, too,
of the same author that Dalfinger got no farther than the Rio Cesar.
As to the latter point, Herrera, who is very exact in relating the
deeds of the Europeans, mentions very plainly his reaching the cool
country (_adonde halló tierra fria_). Dalfinger’s death can hardly have
taken place before 1532. Nicolaus Federmann, Dalfinger’s provincial
successor, says that he went to San Domingo in 1530 to be cured of a
fever. When Federmann returned, in 1532, from his first expedition
(southward to the plain of Meta), the governor was still living.
Herrera’s statement (dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. ii.) that Dalfinger died at
Coro in 1532 is the probable one. Federmann went back to Europe, but we
shall see him later seeking for the _dorado_. Hans Seissenhoffer (Juan
Aleman) succeeded him as governor of Coro, but died soon afterward
without having undertaken anything. His successor, Georg von Speyer,
was likewise inactive till the year 1535.
[17] Called Motolinia, “the poor” “_Historia de los Indios de Nueva
España._”
[18] “_Hist. gen. y nat. de Indias_,” lib. xxiv. cap. i.
[19] Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. i.
[20] The knowledge of this river was so imperfect at this time that we
cannot be sure this statement is correct, although Herrera says (dec.
iv. lib. x. cap. ix.): “Diego de Ordás reached the Rio Marañon with the
intention of beginning his explorations there.”
[21] From _arna_, tiger.
[22] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. x.
[23] Oviedo, lib. xxiv. cap. vii.
[24] According to Oviedo there were two San Miguels: the “house of
contention,” where D’Ortal landed, “_en aquel golpho é costa de Paria_”
(lib. xxxiv. cap. viii.); and the later San Miguel de Neveri, east of
Piritú. Oviedo and Herrera do not agree concerning the latter post.
[25] Huyapari was one of the many names of the Orinoco. It is also
written Biapari and Uiapari.
[26] The height of water in the Orinoco in the interior of Guiana
varies from twenty-eight to thirty-four feet annually.
[27] Oviedo.
[28] Oviedo, lib. xxiv. cap. xv.
[29] Oviedo, lib. xxiv. cap. xvi.
[30] “_Relacion de Nicolaus Federmann le Jeune_,” cap. ii. Translated
by Ternaux-Compans. The original was printed at Haguenau in 1557. We
here follow almost exclusively the story of Federmann himself. Oviedo
does not mention Federmann’s next campaign, but says that he was in
Coro during the rest of Dalfinger’s life. Herrera also says nothing
about it. Hence his own account is our only authority.
[31] Probably near the present Barquicimeto.
[32] We should add to this that nobody but Federmann mentions these
dwarfs.
[33] They are: Ananas; Cobéus (man-eater); Piraiurus (fish-snout);
Pisas (net); Tapurus (tapir); Uaracus (fish); Tucunderas (ant);
Jacamis (trumpet-bird); Mucuras (opossum); Taiassus (hog); Tijucos
(mud); Arapassos (woodpecker); Tucanas (pepper-eater); Uacarras
(crane); Ipecas (duck); Gis (axe); Coua (wasp); Corocoro (green ibis);
Armadillos (armadillo); Tatus; Penimbucas (ashes). These names are
somewhat similar to the designations which the Iroquois chose for
their gentes, and prove, by the use of the names of peculiar animals,
that the tribe of the Uaupés was certainly formed or divided up within
tropical America.
[34] This story related to the unfortunate expedition of Herrera.
[35] The former sings in “Araucana” of Chili; the latter of La Plata in
“Argentina.”
[36] Dec. v. lib. viii. cap. xiv.
[37] Father Gumilla says likewise in “_El Orinoco ilustrado_,” etc.:
“Reports concerning the gilded king were current from the earliest
times of the conquest at Santa Marta, as well as on the coast of
Venezuela.”
[38] As Fray Pedro Simon records in the fragment of his “_Noticias
historiales_” printed by Lord Kingsborough.
[39] In this act he abused his powers, which only permitted him
to concede the whole government of Peru at pleasure, while single
districts were put under the direction of commanders who could not be
changed by him. See Herrera, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xi., and lib.
viii. cap. vi.
[40] Herrera, dec. vi. lib. viii. cap. vi.
[41] It was probably the black cinnamon which Balmont de Bomaré” in his
“_Dictionnaire d’Histoire Naturelle_” of 1765 calls “_Canelle geroflée,
Capelet ou Bois de Crabe_.”
[42] Oviedo says 230; Zarate, 200, and 4000 Indians.
[43] “_Historia del Descubrimiento y de la Conquista del Peru._”
[44] “_Une Barca llena de Bastimento._”
[45] Fray Gaspar de Carvajal, a Dominican, who went in Orellana’s
voyage, says that the current was so strong that they travelled
twenty-five leagues a day.
[46] On which a contemporary, Gómara, in his “_Historia General de las
Indias_,” division, “_Rio de Orellana_,” lays special emphasis.
[47] The later Peruvian fable of the Paytiti is connected, as Von
Humboldt has justly remarked, with the last concerted efforts of the
Inca tribe to hold its position on the upper tributaries of the Amazon,
and has therefore no connection the real _dorado_ legend.
[48] Herrera, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. xii.
[49] Oviedo, lib. xxvi. cap. xxx.
[50] According to Oviedo (lib. xxv. cap. xvi.), 1262 pesos for the men
and 1700 pesos for Von Speyer.
[51] Oviedo quotes from a report of Von Speyer’s dated Coro, October 9,
1538, which has not since received any attention. Possibly it no longer
exists.
[52] Benzoni, “_Storia di Nuovo Mondo_,” etc., says that Von Speyer
came to a tragical end, and was murdered in bed by the Spaniards. There
is no further evidence on this point. Benzoni was in America, it is
true, from 1541 to 1556, but his statements have not nearly the value
of those of Oviedo, who was very much interested in Von Speyer, was
personally acquainted with him, and would at least have spoken of such
a crime with indignation, especially as Benzoni himself says the King
of Spain caused the murderers to be punished. Benzoni has probably
confounded Von Speyer’s death with some later bloody event.
[53] Oviedo.
[54] It appears that Welser’s agents were, besides, creditors of most
of the soldiers who went in this campaign, so that their interests
commanded them to give the men all possible assistance, in order that
they might recover what was due them.
[55] Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. iii.
[56] Lib. l. cap. xxiv.
[57] “_El Nuevo Descubrimiento del gran Rio de las Amazonas_,” Madrid,
1664.
[58] “_Historia del reyno de Quito._”
[59] The third of the able monsters of that name who lived in South
America in the middle of the sixteenth century.
[60] “_Noticias historiales_” Part I., Noticia VI., cap. i.
[61] Cap. xviii.
[62] Cap. xxiii.
[63] “_Hist. Nat. general de las Indias_,” lib. ii. cap. vi.
[64] The Bay of Santa Cruz, in the present State of Florida, appears to
have been the point where Narvaez landed.
[65] This province comprised the undefined northwest of Mexico, while
New Biscay included the northeast, on the coast of the Mexican gulf.
[66] _Mar del Sur_, the Pacific Ocean, in distinction from _Mar del
Norte_, the Northern Sea, the name by which the Atlantic Ocean was
known in the sixteenth century.
[67] Particularly the first syllable, _Bac_, a corruption of _Bat
Ki_--old house--as it often appears in the names of places in Arizona,
e.g., _San Xavier del Bac_, _Tubac_, etc.
[68] The large former settlement of the Opatas at Casas Grandes, at the
western foot of the Sierra Madre in Chihuahua, cannot be considered in
connection with this discussion, for it was called “Hue-hueri-gi-ta,”
and was already deserted in the sixteenth century.
[69] The application by the whites of foreign names to Indian tribes is
very frequent in America.
[70] We may remark further that interchanges of _b_ and _v_ were
common with the early Spanish writers, and that Fray Marcos de Nizza
was a Piedmontese, who, writing in the Italian style, wrote _Ci_ for
the English _Chi_; thus the similarity between Shiuano and Chivola
becomes greater, and the difference limits itself to such a confusion
of sounds and such exchanges of letters arising from it as are often
and strikingly exemplified in the Indian names of places in New
Mexico; for example, in the Tehua language, _Ta-ui_ into _Taos_; in
the Queres, _Pa-go_ or _Pa-yo-qo-na_ into _Pecos_, _Hamish_ into
_Jemez_, _Qo-tyi-ti_ into _Cochiti_; the Tigua word _Tuth-la-nay_ into
_Tutahaco_; _Saray_ into _Xalay_, _Na-si-ap_ into _Napeya_; the Zuñi
names _Mu-gua_ into _Moqui_, _Hacuqua_ into _Acuco_. It is therefore
not unreasonable to suppose that the name Cibola, as the Italian monk
heard and pronounced it, was strikingly similar to the word in the Zuñi
language that denotes the Zuñi country; therefore this first linguistic
clue suggests that the “seven cities of Cibola” may be sought in the
region of Zuñi.
[71] They are also known in Sonora as Névomé.
[72] As they still did at the beginning of this century.
[73] Then called _Mar Vermejo_, the Red Sea. It was navigated for the
first time by Francisco de Ulloa, in 1539.
[74] Properly, uninhabited region--“_desierto_.”
[75] Casteñeda’s work was not printed till 1838, and then in a French
translation.
[76] The earliest documentary data on the subject are of 1655.
[77] A former mission, which the Apaches burned in 1836, and in the
place of which stands a miserable hamlet.
[78] The same who in his time had so inhospitably received Cabeza de
Vaca and his companions.
[79] It appears that he did not return to Sonora.
[80] The Zuñi call them Mu-qua, whence the word Moqui is derived.
[81] These helmets, or, rather, leather caps, are still in use among
the Pueblos. They belong to the aboriginal equipment for war.
[82] It is doubtful whether the Zuñis at that time took part in the
periodical buffalo-hunts which the Pueblo Indians farther east still
engaged in as late as 1881.
[83] Vol. i. of the “Papers of the Archæological Institute of America,”
1883.
[84] Casteñeda says he was a slave, but that is not correct. He did not
belong to the tribe, and had attached himself to a family, but he was
not and could not be a slave, according to the custom of the Pueblos.
Every Indian has a right to be a permanent guest with them.
[85] Blue turquois is rare.
[86] Available only as a pigment on account of the difficulty of
working it.
[87] Santa Fé was not founded till ten years later.
[88] The legend stands in the Martyrology under date of the 30th of
November, but Gonzaga (“_Orígen de la religion seráfica_,” 1587,
Part I., p. 105) is mistaken when he says that the event happened in
the year 1560. Mota-Padilla depends on the manuscript of Don Pedro
de Tobar, who fixes the date at 1542, which agrees closely with the
statements of the monk’s contemporaries--Casteñeda’s error excepted.
[89] Tlascala is only twenty-five miles from Cholula.
[90] Five or six thousand according to his two letters, 2000 according
to Bernal Diaz del Castillo, and 40,000 according to Andrés del Tápia.
[91] Called by Gabriel de Rojas, Aquiach and Tlalquiach.
[92] Tápia’s account is of much later date, and Bernal Diaz composed
his history nearly fifty years after the massacre of Cholula.
[93] See the chapter on Cibola.
[94] Page 230.
[95] Page 236.
[96] I saw the head of one of them, which was for 800 pesos--a large
sum for the conditions in New Mexico at that time.