DEAR SIR,--I was favored with your letter of October 26th, and far from

finding any of its subjects uninteresting as you apprehend, they were to

me, as everything which comes from you, pleasing and instructive. I concur

with you strictly in your opinion of the comparative merits of atheism and

demonism, and really see nothing but the latter in the being worshipped by

many who think themselves Christians. Your opinions and writings will have

effect in bringing others to reason on this subject. Our new Constitution,

of which you speak also, has succeeded beyond what I apprehended it would

have done. I did not at first believe that eleven States out of thirteen

would have consented to a plan consolidating them as much into one. A

change in their dispositions, which had taken place since I left them,

had rendered this consolidation necessary, that is to say, had called

for a federal government which could walk upon its own legs, without

leaning for support on the State legislatures. A sense of necessity, and a

submission to it, is to me a new and consolatory proof that, whenever the

people are well-informed, they can be trusted with their own government;

that, whenever things get so far wrong as to attract their notice, they

may be relied on to set them to rights. You say you are not sufficiently

informed about the nature and circumstances of the present struggle

here. Having been on the spot from its first origin, and watched its

movements as an uninterested spectator, with no other bias than a love

of mankind, I will give you my ideas of it. Though celebrated writers

of this and other countries had already sketched good principles on the

subject of government, yet the American war seems first to have awakened

the thinking part of this nation in general from the sleep of despotism

in which they were sunk. The officers too who had been to America, were

mostly young men, less shackled by habit and prejudice, and more ready to

assent to the dictates of common sense and common right. They came back

impressed with these. The press, notwithstanding its shackles, began to

disseminate them; conversation, too, assumed new freedom; politics became

the theme of all societies, male and female, and a very extensive and

zealous party was formed, which may be called the Patriotic party, who,

sensible of the abusive government under which they lived, longed for

occasions of reforming it. This party comprehended all the honesty of the

kingdom, sufficiently at its leisure to think; the men of letters, the

easy bourgeois, the young nobility, partly from re-reflection, partly from

mode; for those sentiments became a matter of mode, and as such united

most of the young women to the party. Happily for the nation, it happened

that, at the same moment, the dissipations of the court had exhausted the

money and credit of the State, and M. de Calonnes found himself obliged

to appeal to the nation, and to develop to it the ruin of their finances.

He had no idea of supplying the deficit by economies, he saw no means but

new taxes. To tempt the nation to consent to these some douceurs were

necessary. The Notables were called in 1787. The leading vices of the

constitution and administration were ably sketched out, good remedies

proposed, and under the splendor of the propositions, a demand for

more money was couched. The Notables concurred with the minister in the

necessity of reformation, adroitly avoided the demand of money, got him

displaced, and one of their leading men placed in his room. The archbishop

of Thoulouse, by the aid of the hopes formed of him, was able to borrow

some money, and he reformed considerably the expenses of the court.

Notwithstanding the prejudices since formed against him, he appeared to

me to pursue the reformation of the laws and constitution as steadily as

a man could do who had to drag the court after him, and even to conceal

from them the consequences of the measures he was leading them into. In

his time the criminal laws were reformed, provincial assemblies and States

established in most of the provinces, the States General promised, and a

solemn acknowledgment made by the King that he could not impose a new tax

without the consent of the nation. It is true he was continually goaded

forward by the public clamors, excited by the writings and workings of

the Patriots, who were able to keep up the public fermentation at the

exact point which borders on resistance, without entering on it. They had

taken into their alliance the Parliaments also, who were led, by very

singular circumstances, to espouse, for the first time, the rights of

the nation. They had from old causes had personal hostility against M.

de Calonnes. They refused to register his laws or his taxes, and went so

far as to acknowledge they had no power to do it. They persisted in this

with his successor, who therefore exiled them. Seeing that the nation

did not interest themselves much for their recall, they began to fear

that the new judicatures proposed in their place would be established

and that their own suppression would be perpetual. In short, they found

their own strength insufficient to oppose that of the King. They therefore

insisted that the States General should be called. Here they became

united with and supported by the Patriots, and their joint influence was

sufficient to produce the promise of that assembly. I always suspected

that the archbishops had no objections to this force under which they

laid him. But the Patriots and Parliament insisted it was their efforts

which extorted the promise against his will. The re-establishment of the

Parliament was the effect of the same coalition between the Patriots and

Parliament; but, once re-established, the latter began to see danger in

that very power, the States General, which they had called for in a moment

of despair, but which they now foresaw might very possibly abridge their

powers. They began to prepare grounds for questioning their legality, as

a rod over the head of the States, and as a refuge if they should really

extend their reformations to them. Mr. Neckar came in at this period

and very dexterously disembarrassed the administration of these disputes

by calling the notables to advise the form of calling and constituting

the States. The court was well disposed towards the people, not from

principles of justice or love to them; but they want money. No more can

be had from the people. They are squeezed to the last drop. The clergy

and nobles, by their privileges and influence, have kept their property

in a great measure untaxed hitherto. They then remain to be squeezed, and

no agent is powerful enough for this but the people. The court therefore

must ally itself with the people. But the Notables, consisting mostly

of privileged characters, had proposed a method of composing the States,

which would have rendered the voice of the people, or Tiers Etats, in the

States General, inefficient for the purpose of the court. It concurred

then with the Patriots in intriguing with the Parliament to get them to

pass a vote in favor of the rights of the people. This vote, balancing

that of the Notables, has placed the court at liberty to follow its own

views, and they have determined that the Tiers Etat shall have in the

States General as many votes as the clergy and nobles put together. Still

a great question remains to be decided, that is, shall the States General

vote by orders, or by persons? precedents are both ways. The clergy will

move heaven and earth to obtain the suffrage by orders, because that

parries the effect of all hitherto done for the people. The people will

probably send their deputies expressly instructed to consent to no tax,

to no adoption of the public debts, unless the unprivileged part of the

nation has a voice equal to that of the privileged; that is to say, unless

the voice of the Tiers Etat be equalled to that of the clergy and nobles.

They will have the young noblesse in general on their side, and the King

and court. Against them will be the ancient nobles and the clergy. So

that I hope, upon the whole, that by the time they meet, there will be

a majority of the nobles themselves in favor of the Tiers Etat. So far

history. We are now to come to prophecy; for you will ask, to what will

all this lead? I answer, if the States General do not stumble at the

threshold on the question before stated, and which must be decided before

they can proceed to business, then they will in their first session easily

obtain, 1. Their future periodical convocation of the States. 2. Their

exclusive right to raise and appropriate money which includes that of

establishing a civil list. 3. A participation in legislation; probably

at first, it will only be a transfer to them of the portion of it now

exercised by parliament, that is to say, a right to propose amendments

and a negative. But it must infallibly end in a right of origination. 4.

Perhaps they may make a declaration of rights. It will be attempted at

least. Two other objects will be attempted, viz., a habeas corpus law

and a free press. But probably they may not obtain these in the first

session, or with modifications only, and the nation must be left to ripen

itself more for their unlimited adoption. Upon the whole, it has appeared

to me that the basis of the present struggle is an illumination of the

public mind as to the rights of the nation, aided by fortunate incidents;

that they can never retrograde, but from the natural progress of things,

must press forward to the establishment of a constitution which shall

assure to them a good degree of liberty. They flatter themselves they

shall form a better constitution than the English. I think it will be

better in some points--worse in others. It will be better in the article

of representation, which will be more equal. It will be worse, as their

situation obliges them to keep up the dangerous machine of a standing

army. I doubt, too, whether they will obtain the trial by jury, because

they are not sensible of its value.

I am sure I have by this time heartily tired you with this long epistle,

and that you will be glad to see it brought to an end, with assurances of

the sentiments of esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be,

dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, January 11, 1789.

SIR,--My last letters were of the 14th, 19th and 29th of November, by

the way of London. The present will go the same way, through a private

channel.

All military operations in Europe seem to have been stopped, by the

excessive severity of the weather. In this country, it is unparalleled in

so early a part of the winter, and in duration, having continued since

the middle of November, during which time, it has been as low as nine

degrees below nought, that is to say, forty degrees below freezing, by

Fahrenheit's thermometer; and it has increased the difficulties of the

administration here. They had, before, to struggle with the want of money,

and want of bread for the people, and now, the want of fuel for them, and

want of employment. The siege of Oczakow is still continued, the soldiers

sheltering themselves in the Russian manner, in subterraneous barracks;

and the Captain Pacha has retired with his fleet. The death of the King

of Spain has contributed, with the insanity of the English King, to render

problematical, the form which the affairs of Europe will ultimately take.

Some think a peace possible between the Turks and the two Empires, with

the cession of Crimea to the former, as less important to Russia than

Poland, which she is in danger of losing. In this case, the two Empires

might attack the King of Prussia, and the scene of war be only changed. He

is certainly uneasy at the accident happened to his principal ally. There

seems no doubt, but that the Prince of Wales will be sole regent; but it

is also supposed, they will not give him the whole executive power, and

particularly, that of declaring war without the consent of the parliament.

Should his personal dispositions, therefore, and that of a new ministry,

be the same which the King had, of co-operating with Prussia, yet the

latter cannot count on their effect. Probably, the parliament will not

consent to war, so that I think we may consider the two great powers of

France and England as absolutely at rest for some time.

As the character of the Prince of Wales is becoming interesting, I have

endeavored to learn what it truly is. This is less difficult in his case,

than in that of other persons of his rank, because he has taken no pains

to hide himself from the world. The information I most rely on, is from

a person here with whom I am intimate, who divides his time between Paris

and London, an Englishman by birth, of truth, sagacity and science. He is

of a circle, when in London, which has had good opportunities of knowing

the Prince; but he has also, himself, had special occasions of verifying

their information, by his own personal observation. He happened, when

last in London, to be invited to a dinner of three persons. The Prince

came by chance, and made the fourth. He ate half a leg of mutton; did

not taste of small dishes, because small; drank Champagne and Burgundy,

as small beer during dinner, and Bourdeaux after dinner, as the rest

of the company. Upon the whole, he ate as much as the other three, and

drank about two bottles of wine without seeming to feel it. My informant

sat next him, and being till then unknown to the Prince, personally,

(though not by character,) and lately from France, the Prince confined

his conversation almost entirely to him. Observing to the Prince that he

spoke French without the least foreign accent, the Prince told him, that

when very young, his father had put only French servants about him, and

that it was to that circumstance he owed his pronunciation. He led him

from this to give an account of his education, the total of which was the

learning a little Latin. He has not a single element of Mathematics, of

Natural or Moral Philosophy, or of any other science on earth, nor has the

society he has kept been such as to supply the void of education. It has

been that of the lowest, the most illiterate and profligate persons of

the kingdom, without choice of rank or mind, and with whom the subjects

of conversation are only horses, drinking-matches, bawdy houses, and

in terms the most vulgar. The young nobility, who begin by associating

with him, soon leave him, disgusted with the insupportable profligacy

of his society; and Mr. Fox, who has been supposed his favorite, and

not over-nice in the choice of company, would never keep his company

habitually. In fact, he never associated with a man of sense. He has not

a single idea of justice, morality, religion, or of the rights of men, or

any anxiety for the opinion of the world. He carries that indifference

for fame so far, that he would probably not be hurt were he to lose

his throne, provided he could be assured of having always meat, drink,

horses, and women. In the article of women, nevertheless, he is become

more correct, since his connection with Mrs. Fitzherbert, who is an honest

and worthy woman: he is even less crapulous than he was. He had a fine

person, but it is becoming coarse. He possesses good native common sense;

is affable, polite, and very good humored. Saying to my informant, on

another occasion, "your friend, such a one, dined with me yesterday, and

I made him damned drunk;" he replied, "I am sorry for it; I had heard that

your royal highness had left off drinking:" the Prince laughed, tapped him

on the shoulder very good naturedly, without saying a word, or ever after

showing any displeasure. The Duke of York, who was for some time cried up

as the prodigy of the family, is as profligate, and of less understanding.

To these particular traits, from a man of sense and truth, it would be

superfluous to add the general terms of praise or blame, in which he is

spoken of by other persons, in whose impartiality and penetration I have

less confidence. A sample is better than a description. For the peace of

Europe, it is best that the King should give such gleamings of recovery,

as would prevent the regent or his ministry from thinking themselves firm,

and yet, that he should not recover.

This country advances with a steady pace towards the establishment of

a constitution, whereby the people will resume the great mass of those

powers, so fatally lodged in the hands of the King. During the session of

the Notables, and after their votes against the rights of the people, the

parliament of Paris took up the subject, and passed a vote in opposition

to theirs (which I send you). This was not their genuine sentiment; it

was a manœuvre of the young members, who are truly well disposed, taking

advantage of the accidental absence of many old members, and bringing

others over by the clause, which, while it admits the negative of the

States General in legislation, reserves still to the parliament the

right of enregistering, that is to say, another negative. The Notables

persevered in their opinion. The Princes of the blood, (Monsieur and the

Duke d'Orleans excepted,) presented and published a memoir, threatening a

scission. The parliament were proposing to approve of that memoir, (by way

of rescinding their former vote,) and were prevented from it by the threat

of a young member to impeach (_denoncer_) the memoir and the Princes who

signed it. The vote of the Notables, therefore, remaining balanced by

that of the Parliament, the voice of the nation becoming loud and general

for the rights of the Tiers Etat, a strong probability that if they were

not allowed one half the representation, they would send up their members

with express instructions to agree to no tax and to no adoption of the

public debts, and the court really wishing to give them a moiety of the

representation, this was decided on ultimately. You are not to suppose

that these dispositions of the court proceed from any love of the people,

or justice towards their rights. Courts love the people always, as wolves

do the sheep. The fact is this. The court wants money. From the Tiers

Etat they cannot get it, because they are already squeezed to the last

drop. The clergy and the nobles, by their privileges and their influence,

have hitherto screened their property in a great degree, from public

contribution. That half of the orange then, remains yet to be squeezed,

and for this operation there is no agent powerful enough, but the people.

They are, therefore, brought forward as the favorites of the court, and

will be supported by them. The moment of crisis will be the meeting of

the States; because their first act will be, to decide whether they shall

vote by persons or by orders. The clergy will leave nothing unattempted to

obtain the latter; for they see that the spirit of reformation will not

confine itself to the political, but will extend to the ecclesiastical

establishment also. With respect to the nobles, the younger members are

generally for the people, and the middle aged are daily coming over to the

same side; so that by the time the States meet, we may hope there will be

a majority of that body also in favor of the people, and consequently for

voting by persons, and not by orders.

You will perceive, by the report of Mr. Neckar, (in the gazette of

France,) 1, a renewal of the renunciation of the power of imposing a

new tax by the King, and a like renunciation of the power of continuing

any old one; 2, an acknowledgment that the States are to appropriate the

public moneys, which will go to the binding the court to a civil list;

3, a consent to the periodical meeting of the States; 4, to consider of

the restrictions of which _lettres de cachet_ are susceptible; 5, the

degree of liberty to be given to the press; 6, a bill of rights; and 7,

there is a passage which looks towards the responsibility of ministers.

Nothing is said of communicating to them a share in the legislation. The

ministry, perhaps, may be unwilling to part with this, but it will be

insisted on in the States. The letters of convocation will not appear

till towards the latter end of the month: neither time nor place are yet

declared, but Versailles is talked of, and we may well presume that some

time in April will be fixed on. In the meantime, Mr. Neckar gets money to

keep the machine in motion. Their funds rose slowly, but steadily, till

within these few days, when there was a small check. However, they stand

very well, and will rise. The _caisse d'escompte_ lent the government

twenty-five millions, two days ago. The navy of this country sustained

a heavy loss lately, by the death of the Bailli de Suffrein. He was

appointed Generalissimo of the Atlantic, when war was hourly expected

with England, and is certainly the officer on whom the nation would have

reposed its principal hopes, in such a case. We just now hear of the death

of the Speaker of the House of Commons, before the nomination of a regent,

which adds a new embarrassment to the re-establishment of government in

England.

Since writing mine of November the 29th, yours of the 23d of September

has come to hand. As the General of the Mathurins was to be employed

in the final redemption of our captives, I thought that their previous

support had better be put into his hands, and conducted by himself in

such a way as not to counterwork his plan of redemption, whenever we can

enable him to begin on it. I gave him full powers as to the amount and

manner of subsisting them. He has undertaken it, informing me, at the

same time, that it will be on a very low scale, to avoid suspicion of

its coming from the public. He spoke of but three sous a day per man,

as being sufficient for their physical necessaries, more than which, he

thinks it not advisable to give. I have no definitive answer yet from

our bankers, whether we may count on the whole million last agreed to

be borrowed, but I have no doubt of it, from other information, though I

have not their formal affirmative. The gazettes of Leyden and France to

this date, accompany this. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the

most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble

servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PARIS, January 12, 1789.

DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 18th of November; since which, I

have received yours of the 21st of September and October the 8th, with the

pamphlet on the Mohicon language, for which, receive my thanks. I endeavor

to collect all the vocabularies I can, of the American Indians, as of

those of Asia, persuaded, that if they ever had a common parentage, it

will appear in their languages.

I was pleased to see the vote of Congress, of September the 16th, on the

subject of the Mississippi, as I had before seen, with great uneasiness,

the pursuits of other principles, which I could never reconcile to my

own ideas of probity or wisdom, and from which, and my knowledge of the

character of our western settlers, I saw that the loss of that country

was a necessary consequence. I wish this return to true policy, may

be in time to prevent evil. There has been a little foundation for the

reports and fears relative to the Marquis de La Fayette. He has, from the

beginning, taken openly part with those who demand a constitution; and

there was a moment that we apprehended the Bastile; but they ventured on

nothing more, than to take from him a temporary service, on which he had

been ordered; and this, more to save appearances for their own authority,

than anything else; for at the very time they pretended that they had put

him into disgrace, they were constantly conferring and communicating with

him. Since this, he has stood on safe ground, and is viewed as among the

foremost of the patriots. Everybody here is trying their hand at forming

declarations of rights. As something of that kind is going on with you

also, I send you two specimens from hence. The one is by our friend of

whom I have just spoken. You will see that it contains the essential

principles of ours, accommodated as much as could be, to the actual state

of things here. The other is from a very sensible man, a pure theorist,

of the sect called the economists, of which Turgot was considered as the

head. The former is adapted to the existing abuses, the latter goes to

those possible, as well as to those existing.

With respect to Dr. Spence, supposed to have been taken by the Algerines,

I think the report extremely improbable. O'Bryan, one of our captives

there, has constantly written to me, and given me information on every

subject he thought interesting. He could not have failed to know if such

a capture had been made, though before his time, nor to inform me of it.

I am under perpetual anxiety for our captives there. The money, indeed, is

not yet ready at Amsterdam; but when it shall be, there are no orders from

the board of treasury to the bankers, to furnish what may be necessary for

the redemption of the captives; and it is so long since Congress approved

the loan, that the orders of the treasury for the application of the money

would have come, if they had intended to send any. I wrote to them early

on the subject, and pointedly. I mentioned it to Mr. Jay also, merely that

he might suggest it to them. The payments to the foreign officers, will

await the same formality.

I thank you for your attention to the case of Mrs. Burke. We have no

news of Dr. Franklin since July last, when he was very ill. Though the

silence of our letters on that subject is a proof that he is well, yet

there is an anxiety here among his friends. We have lately had three books

published, which are of great merit, in different lines. The one is in

seven volumes, octavo, by an Abbé Barthelemy, wherein he has collected

every subject of Grecian literature, after a labor of thirty years. It is

called "_Les voyages d'Anacharsis_." I have taken a copy for you, because

the whole impression was likely to be run off at once. The second is a

work on government, by the Marquis de Condorcet, two volumes, octavo. I

shall secure you a copy. The third are the works of the King of Prussia,

in sixteen volumes, octavo. These were a little garbled at Berlin, before

printed. The government lays its hands on all which come here, and change

some leaves. There is a genuine edition published at Balse, where even the

garblings of Berlin are re-established. I doubt the possibility of getting

a copy, so vigilant is the government as to this work. I shall obtain

you one, if it be possible. As I write all the public news to Mr. Jay, I

will not repeat it to you. I have just received the Flora Caroliniana of

Walter, a very learned and good work. I am, with very sincere esteem and

respect, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, January 14, 1789.

SIR,--In my letter of the 11th, I have said nothing of the _Arret_

explanatory of that of September the 28th, on the subject of whale oils,

which my letter of November the 19th gave you reason to expect. Though

this explanatory _Arret_ has been passed so long ago as the 7th of

December, it has not been possible for me to obtain an authentic copy of

it, till last night. I now enclose that to you, with a copy of a letter

to me from Mr. Neckar, on the subject. The reception of our oils, in the

meantime, is provided for by an intermediate order. You will observe,

that in the _Arret_ it is said to be passed "provisoirement," and that

Mr. Neckar expressly holds up to us in his letter, a repeal, whenever

the national fishery supplies their wants. The _Arret_, however, is not

limited in its duration, and we have several chances against its repeal.

It may be questioned, whether Mr. Neckar thinks the fishery worth the

expense. It may be well questioned, whether, either with or without

encouragement, the nation whose navigation is the least economical of

all in Europe, can ever succeed in the whale fishery, which calls for the

most rigorous economy. It is hoped that a share in the legislation will

pass immediately into the hands of the States General, so as to be no

longer in the power of the _commis_ of a bureau, or even of his minister

to smuggle a law through, unquestioned; and we may even hope that the

national demand for this oil will increase faster than both their and our

fisheries together will supply. But in spite of all these hopes, if the

English should find means to cover their oils under our name, there will

be great danger of a repeal. It is essential, then, that our government

take effectual measures to prevent the English from obtaining genuine sea

papers, that they enable their consuls in the ports of France (as soon as

they shall be named) to detect counterfeit papers, and that we convince

this government that we use our best endeavors with good faith, as it is

clearly our interest to do; for the rivalship of the English, is the only

one we have to fear. It had already begun to render our oils invendible in

the ports of France. You will observe that Mr. Neckar renews the promise

of taking off the ten sous _pour_ livre, at the end of the next year.

Oczakow is at length taken by assault. The assailants were fourteen

thousand, and the garrison twelve thousand, of whom seven thousand were

cut to pieces before they surrendered. The Russians lost three thousand

men. This is the Russian version, of which it is safe to believe no part,

but that Oczakow is taken. The speaker of the English House of Commons,

having died suddenly, they have chosen Mr. Grenville, a young man of

twenty-seven years of age. This proves that Mr. Pitt is firm with the

present parliament.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. ADAMS.

PARIS, January 14, 1789.

DEAR SIR,--I now do myself the pleasure to enclose to you a copy of

the _Arret_ explanatory of that of September 28th, on the subject of

our whale oils. Mr. Neckar in a letter to me has reserved the promise

of taking off the ten sous per livre at the end of the next year. But,

at the same time, he observes that whenever the national fishery shall

be able to supply their demand for whale oil, we must expect a repeal

of this _Arret_, which therefore expresses itself to be _provisory_.

However, their navigation being the most expensive in Europe, they are

the least likely to succeed in a whale fishery, without encouragements

more extravagant than even those they now give; and it remains to be seen

whether Mr. Neckar will continue to give even the present. I am informed

there will be fewer French adventurers the next year than there has

been this; so that if there be an apparent increase of their fishery, it

will be by drawing over more of our fishermen. It is probable the States

General will obtain a participation in the legislation, which will render

their laws more stable, and more to be relied on. Mr. Neckar has also

promised that if the present _Arret_ should at any time be repealed,

there shall be a sufficient space of time allowed for the reception of

the oils which shall have been previously embarked. But our principal,

if not our only danger, of a repeal being brought on, will come from the

endeavors of the English to introduce their oils under color of ours,

perhaps even with the assistance of our own merchants. Some effectual

means must be adopted to prevent them from getting our real ship papers,

and our Consuls in the ports of France must be enabled to detect forged

papers; and we must moreover convince this government that we use our

utmost endeavors, and with good faith, to prevent the entry of English

oils under the license given to us. I would advise our shippers of oil

always to get the certificate of the French consul in their State, if

it be practicable, because those will admit of the least doubt here.

When this cannot be had, they may have recourse to the magistrates of

the country, and in this case there should be a certificate under the

seal of the State, that the magistrate who has certified their oil to be

the produce of the American fishery, is a magistrate duly appointed and

qualified by law, all the States for the Governors' signature to accompany

the great seal. Oczakow is at length taken. The Russians say they gave

the assault with fourteen thousand men, against twelve thousand within

the walls, that seven thousand of these suffered themselves to be cut to

pieces before they surrendered, and that themselves lost three thousand.

The only circumstance to be believed in all this, is that Oczakow is

taken. Everything else in Europe is quiet, except the internal affairs

of Poland. The Prussian party there gains greater superiority daily. The

King of Prussia, however, will feel less bold on the probability that

England will remain inactive in all things external. This secures to this

country leisure for their internal improvements. These go on well. The

report of Mr. Neckar to the King, which has been published, renews the

renunciation of the power of laying a new tax or continuing an old one

without consent of the States General; admits they are to appropriate the

public moneys (and of course how much of it the King may spend), that

ministers must be responsible, that the King will concur in fixing the

periodical meeting of the States, that he will be ready to consider with

them what modifications, _lettres de cachet_ should be put under, and of

the decree of liberty which may be given to the press; and further, that

all this shall be fixed by a convention so solemn as that his successor

shall not be free to infringe it; that is to say, that he will concur in

a declaration of rights. Nothing is said, however, of the States sharing

in the legislation, but they will surely be passed. They have given to the

Tiers Etat a representation in the States equal to both the other orders,

and it is probably they will form but one house and vote by persons; but

that is not decided. Be so good as to present me affectionately to Mrs.

Adams, and to be assured yourself, of the sincere esteem of, dear Sir,

your friend and servant.

TO MADAME NECKAR.

PARIS, January 24, 1789.

I have received, Madam, with a great deal of sensibility, the letter of

the 22d instant, with which you were pleased to honor me, on the claims

of Monsieur Klein against the United States; and immediately endeavored

to inform myself of their foundation, by an examination of the journals

of Congress. Congress, consisting of many persons, can only speak by the

organ of their records. If they have any engagements, they are to be found

there. If not found there, they can never have existed. I proceeded to

this examination, with all the partialities which were naturally inspired

by the interest you are so good as to take in his behalf, the desire of

doing what will be agreeable to you, and a disposition to obtain for him

the justice which might be his due. I have extracted, literally, from

those journals, everything I find in them on his subject, and I take the

liberty of enclosing you those extracts. From them, as well as from what I

recollect of the ordinary train of business about the years 1778 and 1779,

I presume the following to be very nearly the history of Monsieur Klein's

case.

Congress were generally desirous of adding to their army during the war.

Among other methods attempted, it was usual for foreigners (multitudes

of whom went to ask command), when they found there was no vacancy,

to propose to raise troops themselves, on condition they should have

commissions to command them. I suppose that Messrs. Klein, Fearer and

Kleinsmit (named in the resolution of Congress of 1788, and whom, from

their names, I conjecture to be Germans), offered to enlist a body of men

from among the German prisoners taken with General Burgoyne at Saratoga,

on condition that Fearer and Kleinsmit should be captains over them, and

Klein, lieutenant colonel. Three months seem to have been allowed them

for raising their corps. However, at the end of ten months it seems they

had engaged but twenty-four men, and that all of these, except five, had

deserted. Congress, therefore, put an end to the project, June the 21st,

1779 (and not in July, 1780, as Monsieur Klein says), by informing him

they had no farther use for his services, and giving him a year's pay

and subsistence to bring him to Europe. He chose to stay there three

and a half longer, as he says, to solicit what was due to him. Nothing

could ever have been due to him, but pay and subsistence for the ten

months he was trying to enlist men, and the donation of a year's pay and

subsistence; and it is not probable he would wait three years and a half

to receive these. I suppose he has staid in hopes of finding some other

opening for employment. If these articles of pay and subsistence have not

been paid to him, he has the certificates of the paymaster and commissary

to prove it; because it was an invariable rule, when demands could not be

paid, to give the party a certificate, to establish the sum due to him. If

he has not such a certificate, it is a proof he has been paid. If he has

it, he can produce it, and, in that case, I will undertake to represent

his claim to our government, and will answer for their justice.

It would be easy to correct several inaccuracies in the letter of Monsieur

Klein, such as that Congress _engaged_ to give him a regiment; that he

paid the recruiting money _out of his own pocket_; that his soldiers had

_nothing but bread and water_; that Congress had promised him they would

pay his soldiers in _specie_, &c.; some of which are impossible, and

others very improbable; but these would be details too lengthy, Madam,

for you to be troubled with. Klein's object is to be received at the

hospital of invalids. I presume he is not of the description of persons

entitled to be received there, and that his American commission and

American grievances, are the only ground he has whereon to raise a claim

to reception. He has, therefore, tried to make the most of them. Few think

there is any immorality in scandalizing governments or ministers; and M.

Klein's distresses render this resource more innocent in him than it is in

most others.

Your commands, Madam, to give what information I could, have drawn thus

much from me. I would not wish to weaken the hopes he so justly rests

on your known goodness and benevolence. On the contrary, the weaker his

claim elsewhere, the stronger they will plead in your bosom to procure him

relief; and whatever may be done for him here, I repeat it, that if he has

any just demand against the United States, and will furnish me with proofs

of it, I will solicit it with zeal, and, I trust, with effect. To procure

him justice will be one gratification, and a great additional one will

be, that he has procured me the occasion of offering you my portion of the

general tribute so justly due for all the good you have done, and all you

are perpetually endeavoring to do. Accept then, Madam, I pray you, this

homage from one whose motives are pure truth and justice, when he assures

you of the sincerity of those sentiments of esteem and respect with

which he has the honor to be, Madam, your most obedient, and most humble

servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, February 4, 1789.

SIR,--Your favor of November the 25th, by Gouverneur Morris, is duly

received. I must beg you to take the trouble of deciphering yourself what

follows, and to communicate it to nobody but the President, at least for

the present.

We had before understood, through different channels, that the conduct

of the Count de Moustier was politically and morally offensive. It

was delicate for me to speak on the subject to the Count de Montmorin.

The invaluable mediation of our friend, the Marquis de La Fayette, was

therefore resorted to, and the subject explained, though not pressed.

Later intelligence showing the necessity of pressing it, it was yesterday

resumed, and represented through the same medium to the Count de

Montmorin, that recent information proved to us, that his minister's

conduct had rendered him personally odious in America, and might even

influence the dispositions of the two nations; that his recall was become

a matter of mutual concern; that we had understood he was instructed

to remind the new government of their debt to this country, and that

he was in the purpose of doing it in very harsh terms; that this could

not increase their desire of hastening payment, and might wound their

affections; that, therefore, it was much to be desired that his discretion

should not be trusted to, as to the form in which the demand should be

made, but that the letter should be written here, and he instructed to

add nothing but his signature; nor was his private conduct omitted. The

Count de Montmorin was sensibly impressed. He very readily determined

that the letter should be formed here, but said that the recall was a

more difficult business; that as they had no particular fact to allege

against the Count de Moustier, they could not recall him from that

ministry without giving him another, and there was no vacancy at present.

However, he would hazard his first thoughts on the subject, saving the

right of correcting them by further consideration. They were these: that

there was a loose expression in one of de Moustier's letters, which might

be construed into a petition for leave of absence; that he would give

him permission to return to France; that it had been before decided, on

the request of the Marquis de La Luzerne, that Otto should go to him to

London; that they would send a person to America as chargé des affaires

in place of Otto, and that if the President (General Washington) approved

of him, he should be afterwards made minister. He had cast his eye on

Colonel Ternant, and desired the Marquis to consult me whether he would

be agreeable. At first I hesitated, recollecting to have heard Ternant

represented in America as an hypochondriac, discontented man, and paused

for a moment between him and Barthelemy, at London, of whom I have heard

a great deal of good. However, I concluded it safer to take one whom

we knew, and who knew us. The Marquis was decidedly of this opinion.

Ternant will see that his predecessor is recalled for unconciliatory

deportment, and that he will owe his own promotion to the approbation of

the President. He established a solid reputation in Europe, by his conduct

when Generalissimo of one of the United Provinces, during their late

disturbances; and it is generally thought, that if he had been put at the

head of the principal province, instead of the Rhingrave de Salm, he would

have saved that cause. Upon the whole, I believe you may expect that the

Count de Moustier will have an immediate leave of absence, which will soon

after become a recall in effect. I will try, also, to have the consuls

admonished as to the line of conduct they should observe. I shall have the

honor of writing you a general letter within a few days. I have now that

of assuring you of the sentiment of sincere esteem and respect, with which

I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO WILLIAM SHORT.

PARIS, February 9, 1789.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 22d of January, on which day I

received yours of December the 31st, and since that, the other of January

the 14th. We have now received news from America down to the middle

of December. They had then had no cold weather. All things relative

to our new Constitution were going on well. Federal senators are; New

Hampshire, President Langdon and Bartlett. Massachusetts, Strong and

Dalton. Connecticut, Dr. Johnson and Ellsworth. New Jersey, Patterson

and Ellmer. Pennsylvania, Robert Morris and McClay. Delaware, Reed and

Bassett. Virginia, Richard Henry Lee and Grayson. Maryland, Charles

Carroll of Carrolton, and John Henry. All of these are federalists except

those of Virginia; so that a majority of federalists are secured in the

Senate, and expected in the House of Representatives. General Washington

will be President, and probably Mr. Adams Vice President. So that the

Constitution will be put under way by those who will give it a fair trial.

It does not seem probable that the attempt of New York to have another

convention to make amendments, will succeed, though Virginia concurs in

it. It is tolerably certain that Congress will propose amendments to the

Assemblies, as even the friends of the Constitution are willing to make

amendments; some from a conviction they are necessary, others, from a

spirit of conciliation. The addition of a bill of rights, will, probably,

be the most essential change. A vast majority of anti-federalists have got

into the Assembly of Virginia, so that Mr. Henry is omnipotent there. Mr.

Madison was left out as a senator by eight or nine votes; and Henry has so

modelled the districts for representatives, as to tack Orange to counties

where himself has great influence, that Madison may not be elected into

the lower federal House, which was the place he had wished to serve in,

and not the Senate. Henry pronounced a philippic against Madison in open

Assembly, Madison being then at Philadelphia. Mifflin is President of

Pennsylvania, and Peters, Speaker. Colonel Howard is Governor of Maryland.

Beverly Randolph, Governor of Virginia; (this last is said by a passenger

only, and he seems not very sure,) Colonel Humphreys is attacked in the

papers for his French airs, for bad poetry, bad prose, vanity, &c. It is

said his dress, in so gay a style, gives general disgust against him. I

have received a letter from him. He seems fixed with General Washington.

Mayo's bridge, at Richmond, was completed, and carried away in a few

weeks. While up, it was so profitable that he had great offers for it.

A turnpike is established at Alexandria, and succeeds. Rhode Island

has again refused to call a convention. Spain has granted to Colonel

Morgan, of New Jersey, a vast tract of land on the western side of the

Mississippi, with the monopoly of the navigation of that river. He is

inviting settlers, and they swarm to him. Even the settlement of Kentucky

is likely to be much weakened by emigrations to Morgan's grant. Warville

has returned, charmed with our country. He is going to carry his wife

and children to settle there. Gouverneur Morris has just arrived here;

deputed, as is supposed, to settle Robert Morris' affairs, which continue

still deranged. Doctor Franklin was well when he left America, which was

about the middle of December.

* * * * *

I send Mr. Rutledge two letters by the post. Be so good as to present him

my esteem, and to be assured yourself of the sincere esteem and attachment

with which I am, and shall ever be, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and

servant.

TO M. DE VILLEDEUIL.

PARIS, February 10, 1789.

SIR,--I take the liberty of troubling your Excellency with the following

case, which I understand to be within your department. Mr. Jay, Secretary

for Foreign Affairs to the United States of America, having occasion to

send me despatches of great importance, and by a courier express, confided

them to a Mr. Nesbitt, who offered himself in that character. He has

delivered them safely; but, in the moment of delivering them, explained

to me his situation, which is as follows. He was established in commerce

at L'Orient during the war. Losses by shipwreck, by capture, and by the

conclusion of the peace at a moment when he did not expect it, reduced

him to bankruptcy, and he returned to America, without the consent of his

creditors, to make the most of his affairs there. He has been employed

in this ever since, and now wishing to see his creditors, and to consult

them on their mutual interests, he availed himself of Mr. Jay's demand

for a courier, to come under the safe conduct of that character to Paris,

where he flattered himself he might obtain that of your Excellency, for

the purpose of seeing his creditors, settling and arranging with them.

He thinks a twelve-month will be necessary for this. Understanding that

it is not unusual to grant safe conducts in such cases, and persuaded it

will be for the benefit of his creditors, I take the liberty of enclosing

his memoir to your Excellency, and of soliciting your favorable attention

to it, assured that it will not be denied him, if it be consistent with

the established usage; and if inadmissible, praying that your Excellency

will have the goodness to give me as early an answer as the other

arduous occupations in which you are engaged will admit, in order that

he may know whether he may see his creditors, or must return without. I

am encouraged to trouble your Excellency with this application, by the

goodness with which you have been pleased to attend to our interests on

former occasions, and by the desire of availing myself of every occasion

of proffering to you the homage of those sentiments of attachment and

respect, with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. SHORT.

PARIS, February 28, 1789.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 9th instant. Yours of the 11th,

came to hand yesterday evening. Some of its enquiries will have already

been answered to you. We have no information from America down to the

middle of January. Things were going on so well that our letters afford

nothing interesting scarcely. The opposition to the new Constitution

grows feebler. Everywhere the elections are federal. In New York they

had not yet been able to agree in the choice of senators, nor even in

the manner of choosing. The new government begins on Wednesday next.

Its friends consent to some changes, and particularly to the annexation

of a declaration of rights. This will probably be proposed by Congress

to the several assemblies, and thus a new convention be avoided. The

Virginia Assembly met October 23. They choose for their speaker, Thomas

Mathews, (who is this?) They are furiously anti-federal. They have passed

a bill rendering every person holding any federal office incapable of

holding at the same time any State office. This is a declaration of war

against the new Constitution. Mr. Adams is generally expected to be the

Vice-President. Hancock is his only competitor. Others are sometimes

talked of, but not with their own consent. I see in a Virginia paper of

last summer, that George Nicholas advertised his departure to settle

in Kentucky this present month of February. Great numbers of American

vessels are now arriving in the ports of France with flour and wheat, in

consequence of the demand of this country and of the bounty it gives. I

have received a letter from Ladian, dated Grand Cairo, September 10. He

was just then about to plunge into the terræ incognitæ of Africa. This

morning, I received one from Admiral Paul Jones, dated St. Petersburg,

January 30, he was just arrived there at the desire of the Empress. He has

commanded hitherto on the Black Sea, but does not know whether the Empress

destines him to return there or to take any other command.

There has been an affray in Britanny between the Noblesse and people, in

which some few were killed. Things there are now quiet, and all the rest

of the kingdom is going on well towards its object. In some places, as

in Burgundy and Franche-compte, there is an opposition by the Noblesse

indeed against the manifest sense of the nation, but I do not apprehend

any serious evil from it. The States General are likely to meet under

happy auspices. It would seem that the government thinks they will end

well, because I observe in their communications with certain unfriendly

courts they assume a tone which had been laid aside for some time. Their

effects stand well. * * * * The King of England seems to be in a state

of convalescence. The symptoms of a return of reason are such that on

the 19th instant the House of Lords put off the reading of the Regency

bill, and it is even thought there will be no regency, nor any change of

ministry. There are not yet sufficient data to ground a judgment whether

there will be peace or not between the Turks and the two empires, nor what

part Russia will take in the affairs of Poland. The preparations of Sweden

and Denmark so far announce a continuation of the war. You have heard,

doubtless, of the revolution which took place in Geneva about the last

of January. It was the work of three or four days only, and with little

bloodshed their ancient constitution is almost completely re-established.

Their exiles are to be recalled, the foreign garrison sent off, the

Bourgeois guard the city, and the nomination of the Syndics is restored

to the council of two hundred. I see no reason to doubt the permanence

of this reformation. Here all your acquaintances are well. I continue to

keep my house and on such terms as will induce me to keep it as long as

I remain in Europe. I fear my departure in the spring may be retarded,

as Governeur Morris tells me there would be no probability that the old

Congress would re-assemble. In this case I cannot receive my leave of

absence from the new government. I have proposed to them the naming you

_Chargé des Affaires_ to take care of their business during my absence.

You know that we must not be too sanguine on these occasions.

* * * * *

TO DR. BANCROFT.

PARIS, March 2, 1789.

DEAR SIR,--I have just received a letter of January 31st from Admiral Paul

Jones, at Petersburg, in which, charging me with the execution of some

commissions, and these requiring money, he tells me you will answer my

drafts to the amount of four or five thousand livres, on his account. Be

so good as to inform me whether you will pay such drafts.

A Monsieur Foulloy, who has been connected with Deane, lately offered me

for sale two volumes of Deane's letter books and account books, that he

had taken instead of money, which Deane owed him. I have purchased them

on public account. He tells me Deane has still six or eight volumes more,

and being to return soon to London, he will try to get them also, in

order to make us pay high for them. You are sensible of the impropriety

of letting such books get into hands which might make an unfriendly use

of them. You are sensible of the immorality of an ex-minister's selling

his secrets for money; and consequently that there can be no immorality

in tempting him with money to part with them; so that they may be restored

to that government to whom they properly belong. Your former acquaintance

with Deane may, perhaps, put it in your power to render our country

the service of recovering those books. It would not do to propose it

to him as for Congress. What other way would best bring it about, you

know best. I suppose his distresses and his crapulous habits, will not

render him difficult on this head. On the supposition that there are six

or eight volumes, I think you might venture as far as fifty guineas,

and proportionably for fewer. I will answer your draft to this amount

and purpose, or you may retain it out of any moneys you may propose to

pay me for Admiral Jones. There is no time to lose in this negotiation,

as, should Foulloy arrive there before it is closed, he will spoil the

bargain. If you should be able to recover these books, I would ask the

favor of you to send them to me by the Diligence, that I may carry them

back with me to America. I make no apology for giving you this trouble. It

is for our common country, and common interest.

I am, with sincere and great esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your most

obedient humble servant.

TO MR. SHIPPEN.

PARIS, March 11, 1789.

DEAR SIR,--I had wished to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of

January the 19th, and February the 3d, by a private conveyance, but none

such having occurred, nor being likely to occur, I must write you such a

letter as may go through the inspection of both post offices.

The affairs of this country are still going on well. There are loud

contestations indeed in one or two of the provinces, and in Brittany

these have come to blows, and some three or four or five people have

been killed. Still the opposition to the revolution which is working has

been miraculously small, and he who would predict of its failure from the

little obstacles which have happened, would be about as good a prophet as

he who, from the loss of two or three skirmishes on our part, would have

foretold our final failure in the American revolution. All the world here

is occupied in electioneering, in choosing or being chosen; and, as far as

Paris may be considered as affording a specimen of the public mind, we may

say it is almost thoroughly ripe for a just decision of the great question

of voting by orders or by persons. The difficulties which now appear

threatening to my mind, are those which will result from the size of the

Assembly. Twelve hundred persons of any rank and of any nation assembled

together, would with difficulty be prevented from tumult and confusion.

But when they are to compose an assembly for which no rules of debate

or proceeding have been yet formed, in whom no habits of order have been

yet established, and to consist moreover of Frenchmen, among whom there

are always more speakers than listeners, I confess to you I apprehend

some danger. However, I still hope that the goodness of the body, and the

coolness and collectedness of some of their leaders, will keep them in the

right way, and that this great Assembly will end happily.

The war in the north will, I think, continue, and perhaps spread as far as

Prussia. The present and probable situation of the Executive in England,

will, I presume, prevent their engaging otherwise than by giving money.

If so, this country will certainly not engage herself the present year,

and after the present year, if her States General pass over well, she will

be in a condition to do what she pleases. I have lately received a letter

from Admiral Paul Jones, dated at Petersburg, about the last of January.

He was just arrived there on the call of the Empress, and uninformed where

he was to act the ensuing campaign. We have no news from America later

than the 10th of January, when things were going on well. I find that

the friends of the new Constitution are generally disposed to make such

changes as may be requisite to guard liberty. This will probably reconcile

the bulk of the opposition. Nothing would be more agreeable to me than

your company on our voyage to Virginia, and I am sorry I am unable to give

such an idea of the epoch of it, as might enable you to decide whether it

suited you. Governeur Morris, who is here, informs me that not only there

was no Congress when he came away, but that none was expected till the

new government. My letters asking leave of absence were not then arrived,

and consequently I cannot have that leave but from the new government,

nor expect that even they will take it up among their first subjects.

This renders the time of my receiving permission uncertain, and should it

be so late as that I cannot go, do my business there, and return in the

fall, I shall prefer postponing my departure hence to the fall, so that

I may return in the spring, being quite decided against a winter passage.

You see, therefore, my dear Sir, the impossibility of my fixing the epoch

of my departure. Pray continue to me during your stay your interesting

political information, and accept assurances of the esteem and respect

with which I am, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, March 12, 1789.

SIR,--I had the honor of addressing you on the 1st instant, through the

post. I write the present, uncertain whether Mr. Nesbitt, the bearer of

your last, will be the bearer of this, or whether it may not have to wait

some other private occasion. They have re-established their packet-boats

here indeed; but they are to go from Bourdeaux, which, being between four

and five hundred miles from hence, is too far to send a courier with any

letters but on the most extraordinary occasions; and without a courier,

they must pass through the post office. I shall, therefore, not make use

of this mode of conveyance, but prefer sending my letters by a private

hand, by the way of London. The uncertainty of finding private conveyances

to London, is the principal objection to this.

On the receipt of your letter, advising me to purchase the two volumes

of Deane's letters and accounts, I wrote to the person who had them, and

after some offers and refusals, he let me have them for twenty-five louis,

instead of twenty louis asked at first. He told me that Deane had still

six or eight volumes more, and that when he should return to London, he

would try to get them, in order to make himself whole for the money he had

lent Deane. As I knew he would endeavor to make us pay dear for them, and

it appeared to be your opinion and that of the members you had consulted,

that it was an object worthy attention, I wrote immediately to a friend in

London, to endeavor to purchase them from Deane himself, whose distresses

and crapulous habits will probably render him more easy to deal with. I

authorized him to go as far as fifty guineas. I have as yet no answer from

him. I enclose you a letter which I wrote last month to our bankers in

Holland. As it will itself explain the cause of its being written, I shall

not repeat its substance here. In answer to my proposition, to pay bills

for the medals and the redemption of our captives, they quote a resolution

of Congress (which, however, I did not find in the printed journals)

appropriating the loans of 1787 and 1788 to the payment of interest on

the Dutch loans till 1790, inclusive, and the _residue_ to salaries and

contingencies in Europe, and they argue that, according to this, they

are not to pay anything in Europe, till they shall first have enough to

pay all the interest which will become due to the end of the year 1790;

and that it is out of personal regard, that they relax from this so far

as to pay diplomatic salaries. So that here is a clear declaration they

will answer no other demands, till they have in hand money enough for all

the interest to the end of the year 1790. It is but a twelvemonth since I

have had occasion to pay attention to the proceedings of those gentlemen;

but during that time, I have observed, that as soon as a sum of interest

is becoming due, they are able to borrow just that, and no more; or, at

least, only so much more as may pay our salaries and keep us quiet. Were

they not to borrow for the interest, the failure to pay that would sink

the value of the capital, of which they are considerable sharers. So far,

their interests and ours concur. But there, perhaps, they may separate.

I think it possible, they may choose to support our credit to a certain

point, and let it go no further, but at their will; to keep it so poised,

as that it may be at their mercy. By this, they may be sure to keep us

in their own hands. They write word to the treasury, that in order to

raise money for the February interest, they were obliged to agree with

the subscribers, that Congress should open no other loan at Amsterdam

this year, till this one be filled up, and that this shall not be filled

but by the present subscribers, and they not obliged to fill it. This

is delivering us, bound hand and foot, to the subscribers, that is, to

themselves. Finding that they would not raise money for any other purpose,

without being pushed, I wrote the letter I enclose you. They answer, as I

have stated, by refusing to pay, alleging the appropriation of Congress.

I have written again, to press them further, and to propose to them the

payment of thirty thousand florins only, for the case of our captives,

as I am in hopes this may do. In the close of my letter to them, you will

observe I refer them, as to the article of foreign officers, to the board

of treasury. I had, in truth, received the printed journals a few days

before, but had not yet had time to read them carefully, and particularly

had not then noted the vote of Congress of August the 20th, directing me

to attend to that article. I shall not fail to do what I can in it; but I

am afraid they will consider this also as standing on the same ground with

the other contingent articles.

This country, being generally engaged in its elections, affords nothing

new and worthy of communication. The hopes of accommodation between Turkey

and the two empires, do not gain strength. The war between Russia and

Denmark on the one hand, and Sweden on the other, is likely also to go on,

the mediation of England being rendered of little force by the accident

to its Executive. The progress of this war, and also of the broils in

Poland, may possibly draw the King of Prussia into it, during the ensuing

campaign; and it must, before it be finished, take in this country,

and perhaps England. The ill humor on account of the Dutch revolution

continues to rankle here. They have recalled their ambassador from the

Hague, and manifestly to show their dissatisfaction with that court, and

some very dry memorials have lately been exchanged, on the subject of the

money this country assumed to pay the Emperor, for the Dutch. I send you

very full extracts of these, which will show you the dispositions of the

two courts towards each other. Whether, and when this country will be able

to take an active part, will depend on the issue of the States General. If

they fund their public debts judiciously, and will provide further funds

for a war, on the English plan, I believe they will be able to borrow any

sums they please. In the meantime, the situation of England will leave

them at leisure to settle their internal affairs well. That ministry,

indeed, pretend their King is perfectly re-established. No doubt they will

make the most of his amendment, which is real, to a certain degree. But

as, under pretence of this, they have got rid of the daily certificates of

the physicians, and they are possessed of the King's person, the public

must judge hereafter from such facts only as they can catch. There are

several at present which, put together, induce a presumption that the King

is only better, not well. And should he be well, time will be necessary to

give a confidence, that it is not merely a lucid interval. On the whole,

I think we may conclude, that that country will not take a part in the war

this year, which was by no means certain before.

M. del Pinto, formerly minister of Portugal at London, and the same who

negotiated the treaty with us, being now put at the head of the ministry

of that country, I presume that negotiation may be renewed successfully,

if it be the desire of our government. Perhaps an admission of our flour

into their ports may be obtained now, as M. del Pinto seemed impressed

with our reasoning on that subject, and promised to press it on his court,

though he could not then venture to put it into the treaty. There is not

the same reason to hope any relaxation as to our reception in Brazil,

because he would scarcely let us mention that at all. I think, myself,

that it is their interest to take away all temptations to our co-operation

in the emancipation of their colonies: and I know no means of doing this,

but the making it our interest that they should continue dependent, nor

any other way of making this our interest, but by allowing us a commerce

with them. However, this is a mode of reasoning which their ministry,

probably, could not bear to listen to.

I send herewith the gazettes of France and Leyden, and have the honor to

be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO F. HOPKINSON.

PARIS, March 13, 1789.

DEAR SIR,--Since my last, which was of December the 21st, yours of

December the 9th and 21st are received. Accept my thanks for the papers

and pamphlets which accompanied them, and mine and my daughter's, for

the book of songs. I will not tell you how much they have pleased us,

nor how well the last of them merits praise for its pathos, but relate a

fact only, which is, that while my elder daughter was playing it on the

harpsichord, I happened to look towards the fire, and saw the younger one

all in tears. I asked her if she was sick? She said "no; but the tune was

so mournful."

The Editor of the Encyclopedie has published something as to an advanced

price on his future volumes, which, I understand, alarms the subscribers.

It was in a paper which I do not take, and therefore I have not yet seen

it, nor can I say what it is. I hope that by this time you have ceased to

make wry faces about your vinegar, and that you have received it safe and

good. You say that I have been dished up to you as an anti-federalist,

and ask me if it be just. My opinion was never worthy enough of notice

to merit citing; but since you ask it, I will tell it to you. I am not a

federalist, because I never submitted the whole system of my opinions to

the creed of any party of men whatever, in religion, in philosophy, in

politics or in anything else, where I was capable of thinking for myself.

Such an addiction, is the last degradation of a free and moral agent. If

I could not go to heaven but with a party, I would not go there at all.

Therefore, I am not of the party of federalists. But I am much farther

from that of the anti-federalists. I approved, from the first moment,

of the great mass of what is in the new Constitution; the consolidation

of the government; the organization into executive, legislative, and

judiciary; the subdivision of the legislative; the happy compromise of

interests between the great and little States, by the different manner of

voting in the different Houses; the voting by persons instead of States;

the qualified negative on laws given to the executive, which, however,

I should have liked better if associated with the judiciary also, as in

New York; and the power of taxation. I thought at first that the latter

might have been limited. A little reflection soon convinced me it ought

not to be. What I disapproved from the first moment also, was the want

of a bill of rights, to guard liberty against the legislative as well

as the executive branches of the government; that is to say, to secure

freedom in religion, freedom of the press, freedom from monopolies,

freedom from unlawful imprisonment, freedom from a permanent military,

and a trial by jury, in all cases determinable by the laws of the land.

I disapproved, also, the perpetual re-eligibility of the President. To

these points of disapprobation I adhere. My first wish was, that the nine

first conventions might accept the constitution, as the means of securing

to us the great mass of good it contained, and that the four last might

reject it, as the means of obtaining amendments. But I was corrected in

this wish, the moment I saw the much better plan of Massachusetts, and

which had never occurred to me. With respect to the declaration of rights,

I suppose the majority of the United States are of my opinion; for I

apprehend, all the anti-federalists and a very respectable proportion of

the federalists, think that such a declaration should now be annexed. The

enlightened part of Europe have given us the greatest credit for inventing

the instrument of security for the rights of the people, and have been

not a little surprised to see us so soon give it up. With respect to the

re-eligibility of the President, I find myself differing from the majority

of my countrymen; for I think there are but three States out of the eleven

which have desired an alteration of this. And indeed, since the thing

is established, I would wish it not to be altered during the life of our

great leader, whose executive talents are superior to those, I believe,

of any man in the world, and who, alone, by the authority of his name and

the confidence reposed in his perfect integrity, is fully qualified to put

the new government so under way, as to secure it against the efforts of

opposition. But, having derived from our error all the good there was in

it, I hope we shall correct it, the moment we can no longer have the same

name at the helm.

These, my dear friend, are my sentiments, by which you will see I was

right in saying I am neither federalist nor anti-federalist; that I am

of neither party, nor yet a trimmer between parties. These, my opinions,

I wrote within a few hours after I had read the Constitution, to one or

two friends in America. I had not then read one single word printed on

the subject. I never had an opinion in politics or religion, which I was

afraid to own. A costive reserve on these subjects might have procured me

more esteem from some people, but less from myself. My great wish is, to

go on in a strict but silent performance of my duty; to avoid attracting

notice, and to keep my name out of newspapers, because I find the pain

of a little censure, even when it is unfounded, is more acute than the

pleasure of much praise. The attaching circumstance of my present office,

is, that I can do its duties unseen by those for whom they are done.

You did not think, by so short a phrase in your letter, to have drawn on

yourself such an egotistical dissertation. I beg your pardon for it, and

will endeavor to merit that pardon by the constant sentiments of esteem

and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY COUNT DE MOUSTIER.

PARIS, March 13, 1789.

DEAR SIR,--I have now to acknowledge the honor of your several letters

of Aug. 12th, Oct. 17th, and Nov. 27th, and your postscript to Madame

de Brehan's of Dec. 29th. I have been discouraged from writing to

you by the idea that your friends here must give you infinitely more

exact information of what is passing, than I could do, who see things

imperfectly only, as a stranger. But your complaints of the inexactitude

of your friends in this point, will induce me hereafter to hazard more

freely my communications, however imperfect. The affairs of this country

go on more auspiciously than the most sanguine could have expected.

The difficulties of procuring money, and of preventing a bankruptcy,

continue always at such a point as to leave the administration no

resource but that of an appeal to the nation, and the nation, availing

itself of their advantageous position, presses on sufficiently to obtain

reasonable concessions, and yet not so much as to endanger an appeal to

arms. In fact, the King is altogether out of the dispute. He has said he

is ready to agree to such and such articles, and the dispute is between

the privileged and unprivileged orders, how they shall divide these

concessions between them. An equal taxation is agreed to by everybody;

the only question is on the mode of voting; and even in this I think

there is already a majority of the nobles in favor of voting by persons.

Should this be the case, and should it be found practicable to organize so

numerous a body as twelve hundred, so as to avoid tumult, we may hope a

happy issue from the approaching convocation. One of their great objects

will be to fund the public debts, and if this operation be judiciously

executed, and their expenses reduced within the limits of their revenue,

I see nothing to prevent their possessing the first credit in Europe,

and being, of course, in a condition to enter on the stage again more

respectably than they ever yet did. But they must be left in quiet this

year at least. Longer still would be still better. The present situation

of the antagonist nation is favorable to the necessary repose of this

country. It is impossible that England can venture to engage itself in

a war this year. Were the King as well as his ministry untruly pretend

him to be, time is necessary to give a confidence in his recovery, and

to show that it is not merely a lucid interval. In the meanwhile, the

glimmerings of accommodation between the Turks and two empires do not grow

stronger. On the other hand, the war in the western parts of Europe will

very possibly spread farther. The accident in England has benumbed her

mediation between the Swedes and Danes, so that their war will probably go

on, and, with the disturbances in Poland, may draw in the King of Prussia.

This will so embroil matters, that it is impossible they should clear

up but by a general war, in which France, if not England, must sooner or

later take a part. Your ambassador at the Hague is recalled, and certainly

on account of the ill-humor between this Court and that. Some very dry and

unfriendly memorials have passed between them on the subject of the money

which was to have been paid by this country for the late peace with the

Emperor. These things suffice to show that France nourishes a resentment

still of the treatment she has received, and to keep alive well-grounded

apprehensions at the Hague that all is not done yet. Should there be a

possibility of detaching the Turks from the war, so as to leave the two

empires free to turn this way, or should England remain inactive, the

contest in which this country may be engaged will not be difficult; but

if the Turks, English, Dutch, Prussians, Poles and Swedes are all in

activity, they will give warm employment to the two empires, France, Spain

and Denmark, in the event of the war becoming general.

All the world here is electioneering. Paris is a desert, at least as to

that description of persons who think they may be chosen themselves, or

aid the choice of their friends. I hope to see this great meeting before

my departure. Several elections are already over, but I am not able to

give you a list of them. Mirabeau has been declared in his province not

to be a noble, whereupon he offered himself for the people, and it is said

he is elected. The D. de Orleans has lately rendered himself very popular

by decided declarations in favor of the Tiers Etat in all their points. He

has particularly declared he will pay taxes in proportion to his property,

and he has relinquished all his Capitaineries. His daughter is to be

married to the D. de Angouleme. The Dauphin is at the last extremity.

He is lately removed from Versailles to Meudon. This is considered as

preparatory to a removal to St. Dennis. We have had such a winter here

as is not on record. The mercury was 18½ below freezing on Reaumur's

scale, and I think it was nearly two months varying between that point and

zero. It gave occasion for a display of the benevolent character of this

nation, which, great as I had thought it, went beyond my expectations.

There seems to be a very general apprehension of the want of bread this

spring. Supplies are hoped from our country, and indeed they have already

reduced the price of flour at Bordeaux from 36_l._ to 33_l._ the barrel.

The funds, at a low ebb when Mr. Necker came in, recovered their ground

by degrees, and have ever since remained stationary. The Court has had

thoughts of coming to St. Cloud during the session of the States, but it

is not yet decided. As I shall write to Madame de Brehan, I shall tender

my respects to her myself. The next details I give you will be in New

York, where I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you in the summer, and

of taking your orders for France. In the meantime, I am, with very sincere

esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MADAME DE BREHAN.

PARIS, March 14, 1789.

DEAR MADAM,--I had the honor of writing to you on the 15th of February;

soon after which, I had the honor of receiving your favor of December the

29th. I have a thousand questions to ask you about your journey to the

Indian treaty, how you like their persons, their manners, their costumes,

_cuisine_, &c. But this I must defer till I can do it personally in New

York, where I hope to see you for a moment in the summer, and to take

your commands for France. I have little to communicate to you from this

place. It is deserted; everybody being gone into the country to choose

or be chosen deputies to the States General. I hope to see that great

meeting before my departure. It is to be on the 27th of next month. A

great political revolution will take place in your country, and that

without bloodshed. A King with two hundred thousand men at his orders,

is disarmed by the force of the public opinion and the want of money.

Among the economies becoming necessary, perhaps one may be the opera.

They say it has cost the public treasury an hundred thousand crowns the

last year. A new theatre is established since your departure; that of the

Opera Buffons, where Italian operas are given, and good music. It is in

the Chateau des Tuilleries. Paris is every day enlarging and beautifying.

I do not count among its beauties, however, the wall with which they

have enclosed us. They have made some amends for this, by making fine

boulevards within and without the walls. These are in considerable

forwardness, and will afford beautiful rides round the city, of between

fifteen and twenty miles in circuit. We have had such a winter, Madam, as

makes me shiver yet, whenever I think of it. All communications, almost,

were cut off. Dinners and suppers were suppressed, and the money laid

out in feeding and warming the poor, whose labors were suspended by the

rigor of the season. Loaded carriages passed the Seine on the ice, and

it was covered with thousands of people from morning to night, skating

and sliding. Such sights were never seen before, and they continued

two months. We have nothing new and excellent in your charming art of

painting. In fact, I do not feel an interest in any pencil but that

of David. But I must not hazard details on a subject wherein I am so

ignorant, and you such a connoisseur. Adieu, my dear Madam; permit me

always the honor of esteeming and being esteemed by you, and of tendering

you the homage of that respectful attachment with which I am, and shall

ever be, dear Madam, your most obedient humble servant.

INDEX TO VOL. II.

ADAMS, JOHN--View of his character, 107.

His recall from England, 110.

Mr. Jefferson's view of his new work, 128, 282.

AGRICULTURE--Condition of in South of France, 135.

AMERICA--Habits of people in 1786, 13.

Current events, 19, 21, 148, 574. (See U. States.)

ANTIQUITIES--Monuments in South of France, 132, 133, 134.

In Western country, 176.

ANTOINETTE, MARIA--Her character, 154, 310.

AUSTRIA--Our commercial relations with, 28.

Relations between Austria and Netherlands, 289.

Relations between Austria, Russia, and France, 313, 344, 371.

Relations between Austria and Turkey, 392, 396, 510, 531, 552.

BANKS--Mr. Jefferson's views on banking system of England, 405.

BANK OF PHILADELPHIA--Its charter, 24.

BARBARY STATES--Hostile relations of with U. S., 10, 26, 27, 85.

Treaty with Morocco, 72, 94, 125.

Its ratification, 264.

Treaty with Algiers fails, 85.

Intervention of Mathurin Monks in favor of our Algerine prisoners,

93, 113, 270, 307, 386.

Redemption of our prisoners, 307, 380, 464, 564.

BARCLAY, MR.--His arrest at Bordeaux, 155, 158, 159, 226.

His return to U. S., 183.

His pecuniary embarrassments, 183, 210.

His character, 210, 211.

BED OF JUSTICE--Held to force Parliament to register decrees, 258.

BILLS OF RIGHTS--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 329, 358.

BRABANT--Revolutionary movement in, 212.

BRAZIL--Revolutionary movements in, 140.

Communicated to Mr. Jefferson, and his views thereon, 143.

Character of population, 140.

BRIENNE, CARDINAL--His influence over the Queen, 310.

His character, 311, 316.

His want of popularity, 316.

His dismissal, 471.

BRITTANY--Difficulties between Noblesse and people in, 577.

CALONNES, M. DE--His administration of finances of France, 298.

CANALS--The Erie and Ohio Canal, 250.

Practicability of canal through Isthmus of Panama, 325, 397.

Advantages of canal between the Cayahoga and Big Beaver, 370.

The Potomac canal, 283.

Santee and Cooper canal, 283.

CAPER, THE--Culture of in U. S., 198.

CARMICHAEL, MR.--His character, 107.

CAROLINA, SOUTH--Introduction of culture of grape, almond, caper,

olive, fig, &c., 197, 198, 199.

CARR, PETER--Advice as to his education, 237, 409.

CARRYING TRADE--Foreign vessels excluded from, between France and

her colonies, 338, 346.

CINCINNATI, SOCIETY OF--Dangers of the society, 61.

COMMERCE--Treaties of, with European powers, 5, 17.

Transfer of power over to Congress, 19, 21.

Commerce with Austria, 28.

" with West Indies, 112, 536.

" with Sardinia, 146.

" with France, 163, 169, 528, 529. (See France.)

Commercial policy of U. S., 321, 529, 537.

CONFEDERATION, ARTICLES OF--Powers of the government under, 23.

Reform of, 66.

COINAGE--The coinage of the U. S., 101.

Improvements in coinage, 75, 89, 111.

CONSTITUTION, FEDERAL--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 217, 249, 250, 256,

267, 316, 318, 328, 334, 365, 388, 404, 435, 465, 586.

His objections to, 316, 318, 329, 355, 358, 375, 399.

Description of, 324.

Opposition to by different States, 324.

Who for and who against it, 324, 358.

Best to adopt first and amend afterwards, 332, 355, 399, 404.

Vote of different States on adoption of, 384, 423.

Conduct of Massachusetts in relation to, 398, 399, 404, 550.

Nine States accede thereto, 455, 533.

Effect thereof, 533.

Virginia and New York accede, proposing amendments, 480, 533, 550.

N. Carolina follows lead of Va. and N. York, 492, 550.

Debates on Constitution in Va. Convention, 481.

Organization of government under, New Constitution, 550, 573, 576.

Character of first elections under Federal, 576.

CONSULS--Creatures of Convention, 17.

May be dispensed with, 420, 421.

Changes in Consular Convention with France, 416, 478, 493.

Relative to making foreigners Consuls, 495.

Copy of Convention, 498.

CONVENTION, FEDERAL--Its objects, 149, 211, 257, 264.

Distribution of powers of Federal Government, 152.

Scheme of New Constitution, 217, 249, 250, 256.

Place of Assembling, 480.

CORNWALLIS, LORD--His depredations on Mr. Jefferson's property, 426.

COTTON--Product of Southern States, 12.

CREDIT--Credit of the U. S. in Holland, 376.

In Austria, 376.

In England, 376.

In France, 376.

Mode of building up credit, 377.

DEAN, SILAS--Seizure of his letter books for debt, 454.

Purchase thereof for United States, 578, 582.

DEBT, DOMESTIC--Evil of transferring it to foreigners, 368.

DEBT, FOREIGN--Relative to the funding of, 507.

Transfer of French debt to Holland, 28, 53, 79, 111, 120, 154,

161, 181, 209, 231, 329, 385.

Interest on foreign debt not paid, 101, 103, 181, 378.

Instalment laws, 216.

Debt to foreign officers, and their complaints, 301, 326, 333,

386, 422, 479.

Policy of paying interest punctually, 239, 351, 352, 377.

Negotiations in relation to, 351, 352.

DEBT, PUBLIC--Amount of, 358.

Public lands looked to as means of paying, 358.

Redeemed at price paid by holder of the script, 360.

Negotiations in Holland for loan, 367, 373.

Certainty that the whole will ultimately be paid, 422.

DEMOCRACY--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 100, 105, 166, 249.

Self government by the people, 166, 249.

DENMARK--Claim against for prize money, 13, 348, 410.

DUMAS, M.--Protection for his official character asked of

Netherlands, 287.

His claim against U. S., 366.

EARTH, THE--Theory of, 68.

EASTERN STATES--(See Riots).

EDUCATION--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 175, 192, 227, 245, 429.

EMIGRANTS--German emigrants best, 235.

ENGLAND--Her calumnies against U. S., 36, 204, 318.

England and France compared, 161.

Scheme for conquest of U. S., 306.

Indisposition of King of England, 490, 532, 577.

Relations between England and France, 303, 308, 356.

Between England, Spain and Russia, 365.

EUROPE--Political condition of, 3, 7, 9, 11, 76, 77, 150, 157, 170,

191, 206, 212, 215, 222, 234, 248, 263, 267, 315, 334, 336, 371,

381, 392, 396, 405, 422, 429, 436, 448, 468, 491, 508, 532, 558,

580, 583, 588.

Hostilities threatened, 270, 272, 281, 283, 290.

Difficulties adjusted, 303, 308.

Social and political degradation of, 7.

Relations between Turkey and Russia, 262, 263, 272, 288.

War between Turkey and Russia, 436, 441, 453, 459, 460, 462,

468, 510, 533, 552, 568.

Relations between Russia and Holland, 279, 281, 288, 289, 303,

308, 476, 483.

Relations between Austria and Netherlands, 289.

Relations between England and France, 356.

Relations between Spain, England and Russia, 355.

Relations between Austria and Turkey, 392, 396, 510, 531, 552.

Relations between Sweden and Russia, 453, 459, 460, 462, 476, 483,

510.

Relations between Naples and Papal See, 454.

FARMERS, GENERAL--Enjoy monopoly of tobacco trade of France, 14, 70,

89, 183, 186, 193.

Difficulties with, 182.

FEDERALIST, THE--Mr. Jefferson's opinion of, 506.

FINANCE--Condition of our European finances, 147, 385.

Financial embarrassments of France, 222, 230, 570.

FISEAUX, M.--His loan, 339, 351, 352, 368.

FLOUR--New mode of preserving, 236.

FOURQUEUX, M. DE--Succeeds Calonnes as minister of finance, 138.

FRANCE--Military preparations by, 3.

Importations of whale oil, 27, 47, 157, 312, 341, 393, 488, 515,

516, 537, 539, 565, 567.

Note on whale oil by Mr. Jefferson, 516.

Commercial relations with, 45, 47, 50, 65, 88, 163, 169, 260, 274,

278, 298, 312, 341, 487.

Description of South of France, 71, 109.

Consular convention with, 90.

Changes therein, 416, 478, 493, 498.

Assembly of Notables, 91, 95, 99, 119, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131.

Organization of, 133.

Her friendship for U. S., 109.

Character of King and Queen of, 154, 301.

Commerce with South of, 157.

Commercial negotiations, 172, 312, 342.

Political condition of, 209, 222, 230, 231, 234, 382.

Financial embarrassments of, 222, 230, 510.

Ministerial changes, 258, 309, 471.

Division of ministry on question of war, 294.

Call of States General inevitable, 372.

Violent measures of the King, 390.

Reforms in constitution granted, 390, 448, 457, 466.

Concessions by the King, 448, 450, 506.

French revolution begins with aristocratic orders, 457, 459, 490.

States General convened, 458, 461, 463, 467, 509.

Difficulties as to how they shall be constituted, 468, 485, 491,

492, 511, 551, 561.

The question referred to the decision of Notables, 463, 511, 535.

Their decision thereon, 535, 548, 556, 561.

The court dissatisfied with decision, 536, 561.

Riots, 471.

Reforms by States General, 535, 562.

What reforms practicable, 544, 548.

Elections to States General, 580, 589.

Severity of winter of 1788-9, 541, 558, 590, 591.

Mr. Jefferson's views on rise and progress of French revolution,

554, 591.

FUR TRADE--Establishment of depot at Alexandria, 60.

GEOLOGY--Relative to rock formations, &c., 276.

GEORGE IV.--His character, 558.

GORDON, DR.--His history of U. States, 167, 425.

GRAND, MR.--His advances to U. S., 223.

HASTINGS, WARREN--His trial, 349.

Mr. Jefferson's views on, 349.

HEAD AND HEART--Dialogue between, 32.

HENNIN, M.--His character, 110.

HENRY, PATRICK--His conduct in Va. Assembly, 574.

HISTORY, NATURAL--The deer, elk, &c., 74, 285, 288.

Moose, mammoth, &c., 474.

HOLLAND--Political condition of, 212, 215, 234.

Division of parties, 228.

Relations between Holland and Prussia, 279, 281, 288, 289.

Amicably adjusted, 303, 308, 476, 483.

HONFLEUR--Its establishment as a free port, 53, 92, 96, 126.

HOSTAGE--Case of one confined at Dunkirk, 312.

HYGROMETER--Invented by Dr. Rittenhouse, 83.

INDIANS--Our policy towards, 3.

The origin of the aborigines of America, 434.

INDIES, WEST--Trade with, 536.

INTERNATIONAL LAW--(See Law of Nations).

INVENTIONS, MECHANICAL--Improvement in making wheels, 97.

ITALY--Description of Northern Italy, 136, 137.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS--His visit to South of France, 71, 109, 121, 126.

His views of South of France, 132, 135, 136, 266.

His visit to Northern Italy, 136, 137, 266.

Settlement of his accounts as minister, 225, 400, 401.

His domestic tastes, 243, 356.

His visit to Hague, 361.

His outfit as foreign minister, 401, 406.

Effort to take him prisoner in Albemarle, 425.

Tarleton's conduct at Charlottesville, 425.

The depredations of Cornwallis, 425.

Petitions for leave of absence to visit U. S., 513, 552.

His relations to parties under New Constitution, 586.

His views on Hastings' trial, 349.

His views on democracy, 100, 105, 106, 249.

JONES, PAUL--Prize money due him, 1.

Takes employment in Russian navy, 372, 381, 382.

His victory over Turks, 441, 443, 448, 451, 454, 467.

KLEIN, M.--His claim against U. States, 569.

LA FAYETTE--Bust of presented to City of Paris, by Virginia, 30, 44,

118, 123.

His services to U. S., 108.

LAMBE, MR.--His equivocal conduct, 73, 85.

LANDS, PUBLIC--Disposal of, 86.

Sales of, 325.

Disposition of proceeds, 325.

LAWS--Evil of their instability, 333.

LAW OF NATIONS--Establishment by treaty of rule Free ships free

goods, Enemy's ships enemy's goods, 280.

Property of one Sovereign cannot be seized in territory of another,

477, 486.

LEDYARD, J. MR.--His travels, 151.

Arrested by Empress of Russia, 433.

LITERATURE--New literary works, 95.

LIVY--Arabic translation of, 483.

LOUIS XVI.--His character, 154, 310.

LUZERNE, CHEVALIER DE--His return to United States, as minister,

106, 112.

Appointed Ambassador to England, 314.

His domestic affairs, 445.

MADISON, JAMES--Books for him, 207.

MAMMOTH--Account of, 474.

MANSFIELD, LORD--Mr. Jefferson's opinion of his decisions, 487.

MANUFACTURES--Improvement of U. S. in, 91.

Reason why U. S. do not prosper in, 412.

Domestic manufactures of Va., 412.

MARSEILLES--Our trade with, 138.

MEDALS--For revolutionary officers, 123.

MEXICO--Classification of population of, 143.

Revolutionary movements in, 144.

MINISTERS, FOREIGN--Their salaries insufficient, 401, 406.

Entitled to outfit, 402, 406.

Have no power to authenticate writings, 542.

MISSISSIPPI RIVER--Navigation of, 106, 378, 396, 398, 416.

MONARCHY--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 221, 249, 253.

MONEY--Redemption of paper money of U. S., 51, 64.

The money Unit of U. S., 52.

MOOSE, THE--Account of, 474.

MONTMORIN, CT. DE--Appointed successor of Ct. de Vergennes, 122.

His character, 131.

MONTICELLO--Its beautiful scenery, 35.

MOUSTIER, CT. DE--His character, 293.

His mission to U. S., 295.

Relative to his recall, 571.

MUSIC--The Harmonica, 75.

NAPLES--Relations with the Papal See, 454.

NATURAL HISTORY--(See History).

NECKAR, M.--Appointed Director General of Finance, 473.

NEUTRALITY--The true policy of U. S., 253, 291.

Treaties with France obstacle to neutrality, 223.

NOTABLES--Assembly of in France, 91, 95, 99, 119, 127, 128, 129, 131.

Organization of, 133.

Question of organization of States General referred to, 463, 511,

535.

Their decision thereon, 535, 562.

Reforms by, 257.

OFFICE--Rotation is the true principle, 330.

OLIVE, THE--Its culture in U. States, 359, 414.

Olive oil, 359.

PAINE, THOMAS--His bridge, 204, 546.

PANAMA, ISTHMUS OF--Practicability of canal through, 325.

PARIS--Parisian and American every-day life compared, 116.

Improvement in city, 253.

PARLIAMENT OF PARIS--Resists the crown, 254, 255, 439.

Removed to Troyes, 258.

Bed of Justice, 258.

PEARLS--Manufacture of, 203.

PEDOMETER--379.

PERU--Insurrectionary movements in, 147.

Our sympathy with, 145.

PLENARY COURTS--Mr. Jefferson's views of, 388, 391, 438.

POPE, THE--Relations between Papal See and Naples, 454.

PORTUGAL--Commercial relations with, 5, 89.

PRESIDENT--Mr. Jefferson's views on Question of re-eligibility, 330.

PRISONERS--Redemption of our Algerine prisoners, 307, 380, 386, 464,

564.

Intervention of Mathurin Monks in their behalf, 93, 113, 270, 307,

386.

PROTESTANTS--Edict of, 13.

PRUSSIA--Death of King of, 28.

Relations of with Holland, 279, 281, 288, 289, 303, 308, 476, 488.

RAMSAY, DR.--His history, 216.

RANDOLPH, THOMAS--His education, 245.

RELIGION--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 237.

Reception in Europe of Va. Act of Religious Freedom, 67.

REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT--Its superiority over Monarchical, 221, 249,

253.

REVOLUTIONS--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 332.

REVOLUTION, AMERICAN--History of by M. Chas, 63.

REVOLUTION, FRENCH--(See France).

REYNEVAL, M.--Views of his character, 109.

RHODE ISLAND, COLLEGE OF--Declines to apply to King of France for

donation of books for, 184.

RICE--Consumption of in France, 48, 434.

Rice trade, 138, 537.

Mode of preparation, 138, 434.

The rice of Lombardy, 139.

Attempt to introduce its culture in South Carolina, 139, 178, 347.

Difference between Carolina and Piedmont rice, 162, 178, 195.

Rice trade of France, 194, 205, 320.

Rice of Cochin China, 197.

RIOTS--In Eastern States, 78, 81, 99, 104, 124, 165, 318, 322, 399.

In New York, 415.

RUSSIA--Relations with Turkey, 261, 263, 272, 285.

War with Turkey, 436, 441, 453, 450, 460, 465, 468, 510, 553, 552,

568.

Relations with Austria and France, 315, 344, 371.

Relations with Sweden, 453, 459, 460, 462, 476, 483, 510.

SAFE CONDUCT--One asked for Mr. Nesbitt, 575.

SCIENCE--Scientific news of Europe, 247, 270, 429.

Theory of vegetation, 430.

Astronomical discoveries, 429.

The Rainbow, 430.

The progress of Chemistry, 431.

SEA, THE--The currents of, 58.

SLAVERY--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 357.

SLAVE TRADE--Its abolition, 357.

STATES GENERAL--(See France).

STEAM--Its use as a motive power, 67, 69.

Description of new steam mill, 277.

TARLETON--His conduct at Charlottesville and Monticello, 425.

THEATRE--The establishment of one at Richmond, Va., 346.

TOBACCO--Trade in to France a monopoly in hands of Farmers General,

14, 70, 89, 183, 186, 193.

Tobacco trade of France, 320, 353.

TREASURY--Funds in hands of Mr. Grand, 2.

TRUMBULL--His paintings, 10.

TURKEY--Relations with Russia, 262, 263, 272, 288.

War with Russia, 436, 441, 453, 459, 460, 462, 468, 510, 533, 552,

568.

Relations with Austria, 392, 396, 510, 531, 552.

UNITED STATES--Habits of people in 1786, 13.

Current events, 19, 21, 148, 574.

Climate of, 82.

Extravagance of people of, 191, 193, 215, 219.

The instalment laws of, 216.

Minister to, 227, 274.

Histories of, 256.

Coinage of, 101.

Money Unit of, 52.

Paper money of, how redeemed, 52.

Public debt of, (See Debt.)

VERGENNES, CT. DE--View of his character, 108.

His ill-health, 113.

His death, 122.

VICE PRESIDENCY--Candidates for first Vice Presidency, 465, 490, 573.

VIRGINIA--Notes on, 6.

Circumstances of their publication, 170, 180.

Revisal of Code of, 6.

The sea breezes on her coast, 54.

Arms and ammunition for, 215.

WAR--Effect of European war on U. S., 252.

WASHINGTON, GEN.--His statue by Houdon, 250.

His vast popularity, 465.

Looked to as first President, 465, 587.

Mr. Jefferson's views of, 587.

WESTERN COUNTRY--Its antiquities, 176.

Danger of its separation from East, 106, 153, 395.

Our policy towards, 395.

WEST INDIES--Our commerce with, 536.

WHALE FISHERY--Note on by Mr. Jefferson, 516.

WILLIAM AND MARY COLLEGE--Ability of its Faculty, 428.

WILLS--Construction of G. Harmer's will, 242.

WRITING MACHINE--A new invention, 110.

WYOMING--Account of the massacre of, 102, 114.

Transcriber's Note:

Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has been preserved.

Minor typographical errors were corrected without note, including

n/u reversals, b/h reversals and ,/. reversals.

Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.

Letters Written While in Europe is dated '1785-1790' on one page,

and '1784-1790' on the next page and the Table of Contents.

The following possible typos noted by the proofreaders were left

uncorrected:

page 12: dans la Eaie de Massachusetts

page 22: Etat Unis

page 24: 7 1-2 per cent.

page 46: multiply the bans

page 91: Boulton and Watts

page 91: Wedgewood

page 116: coeffeur's

page 118: nonplused

page 267: State sovereignities

page 278 and 290: deux vingtiemes, but vingtièmes on page 272

page 279: Utretcht

page 330: reigns of government

page 331: would probable produce

page 461: it had too sides

page 471: wave the benefit

page 477: question decided by abitrators

page 506 and others: Etats Genereux

page 522: twelvemonth/twelve month

page 556: Tiers Etats/Tiers Etat

page 581: not only there was

page 591: Opera Buffons

page 591: Chateau des Tuilleries

various pages: Connoissance des Temps/des tems

The following possible spelling inconsistencies in proper nouns

noted by the proofreaders were left uncorrected:

page 16: O'Bryan, and page 386 O'Brian

page 122: Colonel Humpreys and Colonel Humphreys

page 157: Toulouse (Thoulouse elsewhere)

page 179: Vercilli (Vercelli elsewhere)

page 225: Fisseaux (Fiseaux elsewhere)

page 247: Herschell (Herschel elsewhere)

page 261: M. Limosin (Limozin elsewhere)

page 269: Fourcroi (Fourcroy elsewhere)

page 274: Forqueux (Fourqueux elsewhere)

page 281: Cabarus (Cabarrus elsewhere)

page 290: Albert de Rioms (Rions elsewhere)

page 315: Willinks (Willincks elsewhere)

page 351: Stanetshi (Stanitski elsewhere)

page 381: Mogadore and Mogador

page 397: Burgoine (Bourgoine elsewhere)

page 416: Count del Verme (Vermi elsewhere)

page 433: Kamtschatka (Kamschatka elsewhere)

page 465: Trincomcale (Trincomale elsewhere)

page 476: M. de Lamorignon (Lamoignon elsewhere)

page 481: Chiappe (Chiappi elsewhere)

page 489: Mr. McCay and McClay

page 505: Colonel Blachden (Blackden elsewhere)

page 541: Bryenne (Brienne elsewhere)

page 544: Barthelemi (Barthelemy elsewhere)

page 590: Necker (Neckar elsewhere)

various pages: Moutier, Mourtier and Moustier

various pages: d'Aubertueil and d'Auberteuil

various pages: Crevecœur, Creve-cœur, and Creve-coeur

various pages: Cayohoga and Cayahoga

various pages: Borysthenes and Boristhenes

various pages: Monsieur de Calonne and Calonnes

various pages: Monsieur Limosin and Limozin