PART II.--CONTINUED

LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE

1784-1790.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.

PARIS, August 12, 1786.

GENTLEMEN,--Your favor of May the 9th, came to hand on the 25th of June,

I immediately communicated to the foreign officers the inability of the

treasury at that moment to provide payment of the interest due them,

with assurances of your attention to them on the first possible moment.

I communicated to Commodore Jones also your order for the balance in his

hands. As he was entitled to a part of the money he had received, and it

was reasonable to suppose he must have been living here on that resource,

so that he could not be expected to pay the whole sum received, I desired

him to state his account against that fund as he thought just himself, to

pay me the balance on account, reserving to you a full right to discuss

the propriety of his charges, and to allow or disallow them as you

pleased, so that nothing that passed between us, should either strengthen

or weaken his claims. He accordingly rendered me the account which I

now enclose, balance 112, 172_l._ 2-4. He desired me at the same time to

forward to you the papers, No. 1-12, which will show the objections and

difficulties he had to encounter, and which could have been obviated by

nobody else. There certainly was no other person whose knowledge of the

transactions so well qualified them to negotiate this business, and I do

suppose that this fund would have lost some of its capital articles in any

other hands. This circumstance, with the real value of this officer, will,

I doubt not, have their just influence in settling his claims. There is

no doubt but that he has actually expended the money charged to have been

expended. Without this supply, Mr. Grand would have been in advance for

the United States, according to a rough estimate which I made, 42, 281_l._

61_s._, besides 24, 437_l._ 11_s._, which, on the failure of the federal

funds here, and being apprised of Mr. Grand's advances, I had ventured to

order him to take from a sum of money lodged in his hands for the State

of Virginia for the purchase of arms. This liberty was taken in order

that he might honor the draughts of Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Dumas, pay

certain foreign officers who had not yet been paid _pari passu_ with their

brother officers, and answer my demand also. These two sums amounting to

66, 719_l._ 7_s._, were first to be replaced, and left a balance of 45,

452_l._ 15, 8_s._ Though you had proposed to leave this in my hands for

the calls of diplomatic establishments in Europe, I ventured to have it

paid with the residue of the mass into Mr. Grand's hands, to avoid giving

him umbrage and lessening his dispositions to advance hereafter, and also

because it would have been very insecure in my house which stands on the

outline of the city, separated from all others by a considerable interval,

and therefore exposed to robbery. The insurance in this situation would

have been worth much more than Mr. Grand's commission on it. From this

detail, you will perceive that there remains on hand about enough to

answer the demands of the diplomatic establishments in France, Spain,

England and Holland for a quarter of a year from this date, which I have

instructed Mr. Grand to apply solely to that purpose.

Commodore Jones will set out shortly for Copenhagen to settle the demand

against that Court, which done, he will return to America to close the

matters which have been confided to him.

I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem and respect, gentlemen,

your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. HAWKINS.

PARIS, August 13, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of June the 14th, is come to hand, and I am to thank

you for your attention to my queries on the subject of the Indians. I have

sent many copies to other correspondents, but as yet have heard nothing

from them. I shall proceed, however, in my endeavors, particularly with

respect to their language, and shall take care so to dispose of what I

collect thereon, as that it shall not be lost. The attention which you

pay to their rights, also, does you great honor, as the want of that is a

principal source of dishonor to the American character. The two principles

on which our conduct towards the Indians should be founded, are justice

and fear. After the injuries we have done them, they cannot love us, which

leaves us no alternative but that of fear to keep them from attacking

us. But justice is what we should never lose sight of, and in time it

may recover their esteem. Your attention to one burthen I laid on you,

encourages me to remind you of another, which is the sending me some of

the seeds of the Dionæa Muscipula, or Venus fly-trap, called also with

you, I believe, the Sensitive Plant. This can come folded in a letter.

Europe is in a profound calm. The Venetians, Russians and Austrians,

indeed, are pecking at the Turks, but I suppose it is only to keep alive

pretensions which may authorize the commencement of hostilities when it

shall suit them. Whether this will be immediately on the death of the King

of Prussia, or some time after, cannot be said. That event may be daily

expected. It seems as if this Court did not fear a land war, and they are

possessed of the best materials of judging. My reason for thinking they

do not expect a disturbance of their tranquillity on this Continent is,

that their whole attention is bestowed on marine preparations. Their navy

is growing, and the practicability of building a seaport is no longer

problematical. Cherbourg will certainly be completed; it will be one of

the safest and most commodious ports in the world, and will contain the

whole navy of France. It will have the advantage over the English ports

on the opposite shore, because they leave two openings, which will admit

vessels to come in or go out with any wind. This port will enable them in

case of a war with England, to invade that country, or to annihilate its

commerce, and of course its marine. Probably, too, it will oblige them to

keep a standing army of considerable magnitude. We are tolerably certain

of establishing peace with the Emperor of Morocco, but Algiers, Tunis and

Tripoli will still be hostile. Morocco, however, lying on the Atlantic,

was the most important. The Algerines rarely come far into that, and Tunis

and Tripoli never. We must consider the Mediterranean as absolutely shut

to us till we can open it with money. Whether this will be best expended

in buying or forcing a peace is for Congress to determine. I shall be glad

often to hear from you, and am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your friend

and servant.

TO MR. JAY.

PARIS, August 13, 1786.

SIR,--The enclosed letter from Mr. Barclay, and one from Mr. Carmichael,

of which I send you extracts, are come to hand this morning, which is in

time for them to go by the same gentleman who carries my letter of the

11th. I observe what Mr. Carmichael says on the subject of the Portuguese

treaty, and am sorry it meets with difficulties. I doubt, however, whether

he ascribes them to their true cause, when he supposes they are occasioned

by M. del Pinto's being of a party opposed to that of their minister at

Madrid. The cause is not proportioned to the effect. The treaty between

France and England has lately been thought to have become stationary.

This is conjectured from the rigor of the custom-houses, much increased

by late orders, as also from some other circumstances. The overtures

between England and Portugal are animated in proportion, and in the same

degree, I suspect that the latter lessens her care about us. If her wines

were to become superfluous at the English market, she wished and hoped to

find a great one with us open, to receive them. M. del Pinto's courier,

which carried the treaty to Falmouth, arrived a few hours too late for the

Lisbon packet-boat. This lost a month in the conveyance, and that month,

by producing new prospects, has been critical. There is not a want of

probability that del Pinto himself will succeed the deceased minister in

Portugal. This would be favorable to our treaty, and fortunate for us in

proportion to the value of a connection with that nation. He is sensible,

candid, and has just ideas as to us, and favorable dispositions toward

us. I expect that Mr. Adams is at this moment at the Hague, as he intended

there to take leave of that Court, and, at the same time, to exchange the

ratification of the Prussian treaty. But I send on to London copies of

the enclosed, in hopes he will speedily be returned there. I shall propose

to him that we consider whether the conduct of the Dey of Algiers leaves

any hope that any negotiator whatever could obtain his peace without a

prodigious addition to the price we had thought of? If we conclude on

the negative, still it will remain to decide whether the expense of Mr.

Barclay's going there may not be compensated by additional information,

by the possibility that he might find their ultimatum, and the advantage

of relieving the mind of Congress from all suspense by possessing them of

this ultimatum. The peace of Spain, too, being concluded, it is to be seen

whether their interference can weigh as money. It has done so at Morocco.

But Algiers is a fiercer power.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem,

Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. WYTHE.

PARIS, August 13, 1786.

DEAR SIR.--Your favors of January the 10th and February the 10th, came to

hand on the 20th and 23d of May. I availed myself of the first opportunity

which occurred, by a gentleman going to England, of sending to Mr. Joddrel

a copy of the Notes on our country, with a line informing him, that it

was you who had emboldened me to take that liberty. Madison, no doubt,

informed you of the reason why I had sent only a single copy to Virginia.

Being assured by him, that they will not do the harm I had apprehended,

but on the contrary, may do some good, I propose to send thither the

copies remaining on hand, which are fewer than I had intended. But, of the

numerous corrections they need, there are one or two so essential, that I

must have them made, by printing a few new leaves, and substituting them

for the old. This will be done while they are engraving a map which I have

constructed, of the country from Albemarle sound to Lake Erie, and which

will be inserted in the book. A bad French translation which is getting

out here, will probably oblige me to publish the original more freely;

which it did not deserve, nor did I intend. Your wishes, which are laws to

me, will justify my destining a copy for you, otherwise I should as soon

have thought of sending you a horn-book; for there is no truth in it which

is not familiar to you, and its errors I should hardly have proposed to

treat you with.

Immediately on the receipt of your letter, I wrote to a correspondent

at Florence to inquire after the family of Tagliaferro, as you desired.

I received his answer two days ago, a copy of which I now enclose.

The original shall be sent by some other occasion. I will have the

copper-plate immediately engraved. This may be ready within a few days,

but the probability is, that I shall be long getting an opportunity of

sending it to you, as these rarely occur. You do not mention the size

of the plate, but presuming it is intended for labels for the inside of

books, I shall have it made of a proper size for that. I shall omit the

word _agisos_, according to the license you allow me, because I think the

beauty of a motto is, to condense such matter in as few words as possible.

The word omitted will be supplied by every reader.

The European papers have announced, that the Assembly of Virginia were

occupied on the revisal of their code of laws. This, with some other

similar intelligence, has contributed much to convince the people of

Europe, that what the English papers are constantly publishing of our

anarchy, is false; as they are sensible that such a work is that of a

people only, who are in perfect tranquillity. Our act for freedom of

religion is extremely applauded. The ambassadors and ministers of the

several nations of Europe, resident at this court, have asked of me copies

of it, to send to their sovereigns, and it is inserted at full length in

several books now in the press; among others, in the new Encyclopedie. I

think it will produce considerable good even in these countries, where

ignorance, superstition, poverty, and oppression of body and mind, in

every form, are so firmly settled on the mass of the people, that their

redemption from them can never be hoped. If all the sovereigns of Europe

were to set themselves to work, to emancipate the minds of their subjects

from their present ignorance and prejudices, and that, as zealously as

they now endeavor the contrary, a thousand years would not place them on

that high ground, on which our common people are now setting out. Ours

could not have been so fairly placed under the control of the common sense

of the people, had they not been separated from their parent stock, and

kept from contamination, either from them, or the other people of the

old world, by the intervention of so wide an ocean. To know the worth of

this, one must see the want of it here. I think by far the most important

bill in our whole code, is that for the diffusion of knowledge among the

people. No other sure foundation can be devised, for the preservation

of freedom and happiness. If anybody thinks that kings, nobles, or

priests are good conservators of the public happiness, send him here.

It is the best school in the universe to cure him of that folly. He

will see here, with his own eyes, that these descriptions of men are an

abandoned confederacy against the happiness of the mass of the people.

The omnipotence of their effect cannot be better proved, than in this

country particularly, where, notwithstanding the finest soil upon earth,

the finest climate under heaven, and a people of the most benevolent, the

most gay and amiable character of which the human form is susceptible;

where such a people, I say, surrounded by so many blessings from nature,

are loaded with misery, by kings, nobles, and priests, and by them alone.

Preach, my dear Sir, a crusade against ignorance; establish and improve

the law for educating the common people. Let our countrymen know, that

the people alone can protect us against these evils, and that the tax

which will be paid for this purpose, is not more than the thousandth

part of what will be paid to kings, priests and nobles, who will rise

up among us if we leave the people in ignorance. The people of England,

I think, are less oppressed than here. But it needs but half an eye to

see, when among them, that the foundation is laid in their dispositions

for the establishment of a despotism. Nobility, wealth, and pomp, are the

objects of their admiration. They are by no means the free-minded people

we suppose them in America. Their learned men, too, are few in number,

and are less learned, and infinitely less emancipated from prejudice,

than those of this country. An event, too, seems to be preparing, in the

order of things, which will probably decide the fate of that country. It

is no longer doubtful, that the harbor of Cherbourg will be complete,

that it will be a most excellent one, and capacious enough to hold the

whole navy of France. Nothing has ever been wanting to enable this country

to invade that, but a naval force conveniently stationed to protect the

transports. This change of situation must oblige the English to keep up a

great standing army, and there is no King, who, with sufficient force, is

not always ready to make himself absolute. My paper warns me it is time to

recommend myself to the friendly recollection of Mrs. Wythe, of Colonel

Tagliaferro and his family, and particularly of Mr. R. T.; and to assure

you of the affectionate esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and

servant.

TO DR. FRANKLIN.

PARIS, August 14, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I received your favor of March 20th, and much satisfaction

from it. I had been alarmed with the general cry that our commerce was in

distress, and feared it might be for the want of markets. But the high

price of commodities shows that markets are not wanting. Is it not yet

possible, however, that these high prices may proceed from the smallness

of the quantity made, and that from the want of laborers? It would really

seem as if we did not make produce enough for home consumption, and, of

course, had none superfluous to exchange for foreign articles. The price

of wheat, for instance, shows it is not exported, because it could not, at

such a price, enter into competition at a foreign market with the wheat of

any other nation.

I send you some packets which have been put into my hands to be forwarded

to you. I cannot send your Encyclopedie by the same conveyance, because it

is by the way of England. Nothing worth reading has come from the press,

I think, since you left us. There are one or two things to be published

soon, which being on the subject of America, may be grateful to you, and

shall be sent.

Europe enjoys a perfect repose at present. Venice and the two empires seem

to be pecking at the Turks, but only in such a degree as may keep alive

certain pretensions for commencing war when they shall see the occasion

fit. Whether this will be immediately on the death of the King of Prussia

remains to be seen. That event must happen soon. By the little attention

paid by this country to their land army, it would seem as if they did not

apprehend a war on that element. But to the increase and arrangement of

their navy, they are very attentive. There is no longer a doubt but that

the harbor of Cherbourg will be completed, will be a most excellent one,

and capable of containing the whole navy of France. By having two outlets,

vessels may enter and sally with every wind, while in the opposite ports

of England particular winds are necessary. Our peace with Morocco is

probably signed by this time. We are indebted for it to the court of

Spain. Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, will continue hostile according to

present appearances.

Your friends here, within the circle of my acquaintance, are well, and

often enquire after you. No interesting change that I recollect has taken

place among them. Houdon has just received the block of marble for General

Washington's statue. He is married since his return. Trumbul, our young

American painter, is come here to have his Death of Montgomery and Battle

of Bunker's Hill engraved. I will beg leave to place here my friendly

respects to young Mr. Franklin, and assurances of the esteem and regard

with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most

humble servant.

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.

PARIS, August 14, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 7th of May, being immediately on my

return from England, and have lately received your favor of June 5th,

and thank you for the intelligence it contains. Every circumstance we

hear induces us to believe that it is the want of will, rather than of

ability, to furnish contributions which keeps the public treasury so poor.

The Algerines will probably do us the favor to produce a sense of the

necessity of a public treasury and a public force on that element where

it can never be dangerous. They refused even to speak on the subject of

peace. That with Morocco I expect is signed before this time; for which we

are much indebted to Spain.

Your friend, Mr. Trumbul, is here at present. He brought his Bunker's

Hill and Death of Montgomery to have them engraved here. He was yesterday

to see the King's collection of painting at Versailles, and confesses

it surpasses everything of which he even had an idea. I persuaded him to

stay and study here, and then proceed to Rome. Europe is yet quiet, and

so will remain probably till the death of the King of Prussia, which is

constantly expected. Whether this will be the signal for war or not, is

yet to be seen. The two empires and Venice keep alive certain pretensions

which may give color to the commencement of hostilities when they shall

think the occasion good. This country is much more intent on sea, than

on land preparations. Their harbor of Cherbourg will be completed and

will hold their whole navy. This is putting the bridle into the mouth of

England. The affairs of the United Netherlands have so long threatened

civil war, that one ceases almost to believe any appearances. It must

be confessed they cannot be stronger. Your friends here are well. La

Comtesse d'Houditot asks kindly after you. The public papers continue

to say favorable and just things of your poem. A violent criticism of

Chastellux's voyages is just appearing. It is not yet to be bought. I am

laboring hard with the assistance of M. de La Fayette to get the general

commerce of the United States with this country put on a favorable

footing, and am not without hopes. The Marquis is gone into Auvergne for

the summer. The rest of the beau monde are also vanished for the season.

We give and receive them you know in exchange for the swallows. I shall be

happy to hear from you often, and to hear that you are engaged usefully to

your country and agreeably to yourself, being with the most real esteem,

dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.

TO M. DE WARVILLE.

PARIS, August 15, 1786.

SIR,--I have read with very great satisfaction the sheets of your work on

the commerce of France and the United States, which you were so good as to

put into my hands. I think you treat the subject, as far as these sheets

go, in an excellent manner. Were I to select any particular passages as

giving me particular satisfaction, it would be those wherein you prove

to the United States that they will be more virtuous, more free and more

happy, employed in agriculture, than as carriers or manufacturers. It

is a truth, and a precious one for them, if they could be persuaded of

it. I am also particularly pleased with your introductions. You have

properly observed that we can no longer be called Anglo-Americans. That

appellation now describes only the inhabitants of Nova Scotia, Canada,

&c. I had applied that of Federo Americans to our citizens, as it would

not be so decent for us to assume to ourselves the flattering appellation

of free Americans. There are two passages in this work on which I am

able to give information. The first is in page 62; "ils auront le caton

quand ils voudront se leiver à cegenre de culturé," and the note "l'on

voit dans la Eaie de Massachusetts." The four southernmost States make

a great deal of cotton. Their poor are almost entirely clothed in it in

winter and summer. In winter they wear shirts of it, and outer clothing

of cotton and wool mixed. In summer their shirts are linen, but the outer

clothing cotton. The dress of the women is almost entirely of cotton

manufactured by themselves, except the richer class, and even many of

these wear a good deal of home-spun cotton. It is as well manufactured

as the calicoes of Europe. Those four States furnish a great deal of

cotton to the States north of them, who cannot make it, as being too

cold. There is no neighborhood in any part of the United States without

a water-grist mill for grinding the corn of the neighborhood. Virginia,

Maryland, Pennsylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, abound with large

manufacturing mills for the exportation of flour. There are abundance

of saw-mills in all the States. Furnaces and forges of iron, I believe,

in every State, I know they are in the nine northernmost. There are

many mills for plating and slitting iron. And I think there are many

distilleries of rum from Norfolk, in Virginia, to Portsmouth, in New

Hampshire. I mention these circumstances because your note seems to imply

that these things are only in the particular States you mention.

The second passage is pages 101 and 102, where you speak of the "ravages

causés par l'abus des eaux de vie," which seems, by the note in page 101,

to be taken on authority of Smith. Nothing can be less true than what that

author says on this subject; and we may say in general that there are as

many falsehoods as facts in his work. I think drunkenness is much more

common in all the American States than in France. But it is less common

there than in England. You may form an idea from this of the state of it

in America. Smith saw everything through the medium of strong prejudice.

Besides this, he does not hesitate to write palpable lies, which he was

conscious were such. When you proceed to form your table of American

exports and imports, I make no doubt you will consult the American

Traveller, the estimates in which are nearer the truth than those of Lord

Sheffield and Deane, as far as my knowledge of the facts enables me to

judge. I must beg your pardon for having so long detained these sheets. I

did not finish my American despatches till the night before last, and was

obliged yesterday to go to Versailles. I have the honor to be, with very

great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO BARON BLOME.

PARIS, August 18, 1786.

SIR,--Dr. Franklin, during his residence at this court, was instructed by

Congress to apply to the court of Denmark for a compensation for certain

vessels and cargoes taken from the English during the late war by the

American squadron under the command of Commodore Paul Jones, carried into

a port of Denmark, and by order of the court of Denmark, re-delivered

to the English. Dr. Franklin made the application through the Baron de

Waltersdorff, at that time charged with other matters relative to the

two countries of Denmark and the United States of America. Baron de

Waltersdorff, after having written to his court, informed Dr. Franklin

that he was authorized to offer a compensation of ten thousand guineas.

This was declined, because it was thought that the value of the prizes

was the true measure of compensation, and that that ought to be inquired

into. Baron de Waltersdorff left this court sometime after, on a visit

only, as he expected, to Copenhagen, and the matter was suffered to rest

till his return. This was constantly expected till you did me the honor

of informing me that he had received another destination. It being now,

therefore, necessary to renew our application, it is thought better

that Commodore Paul Jones should repair in person to Copenhagen. His

knowledge of the whole transaction will best enable him to represent it

to that court, and the world has had too many proofs of the justice and

magnanimity of his Danish majesty to leave a doubt that he will order full

justice to be done to those brave men who saw themselves deprived of the

spoils, won by their gallantry, and at the hazard of their lives, and on

whose behalf the justice and generosity of his majesty is now reclaimed.

I am now, Sir, to ask the favor of you to communicate this application to

your court, to inform them that Commodore Paul Jones, who will present

himself to them, is authorized to solicit and arrange this matter, and

to ask your good offices with his majesty and his ministers, so that the

representations of Mr. Jones may find their way to them, which we are

assured is all that is necessary to obtain justice.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. MCCARLEY.

PARIS, August 19, 1786.

SIR,--On the receipt of your letter of the 7th instant, I called on

one of the Farmers General, who is of my acquaintance, and asked of

him explanations of the reasons for the low prices offered for tobacco.

He said they considered themselves as bound to purchase the quantities

as directed by the order of Berny, and at the prices therein ordered,

which quantities they apportioned among the ports according their wants,

allotting certain quantities to be bought weekly or monthly. That when

greater quantities offered, they thought themselves at liberty to buy them

at a lower price, if the holder would take it--that this was done by a

previous contract. I gave him an extract of the letter, and he promised to

inquire into it, and to use his influence that justice should be done you.

If you made an express contract for the prices you mention, without doubt

you will be held to them. If you did not make a contract, I think it is as

certain you will be entitled to the prices fixed by the government. Should

they refuse justice, I am told you may have redress by application to a

court on the spot, or to a tribunal at Paris, which takes cognizance of

whatever relates to the farmers. But I believe, also, that the committee

who proposed this regulation, are authorized to take cognizance of all

infractions of it. As soon as I obtain an answer from the Farmers General,

I will do myself the pleasure of communicating it to you. I am, with much

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. CARMICHAEL.

PARIS, August 22, 1786.

SIR,--Your favors of June 16th, July 15th, 18th and 31st, I have the honor

now to acknowledge. I have been for a month past so closely employed, that

it has been out of my power to do myself the pleasure sooner of writing

to you on the several subjects they contain. I formerly wrote you the

reason why Mr. Grand has not paid your bills; that is to say, the want

of a letter of advice. As to the notary's calling on me as inserted in

the protest, I do not remember that he did. Persons calling on me with

demands on account of the United States, I generally refer to Mr. Grand,

with information that I have nothing to do with the moneys of the United

States. Mr. Grand, by refusing to make payments without my order in many

cases, has obliged me to interfere till I could obtain instructions to

him from the treasury as to the manner in which he should govern himself.

With respect to your bill, I am thoroughly satisfied he had no reason for

not paying it but the want of a letter of advice. Had there been one, I

would have ordered the payment; but this being a caution required between

private individuals, it was less to be dispensed with in the case of the

public. I believe I may venture to assure you, that if you will always

write a letter of advice with your bills, they will always be honored.

If the mode of doing business at Madrid would admit their being drawn at

so many days' sight, it would be better, because it would allow time to

consult you, if the letter of advice is miscarried.

* * * * *

The first notice of them has been the demand of payment. However, this

is not essential, nor anything else except the letter of advice--not even

the having money in our funds here, for this sometimes happens. I had your

last bills, those of Mr. Dumas, and some other federal demands, paid out

of a sum of money lodged here by the State of Virginia for the purchase

of arms. However, we have at present three months' supplies on hand. I am

to thank you for the map which I received of Mr. Randall. Mr. Barclay has

sent from Cadiz some of the books purchased there. Should you at any time

meet with any of the others named in my catalogue, at reasonable prices,

I will thank you to think of me. I paid Mr. Barclay's draught for those

coming from Cadiz, and will answer yours, or find means of remitting the

money to you for the map and such other books as you may be so good as to

purchase for me. I return you, according to your desire, O'Bryan's letter,

having sent copies of that and other papers you have forwarded me from

time to time, as also an extract from your own letters on the Barclay

affairs to Congress, and to Mr. Adams. Mr. Adams left London about the

3d or 4th instant, for the Hague, to exchange ratifications of our treaty

with Prussia with the Baron de Thulemeyer, and also to take leave of their

high-mightinesses, which he had not done before. I suppose that by this

time he is returned to London. It is inconceivable to me what difficulties

can have arisen on our treaty with Portugal. However, the delay of the

signature indicates that there are such. You intimate the expediency

of the mutual appointment of consuls between Denmark and us. But our

particular constitution occasions a difficulty. You know that a consul

is the creature of a convention altogether,--that without this he must be

unknown, and his jurisdiction unacknowledged by the laws of the country in

which he is placed. The will of the Sovereign in most countries can give

a jurisdiction by a simple order. With us, the confederation admitting

Congress to make treaties with foreign powers, they can by treaty or

convention provide for the admission and jurisdiction of consuls and the

confederation, and whatever is done under it, being paramount to the laws

of the States, this establishes the power of the consuls. But without a

convention, the laws of the States cannot take any notice of a consul,

nor permit him to exercise any jurisdiction. In the case of Temple, the

consul from England, therefore, Congress could only say he should have

such power as the law of nations, and the laws of the States admitted. But

none of the States having passed laws but for nations in alliance with

us, Temple can exercise no jurisdiction nor authority. You ask in what

state is our treaty with Naples? Congress gave powers to Mr. A., Dr. F.

and myself, to form treaties of alliance and commerce with every nation in

Europe with whom it could be supposed we should have an intercourse of any

sort. These powers were to continue two years. We offered to treat with

all nations. Prussia made a treaty with us. Portugal we expect does the

same. Tuscany exchanged propositions backwards and forwards with us, but

before they could be completed, our powers expired. The Emperor somewhat

the same. But all other nations made professions of friendship, and said

they supposed a commerce could be carried on without a treaty. Spain, you

know, treats at New York. At present, therefore, we stand thus: France,

the United Netherlands, Sweden and Prussia, are connected by treaty. Spain

and Portugal will probably be so. Perhaps the powers may be renewed for

the Emperor and Tuscany. But as to every other nation of Europe, I am

persuaded Congress will never offer a treaty. If any of them should desire

one hereafter, I suppose they will make the first overtures. In fact, the

exclusion of our vessels from the English and Spanish American possessions

in America, and the modified reception of them in the French islands, may

render regulations on our part necessary, which might be embarrassed by

a multiplication of treaties with other nations. I think, therefore, that

at present Congress would not wish to make any other treaties than those

actually in agitation with Spain and Portugal. A Commercial Congress is to

meet to prepare an article defining the extent of the powers over commerce

which it may be expedient to give to the United States in Congress

assembled. Every State has appointed deputies to meet for this purpose,

except Maryland, which declined it because they thought the established

Congress might propose an article. It is thought they will still appoint,

but that at any rate they will accede to what shall be done. Congress

being once invested with these powers will be the less embarrassed in

the system in proportion as their hands are less tied up by engagements

with other powers. While Mr. A., Dr. F. and myself were here together, it

was made a question whether we should send agents to the Barbary powers,

or receive their agents here. As these would expect to be supported, we

thought the former the more economical plan. An agent from Algiers to

Madrid must have great presents, and be pompously supported. This induced

us to send Mr. Lambe to Algiers. The possibility that mal-adroitness

in him may leave something yet practicable by Mr. Barclay, may perhaps

occasion a mission of this latter gentleman to Algiers. On this, I expect

to hear from Mr. Adams as soon as he returns from the Hague. As to myself,

I confess I expect nothing from Algiers, were we to send an angel, without

more money than we are authorized to give them. We desired Mr. Lambe to

repair to Congress, that he might, by his information, aid them in their

decisions. He answers us by resigning his commission, saying that his

health will not permit him either to go to Congress or to come to us;

yet he desires we will settle his accounts. It would seem, then, as if

he meant to live at Alicant, Carthagena, or somewhere there. Certainly we

cannot go to him. If he has still money in your banker's hands belonging

to the United States, and you judge from any circumstances that it ought

to be stopped, be so good as to write us on the subject, and in the

meantime to stop it. You observe, that I do not write to you on foreign

subjects. My reason has been, that our letters are often opened; and I do

not know that you have yet received the cypher Mr. Barclay was to leave

with you. If you have not, be so good as to ask a copy of his, which being

already in the hands of Mr. Jay, Mr. Adams, and myself, will enable you to

write in cypher to any of us. Indeed, I wish you could get the one from

Mr. Lambe, which is a copy. I have seen the Chevalier de Burgoyne two or

three times, and was much pleased with him. He expressed great friendship

for you. I have not yet seen Mr. Calver, but shall surely pay all the

attention I can to him, as well as to any other person you may be so kind

as to recommend. My letters and papers from America come down to the last

week in June. They inform me that treaties are concluded with most of the

Indian nations within our boundaries, that lands are purchased of them,

and Hutchins, the surveyor for the United States, gone out to lay them

off. Straggling Indians, however, still molest our settlements. But it is

neither in the general disposition, nor in the power of those tribes to do

us any serious ill. All the States have agreed to the impost. But New York

has annexed such conditions as that it cannot be accepted. It is thought,

therefore, they will grant it unconditionally. But a new difficulty has

started up. Three or four States had coupled the grant of the impost with

the grant of the supplementary funds, asked by Congress at the same time,

declaring that they should come into force only when all the States had

granted both. One of these, Pennsylvania, refuses to let the impost come

into being alone. We are still to see whether they will persist in this.

I enclose you a copy of an act of the Virginia Assembly for religious

freedom, which I had translated here into French and Italian. It is one

chapter only of the revised code of the laws of that State, which their

Assembly began to pass at their last session, and will finish at their

next. Pennsylvania is proposing a reformation of their criminal laws;

New York of their whole code. I send you also the article "Etats Unis" of

the Encyclopedie Methodique, which came out two or three days ago only.

They have printed some copies of this article by itself. The two first

sections you will find bad: in the others are several errors; but there

are a great number of details made on authentic materials, and to be

relied on. Remarkable deaths in America are General Cadwallader, Colonel

Tilghman (Tench), General McDougal, and Mrs. Wilson, wife of the member of

Congress. Mr. Telfair is Governor of Georgia, Collins of Rhode Island, and

S. Huntington of Massachusetts. I observe that S. Adams is not re-elected

president of the Senate of Massachusetts. I know not the reason of this.

Recollecting nothing else material, and having sufficiently fatigued you

already, I shall conclude with assurances of the esteem and respect with

which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most

humble servant.

TO M. DE LA FAYETTE.

PARIS, August 24, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--Your other friends here being so much better qualified to

give you the transactions of the metropolis during your absence, it

would be presumption in me to touch on them. I assume, therefore, the

office of your correspondent for American affairs, in the discharge

of which, I may stand a chance to communicate to you details which you

cannot get in the ordinary course of your correspondence, and which the

interest you are so good as to take in our affairs will sometimes render

agreeable to you. My letters and papers from America came down to the

16th of July. The impost then wanted the accession of New York only,

but another difficulty had started up. Three or four of the States had

coupled together the impost and the supplementary funds, so that neither

could take place till all the States had granted both. Pennsylvania was

of this number, and though desired by Congress to suffer the impost to be

established unconnected with the supplementary funds, they have refused,

saying, that should the interest of the foreign debt get into a course

of regular payment, separately from that of the domestic one, the other

States will be the less ready to provide for the latter. Some of the

other States have hereupon provided the supplementary funds. It remains

to see whether it will be easiest to get all the States to do this, or

to prevail on Pennsylvania to recede. All the States have come into the

Virginia proposition for a commercial convention, the deputies of which

are to agree on the form of an article giving to Congress the regulation

of their commerce. Maryland alone has not named deputies, conceiving

that Congress might as well propose the article. They are, however, for

giving the power, and will, therefore, either nominate deputies to the

convention, or accede to their measures. Massachusetts and New Hampshire

have suspended their navigation acts. The English encroachments on the

province of Maine become serious. They have seized vessels, too, on our

coast of Passimaquaddy, thereby displaying a pretension to the exclusive

jurisdiction to the Bay of Fundi, which separates Nova Scotia and Le

Maine, and belongs as much to us as them. The Spaniards have not yet

relinquished the fort of the Natches, and our arrangements with them hang

on a great obstacle, indispensable with us, and of which they are unjustly

and unwisely tenacious. The Indians, both Northern and Southern, have made

peace, except the Creeks, who have made a formidable attack on Georgia.

Scattering parties of the Northern Indians, too, have killed some persons

in Kentucky. They are unacknowledged, however, by their nations. I observe

that Samuel Adams is not re-elected President of the Senate. I cannot

conjecture the reason of this. General Sullivan is made President of New

Hampshire, Generals Green, McDougal, and Williamson are dead. There have

been, for some time, twelve States present in Congress. By a letter from

Mr. Barclay, of July 16, I expect our peace with Morocco is signed. For

this we are indebted to the honest offices of Spain. Your letter to some

friend in Boston, enclosing M. de Calonne's of November 19, 1785, on the

subject of whale oils, is printed at length in our papers. Your name is

to it, but not that of the person to whom addressed, nor any date. It will

do you just service there: the only question is whether it may not disarm

you here. I have as yet not heard a tittle from M. de Calonnes on the

subject of our commerce. I have received from you, from London, Andrew's

history of the war, and Cooper's travels. McIntosh's is not to be bought,

the whole edition being exhausted. Our Madeira will be in Paris to-day

or to-morrow. I shall be able to have a small copying press completed for

you here in about three weeks. Must it wait your return, or will you have

it sent to you? Adhering to my promise of saying nothing to you of what I

know so imperfectly as the affairs of this country, I shall conclude with

assurances of the sincere esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear

Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.

TO M. VAN HOGENDORP.

PARIS, August 25, 1786.

SIR,--Your favor of the 2d instant has been duly received, and I employ

the first moment which has been at my disposal to answer it. The author

of the part of the new Encyclopedie which relates to political economy,

having asked of me materials for the article "Etat Unis," stating a number

of questions relative to them, I answered them as minutely and exactly

as was in my power. He has from these compiled the greater part of that

article. I take the liberty of enclosing you one of them, which will give

you all the details to which your letter refers. I can even refer you to

the pages which answer your several questions.

What is the extent of the Congress power in managing the affairs of the

United States?

The 6th and 9th articles of the confederation will explain these. Those

which it is thought they still need, you will find indicated in this

pamphlet, pages 29, 30, and in 31-6, their powers of coercion.

_Ques._--What are the expenses of Congress?

_Ans._--Page 31-6, and 43-6.

_Ques._--Which the revenue?

_Ans._--As yet they have no standing revenue; they have asked standing

revenues as they shall be noted under a subsequent question. In the

meantime they call annually for the sums necessary for the federal

government. See pages 43, 44.

_Ques._--In which way does the particular State contribute to the general

expenses?

_Ans._--Congress, once a year, calculate the sum necessary the succeeding

year to pay the interest of their debt and to defray the expenses of the

federal government. This sum they then apportion on the several States

according to the table page 44. And the States then raise each its part by

such taxes as they think proper.

_Ques._--Are general duties, to be levied by Congress, still expected to

be acquiesced to by the States?

_Ans._--See page 30, a. New York, the only State which had not granted the

impost of 5 per cent., has done it at a late session, but has reserved

to herself the appointment of collectors. Congress will not receive

it upon that condition. It is believed that New York will recede from

this condition. Still, a difficulty will remain; the impost of 5 per

cent. not being deemed sufficient to pay the interest of our whole debt,

foreign and domestic. Congress asked at the same time (that is in 1783)

supplementary funds to make good the deficiency. Several of the States

have not yet provided those supplementary funds. Some of those which have

provided them, have declared that the impost and the supplementary fund

shall commence only when all the States have granted both. Congress have

desired those States to uncouple the grants, so that each may come into

force separately as soon as it is given by all the States. Pennsylvania

has declared this way, that if the impost be granted alone, as that will

do little more than pay the interest of the foreign debt, the other States

will be less urgent to provide for the interest of the domestic debt.

She wishes, therefore, to avail herself of the general desire to provide

for the foreign creditors in order to enforce a just attention to the

domestic ones. The question is whether it will be more easy to prevail on

Pennsylvania to recede from this condition, or the other States to comply

with it. The treaties with the Indians have experienced greater delay than

was expected. They are, however, completed, and the surveyors are gone

into that country to lay out the land in lots. As soon as some progress

is made in this, the sale of lands will commence, and I have a firm faith

that they will, in a short time absorb the whole of the certificates of

the domestic debt.

The Philadelphia Bank was incorporated by Congress. This is, perhaps,

the only instance of their having done that which they had no power to

do. Necessity obliged them to give this institution the appearance of

their countenance, because in that moment they were without any other

resource for money. The Legislature of Pennsylvania, however, passed an

act of incorporation for the bank, and declared that the holders of stock

should be responsible only to the amount of their stock. Lately that

Legislature has repealed their act. The consequence is, that the bank is

now altogether a private institution, and every holder is liable for its

engagements in his whole property. This has had a curious effect. It has

given those who deposit money in the bank a greater faith in it, while

it has rendered the holders very discontented, as being more exposed to

risk, and has induced many to sell out, so that I have heard (I know not

how truly) that bank stock sells somewhat below par; it has been said

7 1-2 per cent.; but as the publication was from the enemies of the bank,

I do not give implicit faith to it. With respect to the article, "Etats

Unis" of the Encyclopedie now enclosed, I am far from making myself

responsible for the whole of the article. The two first sections are

taken chiefly from the Abbé Raynal, and they are therefore wrong exactly

in the same proportion the other sections are generally right. Even in

them, however, there is here and there an error. But, on the whole, it

is good, and the only thing as yet printed which gives a just idea of the

American constitutions. There will be another good work, a very good one,

published here soon, by a Mr. Mazzei, who has been many years a resident

of Virginia, is well informed and possessed of a masculine understanding.

I should rather have said it will be published in Holland, for I believe

it cannot be printed here. I should be happy indeed in an opportunity of

visiting Holland, but I know not when it will occur. In the meantime, it

would give me great pleasure to see you here. I think you would find both

pleasure and use in such a trip. I feel a sincere interest in the fall

of your country, and am disposed to wish well to either party only as I

can see in their measures a tendency to bring on an amelioration of the

condition of the people; an increase in the mass of happiness. But this

is a subject for conversation. My paper warns me that it is time to assure

you of the esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir,

your most obedient humble servant.

TO MR. BARCLAY.

PARIS, September 22, 1786.

SIR,--I was honored a few days ago with the receipt of your letter of

August 11th. In my last to you, I informed you that I had proposed to

Mr. Adams to avail ourselves of your service at Algiers. I acknowledge

that I had no expectation, with our small means, you could effect a

treaty there; but I thought their ultimatum might be discovered, and

other intelligence obtained which might repay us the trouble and expense

of the journey. I wished, also, to know what might be the effect of the

interposition of the court of Madrid, now that it is likely to interpose.

A letter recently received from Mr. Carmichael informs me, that it is the

opinion of the Counts de Florida Blanca and D'Expilly, that nothing can

be effected at Algiers till there be a previous treaty with the Ottoman

Porte. Independently of that information, Mr. Adams is of opinion, that no

good can result at present from a further attempt at Algiers. The Porte,

Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli must remain for the further deliberation of

Congress. Of course, we have no occasion to trouble you with any further

visits to those powers, and leave you at liberty to return here, to

London, or to America, as you shall think proper. We are happy that your

successful efforts with the Emperor of Morocco have left the Atlantic open

to our commerce, and little dangerous.

I have the pleasure to inform you that Mrs. Barclay and family are well,

and am, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, your very

humble servant.

TO MR. ADAMS.

PARIS, September 26, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--My last letter to you was dated the 27th of August, since

which I have received yours of September 11th. The letter to Mr. Lambe

therein enclosed, I immediately signed and forwarded. In mine, wherein I

had the honor of proposing to you the mission of Mr. Barclay to Algiers,

I mentioned that my expectations from it were of a subordinate nature

only. I very readily, therefore, recede from it in compliance with your

judgment--that his mission might do more harm than good. I accordingly

wrote to Mr. Barclay, that he was at liberty to return to this place, to

London, or to America, as he should think best. I now enclose you copies

of such letters from him, Mr. Lambe and Mr. Carmichael, as have come to

hand since my last to you. I have had opportunities of making further

inquiry as to the premium of insurance at L'Orient for vessels bound to

or from America, and I find that no additional premium is there required

on account of the risk of capture by the Barbary States. This fact may be

worth mentioning to American merchants in London.

We have been continually endeavoring to obtain a deduction of the duties

on American whale oil. The prospect was not flattering. I shall avail

myself of the information contained in your letter to press this matter

further. Mr. Barrett has arrived here, and the first object for his

relief, is to obtain a dissolution of his former contract. I will thank

you for some copies of the Prussian treaty by the first opportunity, and

take the liberty of troubling you to forward the packet of letters which

Mr. Smith, the bearer of this, will have the honor of delivering to you.

I beg the favor of you to present my most respectful compliments to Mrs.

Adams, and to be assured yourself of the sentiments of sincere esteem and

respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient,

and humble servant.

TO MR. JAY.

PARIS, September 26, 1786.

SIR,--The last letters I had the honor of writing you were of the 11th

and 13th of August. Since that, I have been favored with yours of July

14th and August the 13th. I now enclose you such letters on the Barclay

negotiations as have come to hand since my last. With these, is the

copy of a joint letter from Mr. Adams and myself to Mr. Lambe. In mine

of August 13th, I mentioned that I had proposed it as a subject of

consideration to Mr. Adams, whether the mission of Mr. Barclay to Algiers

might answer any good purpose. He is of opinion that it could not. I have,

therefore, informed Mr. Barclay, who by this time, is probably in Spain,

that he is at liberty to return to this place, to London or America, as he

shall think proper. You will perceive by the letter from Mr. Carmichael,

that it is the opinion of the Counts de Florida Blanca and D'Expilly, that

a treaty with the Ottoman Porte is necessary before one can be made with

Algiers. Such a treaty will require presents, not indeed as the price of

the peace, but such as are usually made in compliment to their ministers.

But as it would be ineffectual towards opening to us the Mediterranean

until a peace with Algiers can be obtained, there seems to be no reason

for pressing it till there is a prospect of settlement with the Algerines.

Since the death of the King of Prussia, the symptoms of war between the

Porte and the Russians and Venetians have become stronger. I think it is

the opinion of this court, however, that there will be no war shortly on

the Continent. I judge this as well from other information as from the

circumstance of a late reduction of their land force. All their military

preparations seems to be against a naval war. Nevertheless, their treaty

with England has lately taken a sudden start. Declarations have been

exchanged between the negotiators in the nature of preliminaries to a

definitive treaty. The particulars of these declarations are not yet

certainly known.

I was lately asked by the Imperial ambassador whether I had received an

answer on the subject of the proposition to our powers to treat with his

sovereign. A discrimination which they understand to have been made in

America between the subjects of powers having treaties with us and those

having none, seems to be the motive of their pressing this matter.

It being known that M. de Calonne, the Minister of Finance, is at his

wits' end to raise supplies for the ensuing year, a proposition has been

made him by a Dutch company to purchase the debt of the United States

to this country for seventy millions of livres in hand. His necessities

dispose him to accede to the proposition; but a hesitation is produced by

the apprehension, that it might lessen our credit in Europe, and perhaps

be disagreeable to Congress. I have been consulted here only by the agent

for that company. I informed him that I could not judge what effect it

might have on our credit, and was not authorized either to approve or

disapprove of the transaction. I have since reflected on this subject.

If there be a danger that our payments may not be punctual, it might be

better that the discontents which would thence arise should be transferred

from a court, of whose good will we have so much need, to the breasts

of a private company. But it has occurred to me, that we might find

occasion to do what would be grateful to this court, and establish with

them a confidence in our honor. I am informed that our credit in Holland

is sound. Might it not be possible, then, to borrow the four-and-twenty

millions due to this country, and thus pay them their whole debt at

once? This would save them from any loss on our account. Is it liable to

the objection of impropriety in creating new debts before we have more

certain means of paying them? It is only transferring from one creditor

to another, and removing the causes of discontent to persons with whom

they would do us less injury. Thinking that this matter is worthy of

the attention of Congress, I will endeavor that the negotiation shall be

retarded till it may be possible for me to know their decision, which,

therefore, I will take the liberty of praying immediately.

You will have heard, before this comes to hand, that the parties in the

United Netherlands have come to an open rupture. How far it will proceed,

cannot now be foreseen. I send you herewith the gazettes of France and

Leyden to this date, and have the honor of being, with sentiments of the

most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble

servant.

TO THE PREVOT DES MARCHANDS ET ECHEVINS DE PARIS.

PARIS, September 27, 1786.

GENTLEMEN,--The commonwealth of Virginia, in gratitude for the services

of Major General the Marquis de La Fayette, have determined to erect his

bust in their capital. Desirous to place a like monument of his worth,

and of their sense of it, in the country to which they are indebted for

his birth, they have hoped that the city of Paris will consent to become

the depository of this second testimony of their gratitude. Being charged

by them with the execution of their wishes, I have the honor to solicit

of Messieurs le Prevot des Marchands et Echevins, on behalf of the city,

their acceptance of a bust of this gallant officer, and that they will be

pleased to place it where, doing most honor to him, it will most gratify

the feelings of an allied nation.

It is with true pleasure that I obey the call of that commonwealth, to

render just homage to a character so great in its first developments, that

they would honor the close of any other. Their country, covered by a small

army against a great one, their exhausted means supplied by his talents,

their enemies finally forced to that spot whither their allies and

confederates were collecting to receive them, and a war which had spread

its miseries into the four quarters of the earth, thus reduced to a single

point, where one blow should terminate it, and through the whole, an

implicit respect paid to the laws of the land; these are facts which would

illustrate any character, and which fully justify the warmth of those

feelings, of which I have the honor on this occasion to be the organ.

It would have been more pleasing to me to have executed this office in

person, to have mingled the tribute of private gratitude with that of my

country, and, at the same time, to have had an opportunity of presenting

to your honorable body, the homage of that profound respect which I have

the honor to bear them. But I am withheld from these grateful duties

by the consequences of a fall, which confine me to my room. Mr. Short,

therefore, a citizen of the State of Virginia, and heretofore a member of

its Council of State, will have the honor of delivering you this letter,

together with the resolution of the General Assembly of Virginia. He will

have that, also, of presenting the bust at such time and place, as you

will be so good as to signify your pleasure to receive it. Through him,

I beg to be allowed the honor of presenting those sentiments of profound

respect and veneration, with which I am, Gentlemen, your most obedient,

and most humble servant.

TO BARON DE STAEL.

SIR,--I have the honor of communicating to your Excellency the copy of

a treaty of amity and commerce concluded between the United States of

America and his late Majesty the King of Prussia, in the two languages in

which it was written, each of which was agreed to be equally original.

The exchange of ratifications we made but little before the death of

the King. This circumstance, with the delays which have attended the

printing and transmitting the copies of the treaty to me, have prevented

my making an earlier communication of it to your Excellency, as a mark of

the confidence and the respect we bear to the nation whom you so worthily

represent here, and with which we have the honor of being allied.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and

esteem, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MRS. COSWAY.

PARIS, October 26, 1786.

MY DEAR MADAM,--Having performed the last sad office of handing you

into your carriage, at the pavillon de St. Denis, and seen the wheels

get actually into motion, I turned on my heel and walked, more dead

than alive, to the opposite door, where my own was awaiting me. Mr.

Danquerville was missing. He was sought for, found, and dragged down

stairs. We were crammed into the carriage, like recruits for the Bastille,

and not having soul enough to give orders to the coachman, he presumed

Paris our destination, and drove off. After a considerable interval,

silence was broke, with a "_Je suis vraiment afflige du depart de ces

bons gens_." This was a signal for a mutual confession of distress. We

began immediately to talk of Mr. and Mrs. Cosway, of their goodness, their

talents, their amiability; and, though we spoke of nothing else, we seemed

hardly to have entered into the matter, when the coachman announced the

rue St. Denis, and that we were opposite Mr. Danquerville's. He insisted

on descending there, and traversing a short passage to his lodgings. I

was carried home. Seated by my fireside, solitary and sad, the following

dialogue took place between my Head and my Heart.

_Head._ Well, friend, you seem to be in a pretty trim.

_Heart._ I am indeed the most wretched of all earthly beings. Overwhelmed

with grief, every fibre of my frame distended beyond its natural powers to

bear, I would willingly meet whatever catastrophe should leave me no more

to feel, or to fear.

_Head._ These are the eternal consequences of your warmth and

precipitation. This is one of the scrapes into which you are ever leading

us. You confess your follies, indeed; but still you hug and cherish them;

and no reformation can be hoped where there is no repentance.

_Heart._ Oh, my friend! this is no moment to upbraid my foibles. I am

rent into fragments by the force of my grief! If you have any balm, pour

it into my wounds; if none, do not harrow them by new torments. Spare me

in this awful moment! At any other, I will attend with patience to your

admonitions.

_Head._ On the contrary, I never found that the moment of triumph, with

you, was the moment of attention to my admonitions. While suffering under

your follies, you may perhaps be made sensible of them, but the paroxysm

over, you fancy it can never return. Harsh, therefore, as the medicine may

be, it is my office to administer it. You will be pleased to remember,

that when our friend Trumbull used to be telling us of the merits and

talents of these good people, I never ceased whispering to you that we

had no occasion for new acquaintances; that the greater their merits and

talents, the more dangerous their friendship to our tranquillity, because

the regret at parting would be greater.

_Heart._ Accordingly, Sir, this acquaintance was not the consequence of

my doings. It was one of your projects, which threw us in the way of it.

It was you, remember, and not I, who desired the meeting at Legrand and

Motinos. I never trouble myself with domes nor arches. The Halle aux bleds

might have rotted down, before I should have gone to see it. But you,

forsooth, who are eternally getting us to sleep with your diagrams and

crotchets, must go and examine this wonderful piece of architecture; and

when you had seen it, oh! it was the most superb thing on earth! What you

had seen there was worth all you had yet seen in Paris! I thought so too.

But I meant it of the lady and gentleman to whom we had been presented;

and not of a parcel of sticks and chips put together in pens. You, then,

Sir, and not I, have been the cause of the present distress.

_Head._ It would have been happy for you if my diagrams and crotchets

had gotten you to sleep on that day, as you are pleased to say they

eternally do. My visit to Legrand and Motinos had public utility for its

object. A market is to be built in Richmond. What a commodious plan is

that of Legrand and Motinos; especially, if we put on it the noble dome

of the Halle aux bleds. If such a bridge as they showed us can be thrown

across the Schuylkill, at Philadelphia, the floating bridges taken up,

and the navigation of that river opened, what a copious resource will be

added, of wood and provisions, to warm and feed the poor of that city?

While I was occupied with these objects, you were dilating with your

new acquaintances, and contriving how to prevent a separation from them.

Every soul of you had an engagement for the day. Yet all these were to

be sacrificed, that you might dine together. Lying messengers were to be

despatched into every quarter of the city, with apologies for your breach

of engagement. You, particularly, had the effrontery to send word to the

Dutchess Danville, that on the moment we were setting out to dine with her,

despatches came to hand, which required immediate attention. You wanted

me to invent a more ingenious excuse; but I knew you were getting into a

scrape, and I would have nothing to do with it. Well; after dinner to St.

Cloud, from St. Cloud to Ruggieri's, from Ruggieri's to Krumfoltz; and

if the day had been as long as a Lapland summer day, you would still have

contrived means among you to have filled it.

_Heart._ Oh! my dear friend, how you have revived me by recalling to my

mind the transactions of that day! How well I remember them all, and that,

when I came home at night, and looked back to the morning, it seemed to

have been a month agone. Go on, then, like a kind comforter, and paint to

me the day we went to St. Germains. How beautiful was every object! the

Port de Reuilly, the hills along the Seine, the rainbows of the machine of

Marly, the terrace of St. Germains, the chateaux, the gardens, the statues

of Marly, the pavillon of Lucienne. Recollect, too, Madrid, Bagatelle,

the King's garden, the Dessert. How grand the idea excited by the remains

of such a column. The spiral staircase, too, was beautiful. Every moment

was filled with something agreeable. The wheels of time moved on with a

rapidity, of which those of our carriage gave but a faint idea. And yet,

in the evening, when one took a retrospect of the day, what a mass of

happiness had we travelled over! Retrace all those scenes to me, my good

companion, and I will forgive the unkindness with which you were chiding

me. The day we went to St. Germains was a little too warm, I think; was it

not?

_Head._ Thou art the most incorrigible of all the beings that ever sinned!

I reminded you of the follies of the first day, intending to deduce from

thence some useful lessons for you; but instead of listening to them, you

kindle at the recollection, you retrace the whole series with a fondness,

which shows you want nothing, but the opportunity, to act it over again.

I often told you, during its course, that you were imprudently engaging

your affections, under circumstances that must have cost you a great deal

of pain; that the persons, indeed, were of the greatest merit, possessing

good sense, good humor, honest hearts, honest manners, and eminence in

a lovely art; that the lady had, moreover, qualities and accomplishments

belonging to her sex, which might form a chapter apart for her; such as

music, modesty, beauty, and that softness of disposition, which is the

ornament of her sex and charm of ours; but that all these considerations

would increase the pang of separation; that their stay here was to be

short; that you rack our whole system when you are parted from those you

love, complaining that such a separation is worse than death, inasmuch

as this ends our sufferings, whereas that only begins them; and that

the separation would, in this instance, be the more severe, as you would

probably never see them again.

_Heart._ But they told me they would come back again, the next year.

_Head._ But, in the meantime, see what you suffer; and their return, too,

depends on so many circumstances, that if you had a grain of prudence, you

would not count upon it. Upon the whole, it is improbable, and therefore

you should abandon the idea of ever seeing them again.

_Heart._ May heaven abandon me if I do!

_Head._ Very well. Suppose, then, they come back. They are to stay two

months, and, when these are expired, what is to follow? Perhaps you

flatter yourself they may come to America?

_Heart._ God only knows what is to happen. I see nothing impossible in

that supposition; and I see things wonderfully contrived sometimes, to

make us happy. Where could they find such objects as in America, for

the exercise of their enchanting art? especially the lady, who paints

landscapes so inimitably. She wants only subjects worthy of immortality,

to render her pencil immortal. The Falling Spring, the Cascade of Niagara,

the passage of the Potomac through the Blue Mountains, the Natural Bridge;

it is worth a voyage across the Atlantic to see these objects; much more

to paint, and make them, and thereby ourselves, known to all ages. And

our own dear Monticello; where has nature spread so rich a mantle under

the eye? mountains, forests, rocks, rivers. With what majesty do we there

ride above the storms! How sublime to look down into the workhouse of

nature, to see her clouds, hail, snow, rain, thunder, all fabricated at

our feet! and the glorious sun when rising as if out of a distant water,

just gilding the tops of the mountains, and giving life to all nature!

I hope in God, no circumstance may ever make either seek an asylum

from grief! With what sincere sympathy I would open every cell of my

composition, to receive the effusion of their woes! I would pour my tears

into their wounds; and if a drop of balm could be found on the top of

the Cordilleras, or at the remotest sources of the Missouri, I would go

thither myself to seek and to bring it. Deeply practised in the school of

affliction, the human heart knows no joy which I have not lost, no sorrow

of which I have not drunk! Fortune can present no grief of unknown form

to me! Who, then, can so softly bind up the wound of another, as he who

has felt the same wound himself? But heaven forbid they should ever know a

sorrow! Let us turn over another leaf, for this has distracted me.

_Head._ Well. Let us put this possibility to trial then, on another

point. When you consider the character which is given of our country,

by the lying newspapers of London, and their credulous copiers in other

countries; when you reflect that all Europe is made to believe we are a

lawless banditti, in a state of absolute anarchy, cutting one another's

throats, and plundering without distinction, how could you expect that any

reasonable creature would venture among us?

_Heart._ But you and I know that all this is false: that there is not a

country on earth, where there is greater tranquillity; where the laws are

milder, or better obeyed; where every one is more attentive to his own

business, or meddles less with that of others; where strangers are better

received, more hospitably treated, and with a more sacred respect.

_Head._ True, you and I know this, but your friends do not know it.

_Heart._ But they are sensible people, who think for themselves. They

will ask of impartial foreigners, who have been among us, whether they

saw or heard on the spot, any instance of anarchy. They will judge, too,

that a people, occupied as we are, in opening rivers, digging navigable

canals, making roads, building public schools, establishing academies,

erecting busts and statues to our great men, protecting religious freedom,

abolishing sanguinary punishments, reforming and improving our laws in

general; they will judge, I say, for themselves, whether these are not the

occupations of a people at their ease; whether this is not better evidence

of our true state, than a London newspaper, hired to lie, and from which

no truth can ever be extracted but by reversing everything it says.

_Head._ I did not begin this lecture, my friend, with a view to learn from

you what America is doing. Let us return, then, to our point. I wish to

make you sensible how imprudent it is to place your affections, without

reserve, on objects you must so soon lose, and whose loss, when it comes,

must cost you such severe pangs. Remember the last night. You knew your

friends were to leave Paris to-day. This was enough to throw you into

agonies. All night you tossed us from one side of the bed to the other;

no sleep, no rest. The poor crippled wrist, too, never left one moment

in the same position; now up, now down, now here, now there; was it to be

wondered at, if its pains returned? The surgeon then was to be called, and

to be rated as an ignoramus, because he could not divine the cause of this

extraordinary change. In fine, my friend, you must mend your manners. This

is not a world to live at random in, as you do. To avoid those eternal

distresses, to which you are forever exposing us, you must learn to look

forward, before you take a step which may interest our peace. Everything

in this world is matter of calculation. Advance then with caution, the

balance in your hand. Put into one scale the pleasures which any object

may offer; but put fairly into the other, the pains which are to follow,

and see which preponderates. The making an acquaintance, is not a matter

of indifference. When a new one is proposed to you, view it all round.

Consider what advantages it presents, and to what inconveniences it may

expose you. Do not bite at the bait of pleasure, till you know there is

no hook beneath it. The art of life is the art of avoiding pain; and he

is the best pilot, who steers clearest of the rocks and shoals with which

it is beset. Pleasure is always before us; but misfortune is at our side:

while running after that, this arrests us. The most effectual means of

being secure against pain, is to retire within ourselves, and to suffice

for our own happiness. Those which depend on ourselves, are the only

pleasures a wise man will count on: for nothing is ours, which another may

deprive us of. Hence the inestimable value of intellectual pleasures. Ever

in our power, always leading us to something new, never cloying, we ride

serene and sublime above the concerns of this mortal world, contemplating

truth and nature, matter and motion, the laws which bind up their

existence, and that Eternal Being who made and bound them up by those

laws. Let this be our employ. Leave the bustle and tumult of society to

those who have not talents to occupy themselves without them. Friendship

is but another name for an alliance with the follies and the misfortunes

of others. Our own share of miseries is sufficient: why enter then as

volunteers into those of another? Is there so little gall poured into our

cup, that we must need help to drink that of our neighbor? A friend dies,

or leaves us: we feel as if a limb was cut off. He is sick: we must watch

over him, and participate of his pains. His fortune is shipwrecked: ours

must be laid under contribution. He loses a child, a parent, or a partner:

we must mourn the loss as if it were our own.

_Heart._ And what more sublime delight than to mingle tears with one whom

the hand of heaven hath smitten! to watch over the bed of sickness, and

to beguile its tedious and its painful moments! to share our bread with

one to whom misfortune has left none! This world abounds indeed with

misery; to lighten its burthen, we must divide it with one another. But

let us now try the virtue of your mathematical balance, and as you have

put into one scale the burthens of friendship, let me put its comforts

into the other. When languishing then under disease, how grateful is the

solace of our friends! how are we penetrated with their assiduities and

attentions! how much are we supported by their encouragements and kind

offices! When heaven has taken from us some object of our love, how sweet

is it to have a bosom whereon to recline our heads, and into which we may

pour the torrent of our tears! Grief, with such a comfort, is almost a

luxury! In a life, where we are perpetually exposed to want and accident,

yours is a wonderful proposition, to insulate ourselves, to retire from

all aid, and to wrap ourselves in the mantle of self-sufficiency! For,

assuredly, nobody will care for him who cares for nobody. But friendship

is precious, not only in the shade, but in the sunshine of life; and

thanks to a benevolent arrangement of things, the greater part of life

is sunshine. I will recur for proof to the days we have lately passed.

On these, indeed, the sun shone brightly. How gay did the face of nature

appear! Hills, valleys, chateaux, gardens, rivers, every object wore

its liveliest hue! Whence did they borrow it? From the presence of our

charming companion. They were pleasing, because she seemed pleased. Alone,

the scene would have been dull and insipid: the participation of it with

her gave it relish. Let the gloomy monk, sequestered from the world,

seek unsocial pleasures in the bottom of his cell! Let the sublimated

philosopher grasp visionary happiness, while pursuing phantoms dressed

in the garb of truth! Their supreme wisdom is supreme folly; and they

mistake for happiness the mere absence of pain. Had they ever felt the

solid pleasure of one generous spasm of the heart, they would exchange

for it all the frigid speculations of their lives, which you have been

vaunting in such elevated terms. Believe me, then, my friend, that that

is a miserable arithmetic which could estimate friendship at nothing, or

at less than nothing. Respect for you has induced me to enter into this

discussion, and to hear principles uttered which I detest and abjure.

Respect for myself now obliges me to recall you into the proper limits

of your office. When nature assigned us the same habitation, she gave us

over it a divided empire. To you, she allotted the field of science; to

me, that of morals. When the circle is to be squared, or the orbit of a

comet to be traced; when the arch of greatest strength, or the solid of

least resistance, is to be investigated, take up the problem; it is yours;

nature has given me no cognizance of it. In like manner, in denying to you

the feelings of sympathy, of benevolence, of gratitude, of justice, of

love, of friendship, she has excluded you from their control. To these,

she has adapted the mechanism of the heart. Morals were too essential

to the happiness of man, to be risked on the uncertain combinations of

the head. She laid their foundation, therefore, in sentiment, not in

science. That she gave to all, as necessary to all; this to a few only,

as sufficing with a few. I know, indeed, that you pretend authority to

the sovereign control of our conduct, in all its parts; and a respect for

your grave saws and maxims, a desire to do what is right, has sometimes

induced me to conform to your counsels. A few facts, however, which I can

readily recall to your memory, will suffice to prove to you, that nature

has not organized you for our moral direction. When the poor, wearied

soldier whom we overtook at Chickahomony, with his pack on his back,

begged us to let him get up behind our chariot, you began to calculate

that the road was full of soldiers, and that if all should be taken

up, our horses would fail in their journey. We drove on therefore. But,

soon becoming sensible you had made me do wrong, that, though we cannot

relieve all the distressed, we should relieve as many as we can, I turned

about to take up the soldier; but he had entered a bye-path, and was no

more to be found; and from that moment to this, I could never find him

out, to ask his forgiveness. Again, when the poor woman came to ask a

charity in Philadelphia, you whispered that she looked like a drunkard,

and that half a dollar was enough to give her for the ale-house. Those

who want the dispositions to give, easily find reasons why they ought

not to give. When I sought her out afterwards, and did what I should have

done at first, you know that she employed the money immediately towards

placing her child at school. If our country, when pressed with wrongs at

the point of the bayonet, had been governed by its heads instead of its

hearts, where should we have been now? Hanging on a gallows as high as

Haman's. You began to calculate, and to compare wealth and numbers: we

threw up a few pulsations of our blood; we supplied enthusiasm against

wealth and numbers; we put our existence to the hazard, when the hazard

seemed against us, and we saved our country: justifying, at the same time,

the ways of Providence, whose precept is, to do always what is right, and

leave the issue to him. In short, my friend, as far as my recollection

serves me, I do not know that I ever did a good thing on your suggestion,

or a dirty one without it. I do forever, then, disclaim your interference

in my province. Fill paper as you please with triangles and squares: try

how many ways you can hang and combine them together. I shall never envy

nor control your sublime delights. But leave me to decide, when and where

friendships are to be contracted. You say, I contract them at random. So

you said the woman at Philadelphia was a drunkard. I receive none into my

esteem, till I know they are worthy of it. Wealth, title, office, are no

recommendations to my friendship. On the contrary, great good qualities

are requisite to make amends for their having wealth, title, and office.

You confess, that, in the present case, I could not have made a worthier

choice. You only object, that I was so soon to lose them. We are not

immortal ourselves, my friend; how can we expect our enjoyments to be so?

We have no rose without its thorn; no pleasure without alloy. It is the

law of our existence; and we must acquiesce. It is the condition annexed

to all our pleasures, not by us who receive, but by him who gives them.

True, this condition is pressing cruelly on me at this moment. I feel

more fit for death than life. But, when I look back on the pleasures of

which it is the consequence, I am conscious they were worth the price I am

paying. Notwithstanding your endeavors, too, to damp my hopes, I comfort

myself with expectations of their promised return. Hope is sweeter than

despair; and they were too good to mean to deceive me. "In the summer,"

said the gentleman; but "in the spring," said the lady; and I should love

her forever, were it only for that! Know, then, my friend, that I have

taken these good people into my bosom; that I have lodged them in the

warmest cell I could find; that I love them, and will continue to love

them through life; that if fortune should dispose them on one side the

globe, and me on the other, my affections shall pervade its whole mass

to reach them. Knowing then my determination, attempt not to disturb it.

If you can, at any time, furnish matter for their amusement, it will be

the office of a good neighbor to do it. I will, in like manner, seize any

occasion which may offer, to do the like good turn for you with Condorcet,

Rittenhouse, Madison, La Cretelle, or any other of those worthy sons of

science, whom you so justly prize.

I thought this a favorable proposition whereon to rest the issue of the

dialogue. So I put an end to it by calling for my nightcap. Methinks, I

hear you wish to heaven I had called a little sooner, and so spared you

the ennui of such a sermon. I did not interrupt them sooner, because I

was in a mood for hearing sermons. You too were the subject; and on such

a thesis, I never think the theme long; not even if I am to write it,

and that slowly and awkwardly, as now, with the left hand. But, that you

may not be discouraged from a correspondence which begins so formidably,

I will promise you, on my honor, that my future letters shall be of a

reasonable length. I will even agree to express but half my esteem for

you, for fear of cloying you with too full a dose. But, on your part, no

curtailing. If your letters are as long as the Bible, they will appear

short to me. Only let them be brimful of affection. I shall read them with

the dispositions with which Arlequin, in _Les deux billets_, spelt the

words "_je t'aime_," and wished that the whole alphabet had entered into

their composition.

We have had incessant rains since your departure. These make me fear for

your health, as well as that you had an uncomfortable journey. The same

cause has prevented me from being able to give you any account of your

friends here. This voyage to Fontainebleau will probably send the Count

de Moutier and the Marquis de Brehan, to America. Danquerville promised

to visit me, but has not done it as yet. De la Tude comes sometimes to

take family soup with me, and entertains me with anecdotes of his five

and thirty years' imprisonment. How fertile is the mind of man, which can

make the Bastile and dungeon of Vincennes yield interesting anecdotes!

You know this was for making four verses on Madame de Pompadour. But I

think you told me you did not know the verses. They were these: "_Sans

esprit, sans sentiment, Sans etre belle, ni neuve, En France on peut avoir

le premier amant: Pompadour en est l'epreuve._" I have read the memoir of

his three escapes. As to myself, my health is good, except my wrist which

mends slowly, and my mind which mends not at all, but broods constantly

over your departure. The lateness of the season obliges me to decline my

journey into the south of France. Present me in the most friendly terms to

Mr. Cosway, and receive me into your own recollection with a partiality

and warmth, proportioned not to my own poor merit, but to the sentiments

of sincere affection and esteem, with which I have the honor to be, my

dear Madam, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MRS. COSWAY.

PARIS, October 13, 1786.

MY DEAR MADAM,--Just as I had sealed the enclosed, I received a letter of

a good length, dated Antwerp, with your name at the bottom. I prepared

myself for a feast. I read two or three sentences; looked again at the

signature to see if I had not mistaken it. It was visibly yours. Read

a sentence or two more. Diable! Spelt your name distinctly. There was

not a letter of it omitted. Began to read again. In fine, after reading

a little and examining the signature, alternately, half a dozen times,

I found that your name was to four lines only, instead of four pages. I

thank you for the four lines, however, because they prove you think of

me; little, indeed, but better little than none. To show how much I think

of you, I send you the enclosed letter of three sheets of paper, being

a history of the evening I parted with you. But how expect you should

read a letter of three mortal sheets of paper? I will tell you. Divide

it into six doses of half a sheet each, and every day, when the toilette

begins, take a dose, that is to say, read half a sheet. By this means,

it will have the only merit its length and dulness can aspire to, that

of assisting your _coeffeuse_ to procure you six good naps of sleep. I

will even allow you twelve days to get through it, holding you rigorously

to one condition only, that is, that at whatever hour you receive this,

you do not break the seal of the enclosed till the next toilette. Of this

injunction I require a sacred execution. I rest it on your friendship, and

that, in your first letter, you tell me honestly whether you have honestly

performed it. I send you the song I promised. Bring me in return the

subject, _Jours heureux!_ Were I a songster, I should sing it all to these

words: "_Dans ces lieux qu'elle tarde a se rendre!_" Learn it, I pray you,

and sing it with feeling. My right hand presents its devoirs to you, and

sees, with great indignation, the left supplanting it in a correspondence

so much valued. You will know the first moment it can resume its rights.

The first exercise of them shall be addressed to you, as you had the first

essay of its rival. It will yet, however, be many a day. Present my esteem

to Mr. Cosway, and believe me to be yours very affectionately.

TO M. DE CORNY.

PARIS, October 20, 1786.

SIR,--By the first conveyance which shall offer, I propose to report

to the Governor of Virginia the manner in which the wish of the State,

relative to the bust of the Marquis de La Fayette, has been carried

into execution, and the very friendly and flattering attentions paid by

Messieurs de Prevot des Marchands, et Echevins de Paris to them and to

the character to which they desired to show their gratitude. It would

enable us to do this with more exactness could I obtain copies of the

proceedings which attended the inauguration of the bust. Your goodness,

already so often manifested in this business, encourages me to endeavor to

obtain these through your intervention. I do it the rather as it furnishes

me an occasion very grateful to my feelings, of returning to you at the

same time my sincere thanks for the zeal with which you have seconded the

views of the State, the readiness with which you have condescended to give

me information in the course of the proceedings, and to secure by your

influence the success of these proceedings. This friendly assistance in

the discharge of a public duty has added to the many motives of private

esteem and attachment with which I have honor to be, Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE HONORABLE JOHN JAY.

PARIS, October 22, 1786.

SIR,--In a letter of Jan. 2d, I had the honor of communicating to you the

measures which had been pursued here for the improvement of the commerce

between the United States and France, the general view of that commerce

which I had presented to the Chevalier de Vergennes. The circumstance

of the renewal of the forms which had obliged me to press separately

and in the first place the article of tobacco, and that which had also

brought forward that of whale oil; and, in my letters of May 27th and

31st, I informed you of the result on the first of these articles. During

the course of the proceedings, a committee had been established for

considering the means of promoting the general commerce with America,

and the M. de La Fayette was named of that committee. His influence

in obtaining that establishment was valuable, but his labors and his

perseverance as a member of it became infinitely more so. Immediately

after the committee of Berni, of which my letter of May 27th gave an

account, we thought it expedient to bring the general subject of the

American commerce before the committee; and as the members were much

unacquainted with the nature and value of our commercial productions, the

Marquis proposed that, in a letter to him as a member, I should give as

particular details of them as I could, as a ground for the committee to

proceed on. I did so in the letter, a copy of which I have now the honor

to enclose. The committee were well disposed, and agreed to report, not

only the general measures which they thought expedient to be adopted, but

the form of the letter to be written by the minister of finance to me,

for the communication of those measures. I have received this letter this

morning and have now the honor to enclose it. I accompany it with the one

proposed by the committee, of which you will perceive that it is almost a

verbal copy; it furnished a proof of the disposition of the King and his

ministers to produce a more intimate intercourse between the two nations.

Indeed, I must say that, as far as I am able to see, the friendship of the

people of this country towards us is cordial and general, and that it is a

kind of security for the friendship of ministers who cannot in any country

be uninfluenced by the voice of the people. To this we may add, that it

is their interest, as well as ours, to multiply the bans of friendship

between us. As the regulations stated in the minister's letter are

immediately interesting to those concerned in our commerce, I send printed

copies of it to the sea-port towns in France. We may consider them as an

ultimate settlement of the conditions of our commerce with this country;

for, though the consolidation of the ship duties, and the encouragements

for the importation of rice are not finally decided, yet the letter

contains a promise of them so soon as necessary facts shall be known.

With a view to come at the facts relative to the two last subjects, I had

proposed, whenever I should receive the final decision now enclosed, to

avail myself of the pause which that would produce, in order to visit the

sea-port towns with which we trade chiefly, and to collect that kind of

knowledge of our commerce, and of what may be further useful to it, which

can only be gathered on the spot, and suggested by one's own inspection.

But the delay which has attended the obtaining the final determination has

brought us to the entrance of winter, and will oblige me to postpone my

journey to the spring. Besides the objects of public utility which induce

me to make a tour of this land, that of health will oblige me to pay more

attention to exercise and change of air than I have hitherto done since

my residence in Europe; and I am willing to hope that I may be permitted

at times to absent myself from this place, taking occasions when there

is nothing important on hand, nor likely to arise. The assistance of

the M. de La Fayette in the whole of this business, has been so earnest

and so efficacious, that I am in duty bound to place it under the eye

of Congress, as worthy their notice on this occasion. Their thanks, or

such other notice as they think proper, would be grateful to him without

doubt. He has richly deserved and will continue to deserve it, whenever

occasions shall arise of rendering service to the United States. These

occasions will continually occur. Though the abolition of the monopoly

of our tobacco cannot be hoped under the present circumstances, changes

are possible which may open that hope again. However jealous, too, this

country is of foreign intercourse with their colonies, that intercourse is

too essential to us to be abandoned as desperate. At this moment, indeed,

it cannot be proposed; but, by watching circumstances, occasion may arise

hereafter; and I hope will arise. I know from experience what would, in

that case, be the value of such an auxiliary.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO H. E. J. ADAMS.

PARIS, October 27, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I formerly had the honor of mentioning to you the measures I

had taken to have our commerce with this country put on a better footing,

and you know the circumstances which had occasioned the articles of

whale oil and tobacco to be first brought forward. Latterly we got the

committee, which had been established for this purpose, to take up the

other article, and on their report, the King and council have come to the

decisions explained in the enclosed letter from M. de Calonnes[A] to me.

The abandonment of revenue raised on articles of _importation_ shows a

friendly disposition. I have had, through this business, a most zealous

and powerful auxiliary in the Marquis de La Fayette, by whose activity

it has been sooner and better done than I could otherwise have possibly

expected. Though you are free to show the enclosed letter as you please,

I would wish it kept out of the public papers two or three months. I am,

dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.

[A] [French Minister of Finance.]

TO DR. RAMSAY.

PARIS, October 27, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I mentioned to you in a former letter that as the booksellers

in London were afraid to sell your book there, I would have some copies

brought here, advertising in the London papers that they could be

furnished weekly from hence by the Diligence. Fifty copies are just

arrived, and fifty more are on the way. The translation will come from the

press in a few days.

Having observed the immense consumption of rice in this country, it

became matter of wonder to me why so few ships come here with that article

from South Carolina and Georgia. The information I received on my first

enquiries was, that little Carolina rice came here, because it was less

clean and less good than what is brought from the Levant. Further enquiry,

however, has satisfied me of the inexactitude of this information. The

case is as follows. About one-half the rice consumed in France is from

Carolina, the other half is chiefly from Piedmont. The Piedmont rice

is thought by connoisseurs to be the best _au gras_; the Carolina rice

best _au lait_. Yet the superior whiteness of the latter is so much more

pleasing to the eye as to compensate with many purchasers its deficiency

in quality. Carolina rice sells at Havre by wholesale at 22, 23, 24

livres the French quintal; the livre being 10_d._ sterling, and the French

quintal 109 lbs. English. At the approach of Lent, it rises to 27 livres.

It is retailed in Paris at from 6 to 10 sous the French pound, according

to its quality, being sorted. Piedmont rice sells always at 10 sous (5_d._

sterling) the pound. In the wholesale it is 3 or 4 livres the quintal

dearer than Carolina rice. This would supplant that of Piedmont, if

brought in sufficient quantities, and to France directly. But it is first

carried and deposited in England, and it is the merchant of that country

who sends it here, drawing a great profit himself, while the commodity is,

moreover, subjected to the expenses of a double voyage. You will perceive

by the enclosed letter that the government here is disposed to encourage

its importation. I think they will receive it duty free, or under very

slight duty, barely sufficient to indicate the quantity imported. When

I compared the price of this article here with what it is in London or

Charleston, I cannot help hoping the difference will be sufficient to draw

to this country immediately what its consumption would call for. It must

come to Havre or Rouen, and must arrive there in time to reach Paris by

the 1st of February, that is to say a month before the Careme, as most

persons lay in their provision of rice during that period. This condition

is so indispensable that it certainly loses its sale if it arrives later.

I send you some specimens of the different kinds of rice as sold here.

If, by making known these details, you think the intercourse between our

country and this may be improved, I am sure you will take on yourself

the trouble of doing it; nobody being more sensible than you are of the

motives both moral and political which should induce us to bind the two

countries together by as many ties as possible of interest and affection.

I cannot pretend to affirm that this country will stand by us on every

just occasion, but I am sure, if this will not, there is no other that

will. I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most

humble servant.

[A CIRCULAR LETTER.]

PARIS, October 29, 1786.

SIR,--I enclose to you the copy of a letter which I have had the honor

to receive from his Excellency, M. de Calonne, one of his majesty's

ministers, wherein he is pleased to communicate to me sundry regulations

lately made for the encouragement of the commerce between France and

the United States of America. The favorable footing on which American

productions will now be received in the ports of this country will, I

hope, occasion a more general introduction of them, when brought hither.

I equally hope that motives both of interest and gratitude will combine to

induce the importers to take in exchange the productions of this country.

A commerce carried on by exchange of productions is the most likely

to be lasting and to meet mutual encouragement. You will be pleased to

communicate the contents of the enclosed letter to the persons at your

port concerned in the American trade, but so that it may not get into the

public papers. You will observe that the article of rice and ship duties

are still to be provided for. I shall be obliged to you if you will inform

me what duties are paid on American rice on its importation into your

port, and to give me a distinct detail of the several port duties and ship

duties paid by American vessels thither, noting on what or by what name

they are payable, the amount, for whose profit they are, by what title

they are received, and the laws which authorized them; in order that we

may be enabled to get these articles settled also. I have the honor to be,

with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO M. DE CALONNE.

PARIS, November 2, 1786.

SIR,--I have been honored with your Excellency's letter of October the

22d, wherein you communicate to me the regulations which his majesty,

the King, has been pleased lately to establish in favor of the commerce

between his subjects and the citizens of the United States. I avail myself

of the first occasion of conveying this information to Congress, who

will receive with singular satisfaction this new proof of his majesty's

friendship and of his willingness to multiply the ties of interest and

intercourse between the two nations. Favors are doubly precious which,

promoting the present purposes of interest and of friendship, enlarge

the foundations for their continuance and increase. The part which

your Excellency has been pleased to take in the establishment of these

regulations, merits and meets my sincere thanks, and adds a little the

more to those sentiments of profound esteem and respect with which I have

the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO M. DE CREVECŒUR.

PARIS, November 6, 1786.

SIR,--Congress have as yet come to no resolution as to the general

redemption of paper money. That it is to be redeemed is a principle of

which there is no doubt in the mind of any member of Congress, nor of

any citizen of the United States. A resolution of Congress taken in a

particular case, which stood on the same ground on which the general one

will stand, founds a presumption amounting nearly to a certainty that

they will pay to the holder of every bill what it cost him, or the person

whom he represents at the time of receiving it, with an interest from

that time, of six per cent. They have of course established no rule of

evidence as to the time of receiving the money. I think, however, that it

would be advisable for M. de Lisle, or the representatives of Pileerf, to

establish the time at which their money was received by the affidavits of

such persons as know it. Those of disinterested persons would be best;

but if there is no disinterested person acquainted with the fact, they

will do well to take the affidavits of persons interested. It is probable

this kind of testimony will be admitted; at any rate it can do no harm,

no particular form nor no terms of art are required for these affidavits.

It will suffice if they state facts substantially, and that the oath be

administered by some person who, by the laws of the country in which it is

administered, is authorized to administer an oath. I have the honor to be,

Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO M. DU RIVAL.

PARIS, November 7, 1786.

SIR,--I am honored with your letter of the 1st instant, enclosing

inquiries on the subject of the coins of the United States. Some time

during the last year, Congress decided that the Spanish milled dollar

should be their money unit, and that their coins should be in a decimal

progression above or below that. Some intermediate coins will also be

doubtless made for convenience, and indeed they determined that their

smallest copper coin should be the two-hundredth part of a dollar. They

did not determine how much pure silver their money unit should contain,

nor establish the proportion between their silver and gold coins. No other

resolutions were entered into, nor had anything been done to effectuate

these. What is said, therefore, on this subject in the Courier d'Europe is

entirely fable, unless the compiler of that paper has received information

of a later date than the middle of August. I do expect that Congress will

sometime soon complete their system or resolutions on this subject, and

carry them into effect.

I have the honor to be, with sentiment of the highest respect, Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.

P. S. I omitted to observe that most of the gold and silver coins of

Europe pass in the several States of America according to the quantity of

pure metal they contain.

TO M. FAMIN.

PARIS, November 11, 1786.

SIR,--This will be handed you by Colonel Blackden, heretofore an officer

in the American army--at present engaged in trade. He goes to Honfleur

with a view to examine the commercial relations which may be established

between that port and the United States. He wishes particularly to see the

nature of its harbor, the conveniences already established for commerce,

and to know something of the productions which can be taken and given

there in exchange. Knowing your desire to assist in drawing the American

commerce to that port, I take the liberty of recommending this gentleman

to your acquaintance, and of praying you to procure him the information he

desires.

Some late regulations of the King and Council in favor of the commerce

of the United States having given us room to hope that our endeavors may

be successful to remove a good part of it from Great Britain to France,

Honfleur presents itself as a more important instrument for this purpose

than it had heretofore appeared. We are, therefore, now pressing more

earnestly its establishment as a free port, and such other regulations in

its favor as may invite the commerce to it.

I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE HONORABLE MR. JAY.

PARIS, November 12, 1786.

SIR,--In a letter which I had the honor of writing you on the 26th of

September, I informed you that a Dutch company were making propositions

to the Minister of Finance here to purchase at a discount, the debt due

from the United States to this country. I have lately procured a copy

of their memoir which I now enclose. Should Congress think this subject

worthy their attention, they have no time to lose, as the necessities

of the minister, which alone has made him listen to this proposition,

may force him to a speedy conclusion. The effect which a payment of the

whole sum would have here, would be very valuable. The only question

is, whether we can borrow it in Holland, a question which cannot be

resolved but in Holland. The trouble of the trial, and the expense of

the transaction, would be well repaid by the dispositions which would be

excited in our favor in the King and his ministers. I have the honor to

be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

M. LE ROY DE L'ACADEMIE DES SCIENCES.

PARIS, November 13, 1786.

SIR,--I received the honor of yours of September the 18th, a day or two

after the accident of a dislocated wrist had disabled me from writing. I

have waited thus long in constant hope of recovering its use. But finding

that this hope walks before me like my shadow, I can no longer oppose the

desire and duty of answering your polite and learned letter. I therefore

employ my left hand in the office of scribe, which it performs indeed

slowly, awkwardly and badly.

The information given by me to the Marquis de Chastellux, and alluded to

in his book and in your letter was, that the sea breezes which prevail

in the lower parts of Virginia during the summer months, and in the warm

parts of day, had made a sensible progress into the interior country:

that formerly, within the memory of persons living, they extended but

little above Williamsburg; that afterwards they became sensible as high

as Richmond; and that, at present, they penetrate sometimes as far as the

first mountains, which are above an hundred miles further from the sea

coast than Williamsburg is. It is very rare, indeed, that they reach those

mountains, and not till the afternoon is considerably advanced. A light

north-westerly breeze is, for the most part, felt there, while an easterly

or north-easterly wind is blowing strongly in the lower country. How far

northward and southward of Virginia this easterly breeze takes place, I am

not informed. I must, therefore, be understood as speaking of that State

only, which extends on the sea coast from 36½ to 38 of latitude.

This is the fact. We know too little of the operations of nature in the

physical world to assign causes with any degree of confidence. Willing

always, however, to guess at what we do not know, I have sometimes

indulged myself with conjectures on the causes of the phenomena above

stated. I will hazard them on paper for your amusement, premising for

their foundation some principles believed to be true.

Air resting on a heated and reflecting surface, becomes warmer, rarer and

lighter? it ascends therefore, and the circumjacent air, which is colder

and heavier, flows into its place, becomes warmed and, lightened in its

turn, ascends, and is succeeded as that which went before. If the heated

surface be circular, the air flows to it from every quarter, like the

rays of a circle to its centre. If it be a zone of determinate breadth and

indefinite length, the air will flow from each side perpendicularly on it.

If the currents of air flowing from opposite sides, be of equal force,

they will meet in equilibrio, at a line drawn longitudinally through

the middle of the zone. If one current be stronger than the other, the

stronger one will force back the line of equilibrium towards the further

edge of the zone, or even beyond it: the motion it has acquired causing it

to overshoot the zone, as the motion acquired by a pendulum in its descent

causes it to vibrate beyond the point of its lowest descent.

Earth, exposed naked to the sun's rays, absorbs a good portion of them;

but, being an opaque body, those rays penetrate to a small depth only.

Its surface, by this accumulation of absorbed rays, becomes considerably

heated. The residue of the rays are reflected into the air resting on that

surface. This air, then, is warmed, 1, by the _direct_ rays of the sun; 2,

by its _reflected_ rays; 3, by _contact_ with the heated surface. A forest

receiving the sun's rays, a part of them enters the intervals between

the trees, and their reflection upwards is intercepted by the leaves and

boughs. The rest fall on the trees, the leaves of which being generally

inclined towards the horizon, reflect the rays downwards. The atmosphere

here, then, receives little or no heat by reflection. Again, these leaves

having a power of keeping themselves cool by their own transpiration, they

impart no heat to the air by contact. Reflection and contact, then, two of

the three modes before-mentioned of communicating heat, are wanting here;

and of course, the air over a country covered by forest must be colder

than that over cultivated grounds.

The sea being pellucid, the sun's rays penetrate it to a considerable

depth. Being also fluid, and in perpetual agitation, its parts are

constantly mixed together; so that, instead of its heat being all

accumulated in its surface, as in the case of a solid opaque body, it is

diffused through its whole mass. Its surface, therefore, is comparatively

cool, for these reasons, to which may be added that of evaporation. The

small degree of reflection which might otherwise take place, is generally

prevented by the rippled state of its surface. The air resting on the

sea, then, like that resting on a forest, receives little or no heat by

reflection or contact, and is therefore colder than that which lies over a

cultivated country.