CHAPTER XXXIII

THE MARSHALLING OF ARMS

The science of marshalling is the conjoining of two or more coats of arms

upon one shield for the purpose of indicating sovereignty, dominion,

alliance, descent, or pretension, according to recognised rules and

regulations, by the employment of which the story of any given achievement

shall be readily translatable.

The methods of marshalling are (1) dimidiation, (2) impalement, (3)

quartering, (4) superimposition.

Instances of quartered shields are to be met with possibly before

impalements or dimidiation. The earliest attempt at anything like a

regularised method of procedure to signify marriage was that usually males

_quartered_ the arms of their wives or ancestresses from whom they acquired

their lands; whilst impaled coats were to all intents and purposes the

armorial bearings of married women, or more frequently of widows who took

an immediate interest in their husbands' property. This ancient usage

brings home very forcibly the former territorial connection of arms and

land. The practice of the husband impaling the wife's arms, whether heiress

or not, probably arose near the close of the fifteenth century. Even now it

is laid down that the arms of a wife should not in general be borne upon

the husband's banner, surcoat, or official seal.

But impalement as we now know it was preceded by dimidiation. Dimidiation,

which was but a short-lived method, was effected by the division of the

shield down the centre. On the dexter side was placed the dexter half of

the husband's arms, and on the sinister side was placed the sinister half

of the wife's arms. With some coats of arms no objection could be urged

against the employment of this method. But it was liable to result (_e.g._

with two coats of arms having the same ordinary) in the creation of a

design which looked far more like one simple coat than a conjunction of

two. The dimidiation of "argent, a bend gules" and "argent, a chevron

sable" would simply result in a single coat "argent, a bend per pale gules

and sable." This fault of the system must have made itself manifest at an

early period, for we soon find it became customary to introduce about

two-thirds of {524} the design of each coat for the sake of demonstrating

their separate character. It must soon thereafter have become apparent that

if two-thirds of the design of a coat of arms could be squeezed into half

of the shield there was no valid reason why the whole of the design could

not be employed. This therefore became customary under the name of

impalement, and the practice has ever since remained with us. Few examples

indeed of dimidiation are to be met with, and as a practical method of

conjunction, the practice was chiefly in vogue during the earlier part of

the fourteenth century.

Occasionally quartered coats were dimidiated, in which case the first and

third quarters of the husband's coat were conjoined with the second and

fourth of the wife's. As far as outward appearance went, this practice

resulted in the fact that no distinction existed from a plain quartered

coat. Thus the seal of Margaret of Bavaria, Countess of Holland, and wife

of John, Count de Nevers, in 1385 (afterwards Duke of Burgundy), bears a

shield on which is apparently a simple instance of quartering, but really a

dimidiated coat. The two coats to the dexter side of the palar line are: In

chief Burgundy-Modern ("France-Ancient, a bordure compony argent and

gules"), and in base Burgundy-Ancient. On the sinister side the coat in

chief is Bavaria ("Bendy-lozengy argent and azure"); and the one in base

contains the quartered arms of Flanders ("Or, a lion rampant sable"); and

Holland ("Or, a lion rampant gules"); the lines dividing these latter

quarters being omitted, as is usually found to be the case with this

particular shield.

Certain examples can be found amongst the Royal Arms in England which show

much earlier instances of dimidiation. The arms of Margaret of France, who

died in 1319, the second queen of Edward I., as they remain on her tomb in

Westminster Abbey, afford an example of this method of conjunction. The

arms of England appear on the dexter side of the escocheon; and this coat

undergoes a certain amount of curtailment, though the dimidiation is not

complete, portions only of the hindmost parts of the lions being cut off by

the palar line. The coat of France, on the sinister side, of course does

not readily indicate the dimidiation.

Boutell, in his chapter on marshalling in "Heraldry, Historical and

Popular," gives several early examples of dimidiation. The seal of Edmond

Plantagenet, Earl of Cornwall (d. 1300), bears his arms (those of Richard,

Earl of Cornwall, and King of the Romans) dimidiating those of his wife,

Margaret de Clare. Here only the sinister half of his bordure is removed,

while the Clare coat ("Or, three chevrons gules") is entirely dimidiated,

and the chevrons are little distinguishable from bends. Both coats are

dimidiated in other examples mentioned {525} by Boutell, viz. William de

Valence and his wife, and Alianore Montendre and her husband Guy Ferre. On

the seal of Margaret Campbell, wife of Alexander Napier, in 1531, the

shield shows upon the dexter side the arms of Lennox, and on the sinister

the dimidiated coat (the sinister half of the quartered arms) of Campbell

and Lorn. This results in the galley of Lorn being in chief, and the

Campbell gyrons in base.

An early and interesting Irish example of this kind of marshalling is

afforded by a dimidiated coat of Clare and Fitzgerald, which now figures on

the official seal of the Provosts of Youghal (Clare: "Or, three chevrons

gules." Fitzgerald: "Argent, a saltire gules, with a label of five points

in chief"). Both these coats are halved. They result from the marriage of

Richard Clare, Earl of Hertford, with Juliana, daughter and heir of Maurice

Fitzgerald, feudal lord of Inchiquin and Youghal.

An even more curious case of dimidiation comes to light in the arms

formerly used by the Abbey of St. Etienne at Caen, in which the arms of

England and those attributed to the Duchy of Normandy ("Gules, two lions

passant guardant or") were dimidiated, so that in the former half three of

the fore-quarters of the lions appear, while in the sinister half only two

of the hind-quarters are represented.

Dimidiation was not always effected by conjunction down the palar line,

other partition lines of the shield being occasionally, though very rarely,

employed in this manner.

Certain curious (now indivisible) coats of arms remain which undoubtedly

originated in the dimidiation of two separate coats, _e.g._ the arms of

Yarmouth, Sandwich, Hastings, Rye, and Chester. In all cases some Royal

connection can be traced which has caused the Royal Arms of England to be

conjoined with the earlier devices of fish, ships, or garbs which had been

employed by the towns in question. It is worth the passing thought,

however, whether the conjoined lions and hulks used by the Cinque Ports may

not originally have been a device of the Sovereign for naval purposes, or

possibly the naval version of the Royal Arms (see page 182).

One other remainder from the practice of dimidiation still survives amongst

the presently existing rules of heraldry. It is a rule to which no modern

authoritative exception can be mentioned. When a coat within a bordure is

impaled with another coat, the bordure is not continued down the centre of

the shield, but stops short at top and bottom when the palar line is

reached. This rule is undoubtedly a result of the ancient method of

conjunction by dimidiation, but the curious point is that, at the period

when dimidiation was employed and during the period which followed, some

number of examples can be {526} found where the bordure is continued round

the whole coat which is within it.

The arms of man and wife are now conjoined according to the following

rules:--If the wife is not an heraldic heiress the two coats are impaled.

If the wife be an heraldic heir or coheir, in lieu of impalement the arms

of her family are placed on an inescutcheon superimposed on the centre of

her husband's arms, the inescutcheon being termed an escutcheon of

pretence, because _jure uxoris_ she being an heiress of her house, the

husband "pretends" to the representation of her family.

For heraldic purposes it therefore becomes necessary to define the terms

heir and heiress. It is very essential that the point should be thoroughly

understood, because quarterings other than those of augmentation can only

be inherited from or through female ancestors who are in themselves heirs

or coheirs (this is the true term, or, rather, the ancient term, though

they are now usually referred to colloquially as heiresses or coheiresses)

in blood, or whose issue subsequently become in a later generation the

representatives of any ancestor in the male line of that female ancestor. A

woman is an "heir" or "heiress" (1) if she is an only child; (2) if all her

brothers die without leaving any issue to survive, either male or female;

(3) she becomes an heiress "in her issue," as it is termed, if she die

leaving issue herself if and when all the descendants male and female of

her brothers become absolutely extinct. The term "coheir" or "coheiress" is

employed in cases similar to the foregoing when, instead of one daughter,

there are two or more.

No person can be "heir" or "coheir" of another person until the latter is

dead, though he or she may be heir-apparent or heir-presumptive. Though the

word "heir" is frequently used with regard to material matters, such usage

is really there incorrect, except in cases of intestacy. A person

benefiting under a will is a legatee of money, or a devisee of land, and

not an heir to either. The table on page 527 may make things a little

clearer, but in the following remarks intestacy is ignored, and the

explanations apply solely to _heirship of blood_.

Charles in the accompanying pedigree is, after 1800, _heir_ of David.

Thomas is _heir-apparent_ of Charles, being a son and the eldest born. He

dies _v.p._ (_vita patris_, _i.e._ in the lifetime of his father) and never

becomes heir. A daughter can never become an heir-apparent, as there is

always, during the lifetime of her father, the possibility of a son being

born. Mary, Ellen, and Blanche are coheirs of Thomas their father, whom

they survive, and they are also coheirs of their grandfather Charles, to

whom they succeed, and they would properly in a pedigree be described as

both. They are heirs-general of Thomas, Charles, and David, and, being the

heirs of the senior line, they are heirs-general or coheirs-general of

their house. David being possessed of the barony "by writ" of Cilfowyr, it

would "fall into abeyance" at the death of Charles between the three

daughters equally.

{527}

DAVID CILFOWYR, created Duke of London

in the Peerage of the United Kingdom,

remainder to him and the heirs male of his body,

was Earl of Edinburgh in the Peerage of Scotland

(with remainder to his heirs), and Lord Cilfowyr

by writ in the Peerage of England

(with remainder to his heirs-general). Died 1800.

|

--------------------------------------------------

| |

CHARLES CILFOWYR, OWEN CILFOWYR, Esq.,

elder son and heir; head of commonly called Lord Owen

his house, Duke of London, Cilfowyr by courtesy.

Earl of Edinburgh, and Lord Cilfowyr. Died 1870.

Died 1840. |

| --------------------------------------------------

| | | |

| | | |

| ROBERT CILFOWYR, Esq., PHILIP CILFOWYR, Esq., |

| eldest son, becomes heir second son. Died 1879. |

| male of his house in 1880 | |

| at the death of George, and ADA, only child, has |

| as such succeeds as Duke of no courtesy title. |

| London. Died 1896. Living in 1900. |

| | |

| HARRIET CILFOWYR, |

| only child, by CECIL CILFOWYR, Esq.,

| courtesy after 1880 third son. When his brother

| Lady Harriet Cilfowyr. succeeds in 1880 as Duke of

| Died 1897. London he petitions the

| Queen for that style and

| precedence which he would

| have enjoyed had his father

| lived to inherit the Dukedom.

| His petition being granted,

| he becomes by courtesy Lord

| Cecil Cilfowyr, until he

| succeeds in 1896, at the

| death of his brother, to

| the Dukedom of London.

|

---------------------------------------------------------

| | | | |

THOMAS CILFOWYR, Esq., | | | ISABEL CILFOWYR,

eldest son and heir-apparent, | | | styled by courtesy as

styled Earl of Edinburgh by | | | Lady Isabel Cilfowyr.

courtesy. Died _v.p._ | | | Living 1900.

1830, so never succeeds. | | |

| | | |

| | | IRENE CILFOWYR,

| | | styled by courtesy as

| | | Lady Irene Cilfowr

| | | Living 1900.

| | |

| ---------------- |

| | |

| | |

| EDMOND CILFOWYR, Esq., |

| second son, styled by courtesy |

| courtesy Lord Edmond Cilfowyr |

| until 1840, when he succeeds |

| as Duke of London. Died 1850. |

| | |

| | --------------

| | |

| | JOHN CILFOWYR, Esq., = EDITH TORKINGTON,

| | third son, styled by | succeeds in 1861 as

| | courtesy Lord John Cilfowyr | _suo jure_ Baroness

| | until 1850, when he | Neville by writ in England,

| | succeeds as Duke of London. | and Countess of Torkington

| | London. Died 1870. | (to herself and her heirs)

| | | in Scotland. Died 1862.

| | |

| | -----------------------------

| | |

| --------------------------------------------------------- |

| | |

------------------------------------------------- | |

| | | | |

MARY CILFOWYR, ELLEN CILFOWYR, BLANCHE CILFOWYR, | |

Countess of styled by courtesy styled by courtesy | |

Edinburgh. Lady Ellen Cilfowyr. Lady Blanche Cilfowyr. | |

Living 1900. Living 1900. Living 1900. | |

_Heir of Line._ | |

| | | |

------------------------------------------- | |

| | |

The Barony of Cilfowyr falls into abeyance between these | |

three equally. In Scottish phraseology they are termed | |

heirs portioners. | |

--------------------------------- |

| | |

GRACE CILFOWYR, MURIEL CILFOWYR, |

styled by courtesy styled by courtesy |

Lady Grace Cilfowyr, Lady Muriel Cilfowyr. |

elder dau. Living 1900. Living 1900. |

|

|

---------------------------------------------------------------

| | |

GEORGE CILFOWYR, Esq., ALICE CILFOWYR, |

only son, and so styled styled by courtesy |

until 1850, when his father succeeds Lady Alice Cilfowyr until |

as Duke of London. As son of a Duke 1885, when she succeeds as |

he then becomes by courtesy Lord George Countess of Torkington. |

Cilfowyr, and this is his proper Died 1887, _s.p._ |

description, because his father has no |

minor title which he could assume. But |

by a quite modern custom which has -------------------------

sprung up of late years he would very |

probably call himself "Lord Cilfowyr." ANNIE CILFOWYR, = REGINALD

In 1861 his mother succeeds in her styled by courtesy | SHERWIN.

own right to two titles, and by Lady Annie Cilfowyr | Died 1872.

courtesy he would thenceforward be and Lady Annie |

styled by her minor title as Lord Sherwin. Died 1870. |

Neville until her death in 1862, when |

he becomes Earl of Torkington in his |

own right and also Lord Neville. ----------------------

At his father's death in 1870 he | |

becomes Duke of London. Died 1880. | LILIAN SHERWIN,

| | only daughter, known

| | as Lady Lilian Sherwin

DOROTHY CILFOWYR, styled | until 1896, when she

Lady Dorothy Cilfowyr until 1880, | succeeds as Countess

when she becomes _suo jure_ | of Torkington and

Countess of Torkington and Baroness | Baroness Neville.

Neville. Died _s.p._ 1885. | Living 1900.

|

ARTHUR SHERWIN,

only son and heir,

succeeds as Earl

of Torkington and

Lord Neville in 1887,

at the death of

his aunt. Died 1888.

|

|

|

-------------------------------------------------------------

| | |

| | |

MARIA SHERWIN, called JANE SHERWIN, |

by courtesy Lady Maria Sherwin, by courtesy Lady Jane |

succeeds in 1888 as Countess of Sherwin, succeeds as |

Torkington and senior coheir Countess of Torkington |

to the Barony of Neville, in 1889, but the |

which falls into abeyance between Barony of Neville again |

herself and her sisters. The falls into abeyance |

Queen determines the abeyance between herself and her |

in her favour, and she consequently younger sister. |

becomes also Baroness Died _s.p._ 1890. |

Neville. Died _s.p._ 1889. |

-------------

|

HANNAH SHERWIN,

called by courtesy

Lady Hannah Sherwin.

She succeeds in 1890

as sole heir of her

father, and consequently

the abeyance determines

of itself, and she

becomes both Countess

of Torkington and

Baroness Neville.

Died _s.p._ 1896.

{528}

In Scotland Mary, Ellen, and Blanche would be termed "heirs portioners,"

and Mary, being an heiress and the eldest born in the direct and senior

line, would be termed the "heir of line." David being possessed of an

ancient Scottish peerage not limited to males (the Earldom of Edinburgh),

Mary, the heir of line, would at once succeed in her own right as Countess

of Edinburgh on the death of her grandfather Charles. If the family were an

untitled Scottish family entitled to supporters, these would descend to

Mary unless they had been specifically granted with some other limitation.

At the death of Thomas in 1830 Edmond becomes heir male apparent, and at

the death of his father in 1840 Edmond becomes heir male of his house until

his death. David having been created a peer (Duke of London) with remainder

to the heirs male of his body, Edmond succeeded as Duke of London at the

death of Charles in 1840. Grace and Muriel are coheirs of Edmond after his

death. They are _not_ either coheirs or heirs-general of Charles, in spite

of the fact that their father was his heir male. At the death of Charles in

1840, when Edmond succeeded as heir male, John succeeded as heir male

presumptive to Edmond. He was not heir-apparent, because a son might at any

moment have been born to Edmond. An heir-apparent and an heir-presumptive

cannot exist at the same time, for whilst there is an heir-apparent there

cannot be an heir-presumptive. John succeeded as heir male of his house,

and therefore as Duke of London, in 1850, at the death of his elder brother

Edmond; but, though John was the "heir male" of his said elder brother, he

was _not_ his "heir" (Grace and Muriel being the coheirs of Edmond), nor

was he the "heir male of the body" of Edmond, not being descended from him.

John, however, was "heir male of the body" of Charles. George is

heir-apparent of John until his death in 1870, when George succeeds as

"heir" of his father and heir male of his house, and consequently Duke of

London. At his death in 1880 Dorothy becomes the "sole heir," or, more

properly, the "sole heir-general," of her father George; but his kinsman

Robert becomes his "heir male," and therefore Duke of London, in spite of

the fact that there was a much nearer male relative, viz. a nephew, Arthur,

the son of his sister. Robert also becomes the heir male of the body of

Owen and heir male of his house, and as such Duke of London. He would also

be generally described as the heir male of the body of David.

At the death of Dorothy in 1885 her coheirs were her aunt Alice and her

cousin Arthur equally, and though these really were the coheirs {529} of

_Dorothy_ (the claims of Alice and Annie being equal, and the rights of

Annie having devolved upon Arthur), they would more usually be found

described as the coheirs of George or of John. Annie was never _herself_

really a coheir, because she died before her brother, but "in her issue"

she became the coheir of Dorothy, though she would, after 1885, be usually

described as "in her issue" a coheir of George, or possibly even of John,

though this would be an inexact description. Arthur was heir of his mother

after 1870, heir of his father after 1872, and heir-apparent of his father

before that date; after 1885 he is a coheir of Dorothy, and after 1887 sole

heir of Dorothy and sole heir of Alice. He would also be usually described

as heir-general of George, and heir-general of John. Let us suppose that

John had married Edith Torkington, an English baroness (_suo jure_) by writ

(Baroness Neville), who had died in 1862. At that date the barony would

have descended to her eldest son George until his death in 1880, when

Dorothy, _suo jure_, would have succeeded. At her death in 1885 the barony

would have fallen into abeyance between Alice and Arthur. At the death of

Alice in 1887 the abeyance would be at an end, and the barony in its

entirety would have devolved upon Arthur, who would have enjoyed it until

at his death in 1888 the barony would have again fallen into abeyance

between Maria, Jane, and Hannah equally. It is not unlikely that Her

Majesty might have "determined the abeyance," or "called the barony out of

abeyance" (the meanings of the terms are identical) in favour of Maria, who

would consequently have enjoyed the barony in its entirety. At her death in

1889 it would again fall into abeyance between Jane and Hannah. At Jane's

death in 1890 Hannah became sole heir, and the abeyance came to an end when

Hannah succeeded to the barony. At her death it would pass to her aunt

Lilian. Hannah would usually be described as "coheir and subsequently sole

heir of" Arthur. If the Baroness Neville had been possessed of an ancient

Scottish Peerage (the Earldom of Torkington) it would have passed

undividedly and in full enjoyment to the heir of line, _i.e._ in 1862 to

George, 1880 to Dorothy, 1885 to Alice, 1887 to Arthur, 1888 to Maria, 1889

to Jane, 1890 to Hannah, and 1896 to Lilian, the last (shown on the

pedigree) in remainder. Lilian does not become an heiress until 1896, when

the whole issue of her brother becomes extinct. Irene and Isabel never

become heirs at all.

Robert, as we have seen, became heir male of his house and Duke of London

in 1880. At his death (1896) Harriet becomes sole heir of Robert, but at

her death in 1897 his niece Ada, the only child of his younger brother

Philip, who had predeceased him, would be usually referred to as heir of

Robert, whilst Cecil is heir male of his house. {530}

When the term "of the body" is employed, _actual descent_ from that person

is signified, _e.g._ Arthur after 1885 is "collateral" heir-general of

Dorothy, but "heir-general of the body" of Edith Torkington.

An "heir of entail," or, to use the Scottish term, the "heir of tailzie,"

is merely the person succeeding to _property_ under a specific remainder

contained in a deed of entail. This has no relation to heirship in blood,

and the term, from an armorial point of view, might be entirely

disregarded, were it not that some number of Scottish coats of arms, and a

greater number of Scottish supporters, and some Scottish peerages and

baronetcies, are specifically granted and limited to the heirs of entail.

There are a few similar English grants following upon Royal Licences for

change of name and arms.

[Illustration: FIG. 742.]

[Illustration: FIG. 743.]

[Illustration: FIG. 744.]

The term "heir in expectancy" is sometimes heard, but it is not really a

proper term, and has no exact or legal meaning. When George was alive his

daughter Dorothy was his heir-presumptive, but supposing that Dorothy were

a Catholic nun and Alice a lunatic, in each of which cases there would be

very little likelihood of any marriage ever taking place, Arthur would very

generally be described as "heir in expectancy," for though he was neither

heir-apparent nor heir-presumptive, all probability pointed to the eventual

succession of himself or his issue.

Anybody is said to be "in remainder" to entailed property or a peerage if

he is included within the recited limits of the entail or peerage. The

"heir in remainder" is the person next entitled to succeed after the death

of the existing holder.

Thus (excluding heirs in expectancy and women who are {531}

heirs-presumptive) a marriage with any woman who is an heir or coheir

results in her arms being placed upon an escutcheon of pretence over the

arms of the husband. In the cases of all other women the arms are "impaled"

only. To "impale two coats" the shield is divided by a straight line down

the centre, the whole design of the arms of the husband being placed on the

dexter side of the escutcheon, and the whole design of the wife's arms

being placed on the sinister side (Fig. 742).

[Illustration: FIG. 745.]

It may perhaps be as well to here exemplify the different methods of the

conjunction of the arms of man and wife, arranging the same two coats in

the different methods in which they might be marshalled before reverting to

ancient practices.

[Illustration: FIG. 746.]

An ordinary commoner impales his wife's arms as in Fig. 742. If she be an

heiress, he places them on an escutcheon of pretence as in Fig. 743. If the

husband, not being a Knight, is, however, a Companion of an Order of

Knighthood, this does not (except in the case of the Commanders of the

Victorian Order) give him the right to use the circle of his Order round

his arms, and his badge is simply hung below the escutcheon, the arms of

the wife being impaled or placed on an escutcheon of pretence thereupon as

the case may necessitate. The wife of a Knight Bachelor shares the state

and rank with her husband, and the only difference is in the helmet (Fig.

744). But if the husband be a knight of any order, the ensigns of that

order are personal to himself, and cannot be shared with his wife, and

consequently two shields are employed. On the dexter shield are the arms of

the husband with the circle of his order of knighthood, and on the sinister

shield are the arms of the husband impaling the arms of the wife. Some

meaningless decoration, usually a wreath of oak-leaves, is placed round the

sinister shield to "balance," from the artistic point, the {532} ribbon, or

the ribbon and collar, as the case may be, of the order of knighthood of

the husband (Fig. 745). A seeming exception to this rule in the case of the

recent warrant to Queen Alexandra, whose arms, impaled by those of His

Majesty, are depicted impaled within the Garter, is perhaps explained by

the fact that Her Majesty is herself a member of that Order. A Knight Grand

Cross, of course, adds his collar to the dexter shield, and if he has

supporters, these are placed outside the _two_ shields.

A peer impales the arms of his wife as in the case of a commoner, the arms

of the wife being, of course, under the protection of the supporters,

coronet, and helmet of the peer (Fig. 746). If, in addition to being a

peer, he is also a knight of an order, he follows the rules which prescribe

the use of two shields as already described.

[Illustration: FIG. 747.]

[Illustration: FIG. 748.]

Supposing the wife to be a peeress in her own right, she cannot nowadays

confer any rank whatever upon her husband; consequently, if she marry a

commoner, the husband places her arms upon an escutcheon of pretence

surmounted by a coronet of her rank, but the supporters belonging to her

peerage cannot be added to his shield. The arms of the wife are

consequently repeated alone, but in this case upon a lozenge on the

sinister side of the husband's shield. Above this lozenge is placed the

coronet of her rank, and the supporters belonging to her peerage are placed

on either side of the lozenge (Fig. 747). But the arms of a peeress in her

own right are frequently represented on a lozenge without any reference to

the arms of her husband. In the case of a peeress in her own right marrying

a peer, the arms of the peeress are placed upon an escutcheon of pretence

in the centre of {533} her husband's shield, the only difference being that

this escutcheon of pretence is surmounted by the coronet belonging to the

peerage of the wife; and on the sinister side the arms of the wife are

repeated upon a lozenge with the supporters and coronet belonging to her

own peerage. It is purely an artistic detail, but it is a happy conceit in

such an instance to join together the compartments upon which the two pairs

of supporters stand to emphasise the fact that the whole is in reality but

one achievement (Fig. 748).

[Illustration: FIG. 749.]

Now, it is not uncommon to see an achievement displayed in this manner, for

there have been several instances in recent years of peeresses in their own

right who have married peers. Every woman who _inherits_ a peerage must of

necessity be an heir or coheir, and, as will have been seen, the laws of

armory provide for this circumstance; but supposing that the peeress were a

peeress by creation and were not an heiress, how would her arms be

displayed? Apparently it would not be permissible to place them on an

escutcheon of pretence, and consequently there is no way upon the husband's

shield of showing that his wife is a peeress in her own right. Such an

instance did arise in the case of the late Baroness Stratheden, who was

created a peeress whilst not being an heiress. Her husband was subsequently

created Baron Campbell. Now, how were the arms of Lord Campbell and Lady

Stratheden and Campbell displayed? I think I am correct in saying that not

a single textbook on armory recites the method which should be employed,

and I candidly confess that I myself am quite ignorant upon the point.

[Illustration: FIG. 750.]

All the foregoing are simply instances of how to display the arms of man

and wife, or, to speak more correctly, they are instances of the methods

_in which a man should bear arms for himself and his wife when he is

married_; for the helmet and mantling clearly indicate that it is the man's

coat of arms, and not the woman's. In olden days, when the husband

possessed everything, this might have been enough for all the circumstances

which were likely to occur.

A lady whilst unmarried bears arms on a lozenge (Fig. 749), and upon

becoming a widow, bears again upon a lozenge the arms of her husband

impaled with the arms borne by her father (Fig. 750), or with the latter

upon an escutcheon of pretence if the widow be herself an {534} heiress

(Fig. 751). The widow of a knight has no way whatever of indicating that

her husband was of higher rank than an ordinary untitled gentleman. The

widow of a baronet, however, places the inescutcheon with the hand of

Ulster upon her husband's arms (Fig. 752). I have often heard this

disputed, but a reference to the Grant Books at the College of Arms (_vide_

a grant of arms some years ago to Lady Pearce) will provide the necessary

precedent. If, however, the baronetcy is of Nova Scotia, this means of

indicating the rank cannot be employed. The widow of a peer (not being a

peeress in her own right) uses a lozenge of her husband's and her own arms,

with his supporters and his coronet (Fig. 753).

[Illustration: FIG. 751.]

[Illustration: FIG. 752.]

If a peeress, after marriage with a commoner, becomes a widow she bears on

the dexter side a lozenge of her late husband's arms and superimposed

thereupon her own on an escutcheon of pretence surmounted by a coronet.

(The coronet, it should be noted, is over the escutcheon of pretence and

not above the lozenge.) On the sinister side she bears a lozenge of her own

arms alone with her supporters and with her coronet above the lozenge. The

arms of the present Baroness Kinloss would show an example of such an

arrangement of two lozenges, but as Lady Kinloss does not possess

supporters these additions could not be introduced.

[Illustration: FIG. 753.]

The laws of arms provide no way in which a married woman (other than a

peeress in her own right) can display arms in her own right during the

lifetime of her husband, unless this is to be presumed from the method of

depicting the arms of a wife upon a hatchment. In such a case, a _shield_

is used, usually suspended from a ribbon, identical with the shield of the

husband, but omitting the helmet, crest, mantling, and motto.

Impalement is used occasionally in other circumstances than marriage,

_i.e._ to effect conjunction of official and personal arms.

With rare exceptions, the official arms which exist are those of

Archiepiscopal and Episcopal Sees, of the Kings of Arms, and of the {535}

Regius Professors at Cambridge. Here certainly, in the ecclesiastical

cases, the theory of marriage remains, the official arms being placed on

the dexter side and the personal arms on the sinister, inasmuch as the laws

of armory for ecclesiastics were made at a time when the clergy were

celibate. The personal helmet and crest are placed above the impaled coat,

except in the cases of bishops and archbishops, who, of course, use a mitre

in place thereof. It is not correct to impale the arms of a wife upon the

same shield which carries the impalement of an official coat of arms,

because the wife does not share the office. In such a case it is necessary

to make use of two shields placed side by side, as is done in conjoining

the arms of a Knight of any Order with those of his wife.

In impaling the arms of a wife, it is not correct to impale more than her

pronominal coat. This is a definite rule in England, somewhat modified in

Scotland, as will be presently explained. Though it has never been

considered good form to impale a quartered shield, it is only recently that

the real fact that such a proceeding is definitely incorrect has come to

light. It appears from the State Papers, Domestic Series, Eliz. xxvi. 31,

1561:--

"At a Chapitre holden by the office of Armes at the Embroyderers' Hall in

London, anno 4^o Reginæ Elizabethæ it was agreed that no inhiritrix eyther

mayde wife or widow should bear or cause to be borne any Creast or

cognizance of her Ancestors otherwise than as followeth. If she be

unmarried to bear in her ringe, cognizaunce or otherwise, the first coate

of her ancestors in a Lozenge. And during her widowhood to set the first

coate of her husbande in pale with the first coate of her Auncestors. And

if she mary on who is noe gentleman, then she to be clearly exempted from

the former conclusion."

Whilst this rule holds in England, it must, to a certain extent, be

modified in relation to the arms of a Scottish wife. Whilst the inalienable

right _to quarter arms derived_ from an heiress cannot be said to be

non-existent in Scotland, it should be noted that the custom of

indiscriminately quartering is much less frequent than in England, and

comparatively seldom adopted, unless estates, or chief representation in an

important or appreciable degree, follow the technical heraldic

representation. In England the claim is always preferred to quarter the

arms of an ancestress who had no brothers whether she transmitted estates

or not. Of course, technically and theoretically the claim is perfectly

correct, and cannot, and should not, be denied. But in practice in England

it has in some cases reached a rather absurd extent, when a man on marrying

an only daughter of the youngest son of the youngest branch of a family

consequently acquires the right to display with his own ensigns the full

arms and quarterings of {536} the head of a house from which he has

inherited no lands, and which is still thriving in the senior male line. In

Scottish practice such an event would be ignored, and in that country it is

not usual to add quarterings to a shield, _nor are these officially

recognised_ without a rematriculation of the arms. In England it is merely

a question of recording the pedigree and proving heirship, and many

quarterings are proved and recorded that there is not the slightest

intention to use regularly. Rematriculation has a more permanent character

than mere registration, inasmuch as the coat with its quarterings upon

matriculation as far as usage is concerned becomes indivisible, and,

consequently, for a Scottish wife the impalement should be of the

indivisible arms and quarterings matriculated to her father in Lyon

Register, with his bordure and other "difference" marks.

All the old armorists provide ways of impaling the arms of several wives,

and consequently the idea has grown up that it is permissible and correct

to bear and use the arms of two wives at the same time. This is a mistake,

because, strictly and technically speaking, the right to impale the arms of

a wife ceases at her death. Impalement means marriage, and when the

marriage is dissolved the impalement becomes meaningless, and should be

discontinued. A man cannot be married to two people at one time, nor can he

as a consequence impale two coats of arms at the same time.

The matter is more clearly apparent if the question of an escutcheon of

pretence be considered in place of an impalement. The escutcheon of

pretence means that the husband _pretends_ to represent the family of his

wife. This _jure uxoris_ he undoubtedly does whilst she is alive, but the

moment she dies the _actual_ representation of her family passes to her son

and heir, and it is ridiculous for her husband to _pretend_ to represent

when there is an undoubted representative in existence, and when the

representation, such as it was when vested in himself, has come to an end,

and passed elsewhere. If his heiress-wife had been a peeress, he would have

borne her escutcheon of pretence surmounted by her coronet; but it is

ridiculous for him to continue to do so when the right to the coronet and

to the peerage has passed to his wife's heir. The same argument holds good

with regard to impalement. That, of course, raises the point that in every

authority (particularly in those of an earlier period) will be found

details of the methods to be adopted for impaling the arms of several

wives. People have quite failed to appreciate the object of these rules.

Armory from its earliest introduction has had great memorial use, and when

a monument or hatchment is put up to a man it has been usual, prior to

these utilitarian days of funeral reform, to memorialise _all_ the wives he

has been possessed of. In the same way, in a pedigree it is necessary to

{537} enumerate the names and arms of all the wives of a man. Consequently

for tombs and pedigrees--when all being dead, there is no reason to

indicate any particular woman as the present _wife_--plans have been

devised for the combination of several coats into one memorial achievement,

plans necessitated by the circumstances of the cases, and plans to which no

objection can be taken. Tombs, pedigrees, and other memorials are the usual

form in which the records of arms have chiefly come down to us, and from

the frequency in which cases of achievements with double impalements have

been preserved, a mistaken idea has arisen that it is correct to bear, and

actually use and carry, two impalements at one and the same time. Outside

memorial instances, I have utterly failed to find any instance in former

days of a man himself using in his own lifetime two impalements, and I

believe and state it to be absolutely incorrect for a man to use, say on a

carriage, a bookplate, or a seal, the arms of a deceased wife. You may

_have been_ married to a presently deceased woman, therefore impale her

arms in a record or memorial; but no one _is_ married to a deceased woman,

therefore it is wrong to advertise that you are married to her by impaling

her arms; and as you cannot be married to two people at the same time, it

is illogical and wrong to _use_ or carry two impalements. I know of no

instance of a grant to a man of arms to bear in right of a deceased wife.

It is for these occasions of memorial and record that methods have been

devised to show a man's marriage with several wives. They certainly were

not devised for the purpose of enabling him to bear and use for

contemporary purposes the arms of a series of dead women, the

representation of whom is no longer vested in himself.

Whilst admitting that for the purposes of record or memorial rules _do_

exist, it should at the same time be pointed out that even for such

occasions it is much more usual to see two shields displayed, each carrying

its separate impalement, than to find two impalements on one shield. The

use of a separate shield for each marriage is the method that I would

strongly advocate, but as a knowledge of past observances must be had

fully, if one is to read aright the records of the tombs, I recite what the

rules are:--

(1) _To impale the arms of two wives._--Either the husband's arms are

placed in the centre, with the first wife on the dexter and the second wife

on the sinister, or else the husband's arms are placed on the dexter side,

and the sinister side is divided in fess, the arms of the first wife being

placed in chief and those of the second in base. The former method is the

one more generally employed of the two.

(2) _Three wives._--Husband's arms in centre, first wife's on dexter side,

second wife's on sinister side in chief, and third wife in base. {538}

(3) _Four wives._--Husband's in centre, first and second wives' in chief

and base respectively on the dexter side, and third and fourth similarly on

the sinister.

If one of two wives be an heiress her arms might be found in pretence and

the other coat or coats impaled, but it is impossible in such a case to

place a number to the wife, and it is impossible to display an escutcheon

of pretence for more than one wife, as if the escutcheon of pretence is

removed from the exact centre it at once ceases to be an escutcheon of

pretence. Consequently, if more than one wife be an heiress, separate

escutcheons should be used for each marriage. Plans have been drawn up and

apparently accepted providing for wives up to nearly twenty in number, but

no useful purpose will be served by repeating them. A man with more than

four wives is unusual in this country.

Divorce nullifies marriage, and both husband and wife must at once revert

to bachelor and maiden achievements respectively.

It is difficult to deduce any certain conclusions as to the ancient rules

connected with impalement, for a simple reason which becomes very

noticeable on an examination of ancient _seals_ and other armorial records.

In early times there can be no doubt whatever that men did not impale, or

bother about the arms of wives who were not great heiresses. A man bore his

own arms, and he left his father-in-law, or his brother-in-law, to bear

those of the family with which he had matched. Of course, we find many

cases in which the arms of a wife figure upon the husband's shield, but a

careful examination of them shows that in practically every case the reason

is to be found in the fact that the wife was an heiress. Husbands were

called to Parliament in virtue of the peerages vested in their wives, and

we cannot but come to the conclusion that whenever one finds use in early

times of the arms of a wife, it is due to the fact that the husband was

bearing them not because of his mere marriage, but because he was enjoying

the estates, or peerage, of his wife.

For that reason we find in many cases the arms of the wife borne in

preference to the paternal arms of descent, or meet with them quartered

with the arms of the husband, and frequently being given precedence over

his own; and on the analogy of the coats of arms of wives at present borne

with the wife's surname by the husband under Royal Licence, there can be

little doubt that at a period when Royal Licences had not come into regular

vogue the same idea was dominant, and the appearance of a wife's coat of

arms meant the assumption of those arms by the husband as his own, with or

without the surname of the wife.

The connection between name and arms was not then so stereotyped as it is

at present; rather was it a connection between arms and {539} land, and

perhaps more pointedly of arms and a peerage title where this existed, for

there are many points and many facts which conclusively show that at an

early period a coat of arms was often considered to have a territorial

limitation; or perhaps it should be said that, whilst admittedly personal,

arms have territorial attributes or connection.

This is borne out by the pleadings and details remaining to us concerning

the Grey and Hastings controversy, and if this territorial character of a

coat of arms is admitted, together with another characteristic no less

important--and certainly equally accepted--that a coat of arms could belong

to but one person at the same time, it must be recognised that the

appearance of a wife's arms on a husband's shield is not an instance of a

sign of mere marriage or anything analogous thereto. But when we turn to

the arms of women, the condition of affairs is wholly reversed. A woman,

who of course retained her identity, drew her position from her marriage

and from her husband's position, and from the very earliest period we find

that whilst a man simply bore his own arms, the wife upon her seal

displayed both the arms of her own family and the arms of her husband's.

Until a much later period it cannot be said to have been ordinarily

customary for the husband to bear the arms of his wife unless she were an

heiress, but from almost the beginning of armory the wife conjoined the

arms of her husband and herself. But the instances which have come down to

us from an early period of dimidiated or impaled coats are chiefly

instances of the display of arms by a widow.

The methods of conjunction which can be classed as above, however, at first

seem to have been rather varied.

Originally separate shields were employed for the different coats of arms,

then dimidiated examples occur; at a later period we find the arms impaled

upon one shield, and at a subsequent date the escutcheon of pretence comes

into use as a means of indicating that the wife was an heiress.

The origin of this escutcheon is easy to understand. Taking arms to have a

territorial limitation--a point which still finds a certain amount of

acceptance in Scottish heraldry--there was no doubt that a man, in

succeeding to a lordship in right of his wife, would wish to bear the arms

associated therewith. He placed them, therefore, upon his own, and arms

exclusively of a territorial character have certainly very frequently been

placed "in pretence." His own arms he would look upon as arms of descent;

they consequently occupied the field of his shield. The lordship of his

wife he did not enjoy through descent, and consequently he would naturally

incline to place it "in pretence," and from the constant occasions in which

such a proceeding would seem to be the natural course of events (all of

which occasions {540} would be associated with an heiress-wife), one would

be led to the conclusion that such a form of display indicated an

heiress-wife; and consequently the rule deduced, as are all heraldic rules,

from past precedents became established.

In the next generation, the son and heir would have descent from his mother

equally with his father, and the arms of her family would be equally arms

of descent to him, and no longer the mere territorial emblem of a lordship.

Consequently they became on the same footing as the arms of his father. The

son would naturally, therefore, quarter the arms. The escutcheon of

pretence being removed, and therefore having enjoyed but a temporary

existence, the association thereof with the heiress-wife becomes emphasised

in a much greater degree.

This is now accepted as a definite rule of armory, but in reciting it as a

rule it should be pointed out, first, that no man may place the arms of his

wife upon an escutcheon of pretence during the lifetime of her father,

because whilst her father is alive there is always the opportunity of a

re-marriage, and of the consequent birth of a son and heir. No man is

compelled to bear arms on an escutcheon of pretence, it being quite correct

to impale them merely to indicate the marriage--if he so desires. There are

many cases of arms which would appear meaningless and undecipherable when

surmounted by an escutcheon of pretence.

"Sometimes, also (says Guillim), he who marries an heretrix may carry her

arms in an inescutcheon upon his own, because the husband pretends that his

heirs shall one day inherit an estate by her; it is therefore called an

escutcheon of pretence; but this way of bearing is not known abroad upon

that occasion."

A man on marrying an heiress-wife has no great space at his disposal for

the display of her arms, and though it is now considered perfectly correct

to place any number of quarterings upon an escutcheon of pretence, the

opportunity does not in fact exist for more than the display of a limited

number. In practice, three or four are as many as will usually be found,

but theoretically it is correct to place the whole of the quarterings to

which the wife is entitled upon the escutcheon of pretence.

Two early English instances may be pointed out in the fifteenth century, in

which a husband placed his wife's arms _en surtout_. These are taken from

the Garter Plates of Sir John Neville, Lord Montagu, afterwards Marquess of

Montagu (elected K.G. _circa_ 1463), and of Richard Beauchamp, fifth Earl

of Warwick and Albemarle (elected K.G. _circa_ 1400); but it was not until

about the beginning of the seventeenth century that the regular practice

arose by which the husband of an heiress places his wife's arms in an

escutcheon _en surtout_ {541} upon his personal arms, whether his coat be a

quartered one or not. Another early instance is to be found in Fig. 754,

which is interesting as showing the arms of both wives of the first Earl of

Shrewsbury. His first was _suo jure_ Baroness Furnivall. Her arms are,

however, impaled. His second wife was the daughter (but not the heir) of

Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, but she was coheir of her mother, the

Baroness Lisle.

[Illustration]

FIG. 754.--Arms of John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, K.G.: Quarterly, 1

and 4, gules, a lion rampant within a bordure engrailed or (Talbot); 2

and 3, argent, two lions passant in pale gules (Strange); impaling the

arms of his first wife whose Peerage he enjoyed, viz.: quarterly, 1 and

4, argent, a bend between six martlets gules (Furnival); 2 and 3, or, a

fret gules (Verdon); and upon an escutcheon of pretence the arms of the

mother of his second wife (to whom she was coheir, conveying her

mother's Peerage to her son), viz.: 1 and 4, gules, a lion passant

guardant argent, crowned or (Lisle); 2 and 3, argent, a chevron gules

(Tyes). (From MS. Reg. 15, E. vi.)

It should be borne in mind that even in Great Britain an inescutcheon _en

surtout_ does not always mean an heiress-wife. The Earl of Mar and Kellie

bears an inescutcheon surmounted by an earl's coronet for his Earldom of

Kellie, and other instances are to be found in the arms of Cumming-Gordon

(see Plate III.), whilst Sir Hector Maclean Hay, Bart., thus bears his

pronominal arms over his quarterings in continental fashion. Inescutcheons

of augmentation occur in the arms of the Dukes of Marlborough and

Wellington, Lord Newton, and on the shields of Newman, Wolfe, and others.

Under the Commonwealth the Great Seals of Oliver Cromwell and his son

Richard, as Protectors, bore a shield of arms: "Quarterly, 1 and 4, argent,

a cross gules (for England); 2. azure, a saltire argent (for Scotland); 3.

azure, a harp or, stringed argent (for Ireland);" and upon these

quarterings _en surtout_ an escutcheon of the personal arms of Cromwell:

"Sable, a lion rampant argent."

In the heraldry of the Continent of Europe it has long been the custom for

an elected sovereign to place his hereditary arms in an escutcheon _en

surtout_ above those of his dominions. As having obtained the crown by

popular election, the Kings of the Hellenes also place _en surtout_ upon

the arms of the Greek kingdom ("Azure, a Greek cross couped argent") an

escutcheon of their personal arms. Another instance is to be found in the

arms of the Dukes of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. Whilst all the descendants of

the late Prince Consort (other than his Majesty King Edward VII.) bear in

England the Royal Arms of this country, differenced by their respective

labels with an escutcheon of Saxony _en surtout_ as Dukes and Duchesses of

Saxony, the late Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha bore {542} the arms of

Saxony, placing the differenced Royal shield of this country _en surtout_.

We now come to the subject of quartering. Considering the fact that every

single text-book on armory gives the ordinary rules for the marshalling of

quarterings, it is strange how many mistakes are made, and how extremely

funny are the ideas of some people upon the subject of quartering. As has

already been stated, the rules of quartering are governed by the simple,

but essential and important fact, that every quartering exhibited means the

representation in blood of some particular person. Quarterings, other than

those of augmentation, can only be inherited from or through those female

ancestors who are in themselves heirs or coheirs in blood, or whose issue

subsequently become in a later generation the representatives of any

ancestor in the male line of that said female ancestor. Briefly speaking, a

woman is an heiress, first, if she is only child; second, if all her

brothers die without issue in her own lifetime; and third, if the entire

issue, male and female, of her brothers, becomes extinct in her own

lifetime. A woman becomes an "heiress in her issue," as it is termed, if

she die before her brothers, if and when all the descendants of her

brothers become absolutely extinct.

If the wife be either an heir or coheir, she transmits after her death to

_all_ her children the arms and quarterings--_as quarterings to add to

their paternal arms, and as such only_--which she was entitled to place

upon her own lozenge.

The origin and theory of quartering is as follows: If the daughter be an

heiress or coheiress she represents either wholly or in part her father and

his branch of the family, even if "his branch" only commenced with himself.

Now in the days when the science of armory was slowly evolving itself there

was no Married Women's Property Act, and the husband _ipso facto_ became to

all intents and purposes possessed of and enjoyed the rights of his wife.

But it was at the same time only a possession and enjoyment by courtesy,

and not an actual possession in fee, for the reversion remained with the

wife's heirs, and did not pass to the heirs of the husband; for in cases

where the husband or wife had been previously married, or where there was

no issue of their marriage, their heirs would not be identical. Of course

during the lifetime of his wife he could not actually _represent_ his

wife's family, and consequently could not quarter the arms, but in right of

his wife he "pretended" to the representation of her house, and

consequently the inescutcheon of her arms is termed an "escutcheon of

pretence."

After the death of a wife her children immediately and actually become the

representatives of their mother, and are as such _entitled_ of right to

quarter the arms of their mother's family. {543}

The earliest example which has been discovered at the present time of the

use of a quartered coat of arms is afforded by the seal of Joanna of

Ponthieu, second wife of Ferdinand III., King of Castile and Leon, in 1272.

This seal bears on its reverse in a vesica the triple-towered castles of

Castile, and the rampant lion of Leon, repeated as in the modern

quarterings of Spain. There is, however, no separation of the quarters by a

line of partition. This peculiarity will be also noticed as existing in the

quartered coats of Hainault a quarter of a century later. The quartered

coat of Castile and Leon remains upon the monument in Westminster Abbey

erected in memory of Eleanor of Castile, who died in 1290, the first wife

of Edward I.

Providing the wife be an heiress--and for the remainder of this chapter,

which deals only with quarterings, this will be assumed--the son of a

marriage _after the death_ of his mother quarters her arms with those of

his father, that is, he divides his shield into four quarters, and places

the arms of his father in the first and fourth quarters, and the arms of

his mother in the second and third. That is the root, basis, and original

rule of all the rules of quartering, but it may be here remarked, that no

man is entitled to quarter the arms of his mother whilst she is alive,

inasmuch as she is alive to represent herself and her family, and her issue

cannot assume the representation whilst she is alive.

[Illustration]

FIG. 755.--Arms of Thomas Stanley, Earl of Derby (d. 1572); Quarterly,

1. quarterly, i. and iiii., argent, on a bend azure, three bucks' heads

caboshed or (Stanley); ii. and iii., or, on a chief indented azure,

three bezants (Lathom); 2 and 3, gules, three legs in armour conjoined

at the thigh and flexed at the knee proper, garnished and spurred or

(for the Lordship of Man); 4. quarterly, i. and iiii., gules, two lions

passant in pale argent (for Strange); ii. and iii., argent, a fess and

a canton gules (for Wydeville). The arms on the escutcheon of pretence

are not those of his wife (Anne Hastings), who was not an heiress, and

they seem difficult to account for unless they are a coat for Rivers or

some other territorial lordship inherited from the Wydeville family.

The full identification of the quarterings borne by Anthony, Lord

Rivers, would probably help in determining the point.

But it should not be imagined that the definite rules which exist at the

moment had any such unalterable character in early times. Husbands are

found to have quartered the arms of their wives if they were heiresses, and

if important lordships devolved through the marriage. Territorial arms of

dominion were quartered with personal arms (Fig. 755), quarterings of

augmentation were granted, and the present system is the endeavour to

reconcile all the varying circumstances and precedents which exist. One

point, however, stands out clearly from all ancient examples, viz. that

quartering meant quartering, and a shield was supposed to have but four

quarters upon it. Consequently we find that instead of the elaborate

schemes now in vogue showing {544} 10, 20, 50, or 100 quarterings, the

shield had but four; and this being admitted and recognised, it became

essential that the four most important should be shown, and consequently we

find that quarterings were selected in a manner which would seem to us

haphazard. Paternal quarterings were dropped and the result has been that

many coats of arms are now known as the arms of a family with quite a

different surname from that of the family with which they originated. The

matter was of little consequence in the days when the "upper-class" and

arms-bearing families were few in number. Every one knew how Stafford

derived his Royal descent, and that it was not male upon male, so no

confusion resulted from the Earls of Buckingham giving the Royal coat

precedence before their paternal quartering of Stafford (see Fig. 756), or

from their using only the Woodstock version of the Royal Arms; but as time

went on the upper classes became more numerous, arms-bearing ancestors by

the succession of generations increased in number, and while in the

thirteenth and fourteenth centuries it would be a physical impossibility

for any man to have represented one hundred different heiresses of

arms-bearing families, in later days such became the case. The result has

been the necessity to formulate those strict and rigid rules which for

modern purposes must be conformed to, and it is futile and childish to

deduce a set of rules from ancient and possibly isolated examples

originating in and suitable for the simpler genealogical circumstances of

an earlier day, and assert that it is equally permissible to adopt them at

the moment, or to marshal a modern shield accordingly.

[Illustration]

FIG. 756.--Arms of Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham (d. 1521):

Quarterly, 1 and 4, quarterly, i. and iiii., France; ii. and iii.,

England, within the bordure argent of Thomas of Woodstock; 2 and 3, or,

a chevron gules (for Stafford). (From MS. Add. 22, 306.)

The first attempt to break away from the four quarters of a shield was the

initiation of the system of grand quarters (see Figs. 755 and 756). By this

means the relative importance could roughly be shown. Supposing a man had

inherited a shield of four quarters and then married a wife in whom was

vested a peerage, he naturally wished to display the arms connected with

that peerage, for these were of greater importance than his own four

quarterings. The problem was how to introduce the fifth. In some cases we

find it borne in pretence, but in other cases, particularly in a later

generation, we find that important quarter given the whole of a quarter of

the shield to itself, the other four being conjoined together and displayed

so as to occupy a similar space. These, therefore, became sub-quarters. The

system also had advantages, because it permitted coats which by constant

quartering had become {545} indivisible to be perpetuated in this form. So

definite was this rule, that in only one of the series of Garter plates

anterior to the Tudor period is any shield found containing more than four

quarters, though many of these are grand quarters containing other coats

borne sub-quarterly. The one instance which I refer to as an exception is

the shield of the Duke D'Urbino, and it is quite possible that this should

not be quoted as an instance in point. He appears to have borne in the

ordinary way four quarters, but he subsequently added thereto two

quarterings which may or may not have been one and the same coat of arms by

way of augmentation. These he placed in pale in the centre of the others,

thus making the shield apparently one of six quarters.

[Illustration]

FIG. 757.--Arms of George Nevill, Baron Abergavenny (d. 1535):

Quarterly, 1. gules, on a saltire argent, a rose of the field (Nevill);

2. chequy or and azure (Warenne); 3. or, three chevrons gules (Clare);

4. quarterly argent and gules, in the second and third quarters a fret

or, over all a bend sable (Le Despencer); 4. gules, on a fess between

six cross crosslets or, a crescent sable (for Beauchamp). (Add. MS. 22,

306.)

But one is safe in the assertion that during the Plantagenet period no more

than four quarters were ordinarily placed upon a shield. Then we come to

the brief period of "squeezed in" quarterings (Figs. 757 and 758). In the

early Visitations we get instances of six, eight, and even a larger number,

and the start once being made, and the number of four relinquished, there

was of course no reason why it should not be extended indefinitely. This

appears to have rapidly become the case, and we find that schemes of

quarterings are now proved and recorded officially in England and Ireland

some of which exceed 200 in number. The record number of officially proved

and recorded quarterings is at present held by the family of Lloyd, of

Stockton in Chirbury, co. Salop, but many of the quarterings of this family

are mere repetition owing to constant intermarriages, and to the fact that

a single Welsh line of male descent often results in a number of different

shields. Welsh arms did not originally have the hereditary unchangeability

we are accustomed to in English heraldry, and moreover a large proportion

are later inventions borne to denote descent and are not arms actually used

by those they stand for, so that the recorded scheme {546} of the

quarterings of Mr. Money-Kyrle, or of the sister Countesses of Yarborough

and Powis, respectively Baroness Fauconberg and Conyers and Baroness Darcy

de Knayth are decidedly more enviable. Nobody of course attempts to bear

such a number. In Scotland, however, even to the present day, the system of

four quarterings is still adhered to. The result is that in Scotland the

system of grand quarterings is still pursued, whilst in England it is

almost unknown, except in cases where coats of arms have for some reason or

another become indivisible. This is a very patent difficulty when it

becomes necessary to marshal indivisible Scottish coats with English ones,

and the system of cadency adopted in Scotland, which has its chief

characteristic in the employment of bordures, makes the matter sometimes

very far from simple. The system adopted at the present time in the case of

a Royal Licence, for example, to bear a Scottish name and arms where the

latter is a coat of many quarterings within a bordure, is to treat such

coat as made indivisible by and according to the most recent matriculation.

That coat is then treated as a grand quartering of an equivalent value to

the pronominal coat in England.

[Illustration]

FIG. 758.--Arms of Henry Algernon Percy, Earl of Northumberland (d.

1527): Quarterly, 1. quarterly, i. and iiii., or, a lion rampant azure

(Percy); ii. and iii., gules, three lucies haurient argent (Lucy); 2.

azure, five fusils conjoined in fess or (for Percy); 3. barry of six or

and vert, a bendlet gules (Poynings); 4. gules, three lions passant in

pale argent, a bendlet azure (FitzPayne), or three piles azure (Brian).

But reverting to the earlier chart, by the aid of which heirship was

demonstrated, the following were entitled to transmit the Cilfowyr arms as

quarterings. Mary, Ellen, Blanche, Grace, Muriel, and Dorothy all had the

right to transmit. By the death of Dorothy _v.p._ Alice and Annie both

became entitled. Maria Jane and Hannah would have been entitled to transmit

Sherwin and Cilfowyr, but not Cilfowyr alone, if there had been no arms for

Sherwin, though they could have transmitted Sherwin alone if there had been

arms for Sherwin and none for Cilfowyr. Harriet would have transmitted the

arms of Cilfowyr if she had survived, and Ada would, each subject to

differences as has been previously explained.

As has been already explained, every woman is entitled to bear upon a

lozenge in her own lifetime the arms, quarterings, and difference marks

which belonged to her father. If her mother were an heiress she adds her

mother's arms to her father's, and her mother's quarterings also,

marshalling the whole into a correct sequence, and placing the said

sequence of quarterings upon a lozenge. Such are the armorial bearings of a

daughter. If the said daughter be not an heraldic heiress in blood she

_cannot_ transmit either arms or quarterings to her descendants. Needless

to say, no woman, heiress or non-heiress, can now transmit a crest, and no

woman can bear either crest, helmet, mantling, or motto. A daughter not

being an heiress simply confers the right upon her husband to _impale_ upon

his shield such arms and difference marks as her father bore in his own

right. If an heiress possessing arms marry a man with illegal arms, or a

man making no pretensions to arms, her children have no arms at all, and

really inherit {547} nothing; and the rights, such as they are, to the arms

of the mother as a quartering remain, and must remain, _dormant_ unless and

until arms are established for their father's line, inasmuch as they can

only inherit armorially from their mother _through_ their father. In

England it is always optional for a man to have arms assigned to him to

fill in any blanks which would otherwise mar his scheme of quarterings.

Let us now see how various coats of arms are marshalled as quarterings into

one achievement.

[Illustration: FIG. 759.]

[Illustration: FIG. 760.]

[Illustration: FIG. 761.]

The original theory of quartering upon which all rules are based is that

after a marriage with an heiress, necessitating for the children the

combination of the two coats, the shield is divided into four quarters.

These four are numbered from the top left-hand (the dexter) corner (No. 1)

across towards the sinister (No. 2) side of the shield; then the next row

is numbered in the same way (Nos. 3 and 4). This rule as to the method of

numbering holds good for any number of quarterings.

In allocating the position of the different coats to their places in the

scheme of quarterings, the pronominal coat must _always_ be in the first

quartering.

In a simple case (the exceptions will presently be referred to) that places

the arms of the father in the first and fourth quarters, and the arms of

the mother in the second and third; such, of course, being on the

assumption that the father possessed only a simple coat without

quarterings, and that the mother was in the same position. The children

therefore possess a coat of four quarters (Fig. 759). Suppose a son of

theirs in his turn marries another heiress, also possessing only a simple

coat without quarterings, he bears arms as Fig. 760, and the grandchildren

descending from the aforesaid marriage put that last-mentioned coat in the

third quarter, and the coat, though still of only four quarters, is: 1 and

4, the pronominal coat; 2, the first heiress; 3, the second (Fig. 761).

If another single quartering is brought in, in a later generation, that

takes the place of No. 4. So far it is all plain sailing, but very {548}

few text-books carry one beyond this point. Another single quartering

inherited gives five quarterings to be displayed on one shield. The usual

plan is to repeat the first quartering, and gives you six, which are then

arranged in two rows of three. If the shield be an impaled shield one

sometimes sees them arranged in three rows of two, but this is unusual

though not incorrect. But five quarterings are sometimes arranged in two

rows, three in the upper and two in the lower, and with a shield of the

long pointed variety this plan may be adopted with advantage. Subsequent

quarterings, as they are introduced by subsequent marriages, take their

places, Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and so on _ad infinitum_.

In arranging them on one shield, the order in which they devolve (according

to the _pedigree_ and _not_ necessarily according to the _date_ order in

which they are inherited) must be rigidly adhered to; but a person is

perfectly at liberty (1) to repeat the _first_ quartering at the end to

make an even number or not at his pleasure, but no more than the first

quartering must be repeated in such cases; (2) to arrange the quarters in

any number of rows he may find most convenient according to the shape of

the space the quarterings will occupy.

Upon the Continent it is usual to specify the number and position of the

lines by which the shield is divided. Thus, while an English herald would

say simply, _Quarterly of six_, and leave it to the painter's or engraver's

taste to arrange the quarterings in three rows of two, or in two rows of

three, a French or German herald would ordinarily specify the arrangement

to be used in distinct terms.

If a man possessing only a simple coat of arms without quarterings marry an

heiress with a number of quarterings (_e.g._ say twenty), he himself places

the arms and quarterings of his wife in pretence. Their children

eventually, as a consequence, inherit twenty-one quarterings. The first is

the coat of their father, the second is the first coat of the mother, and

the remaining nineteen follow in a regular sequence, according to their

position upon their mother's achievement.

To sum the rule up, it is necessary first to take _all_ the quarterings

inherited from the father and arrange them in a proper sequence, and then

follow on _in the same sequence_ with the arms and quarterings inherited

from the mother.

The foregoing explanations should show how generation by generation

quarterings are added to a paternal shield, but I have found that many of

those who possess a knowledge of the laws to this extent are yet at a loss,

given a pedigree, to marshal the resulting quarterings in their right

order.

Given your pedigree--the first quartering _must_ be _the pronominal coat_

(I am here presuming no change of name or arms has occurred), which is the

coat of the strict male line of descent. Then follow this male line back as

far as it is known. The second quartering is the {549} coat of the _first_

heiress who married your earliest ancestor in the male line who is known to

have married an heiress. Then after her coat will follow all the

quarterings which she was entitled to and which she has "brought in" to

your family. Having exhausted these, you then follow your male line _down_

to the next heiress, adding her arms as a quartering to those already

arranged, and following it by her quarterings. The same plan must be

pursued until you arrive at your own name upon the pedigree. Unless some

exceptional circumstance has arisen (and such exceptions will presently be

found detailed at length), all the quarterings are of equal heraldic value,

and must be the same size when displayed.

If after having worked out your quarterings you find that you have more

than you care to use, you are quite at liberty to make a selection,

omitting any number, _but_ it is entirely _wrong_ to display quarterings

without those quarterings which brought them into the paternal line.

Supposing your name to be Brown, you _must_ put the Brown arms in the first

quarter, but at your pleasure you can quarter the arms of each single

heiress who married an ancestor of yours in the male line (_i.e._ who

herself became Mrs. Brown), or you can omit the whole or a part. But

supposing one of these, Mrs. Brown (_née_ Smith), was entitled to quarter

the arms of Jones, which arms of Jones had brought in the arms of Robinson,

you are not at liberty to quarter the arms of Jones without quartering

Smith, and if you wish to display the arms of Robinson you _must_ also

quarter the arms of Jones to bring in Robinson and the arms of Smith to

bring in Robinson and Jones to your own Brown achievement. You can use

Brown only: or quarterly, 1 and 4, Brown; 2 and 3, Smith: or 1 and 4,

Brown; 2. Smith; 3. Jones: or quarterly, 1. Brown; 2. Smith; 3. Jones; 4.

Robinson; but you are _not_ entitled to quarter: 1 and 4, Brown; 2. Jones;

3. Robinson, because Smith, which brought in Jones and Robinson, has been

omitted, and there was never a match between Brown and Jones.

Quarterings signifying nothing beyond mere representation are not

compulsory, and their use or disuse is quite optional.

So much for the general rules of quartering. Let us now consider certain

cases which require rules to themselves.

It is possible for a daughter to be the sole heir or coheir of her mother

whilst not being the heir of her father, as in the following imaginary

pedigree:--

_1st wife_

(an heiress). _2nd wife._

MARY CONYERS=JOHN DARCY=MARGARET FAUCONBERG.

| |

------------- --------------

| | |

JOAN (only daughter), THOMAS. HENRY.

heir of her mother

but not of her father.

{550} In this case Joan is not the heir of her father, inasmuch as he has

sons Thomas and Henry, but she is the heir of her mother and the only issue

capable of inheriting and transmitting the Conyers arms and quarterings.

Joan is heir of her mother but not of her father.

The husband of Joan can either impale the arms of Darcy as having married a

daughter of John Darcy, or he can place upon an escutcheon of pretence arms

to indicate that he has married the heiress of Conyers. But it would be

quite incorrect for him to simply place Conyers in pretence, because he has

not married a Miss Conyers. What he must do is to charge the arms of

Conyers with a dexter canton of the arms of Darcy and place this upon his

escutcheon of pretence.[30] The children will quarter the arms of Conyers

with the canton of Darcy and inherit likewise all the quarterings to which

Mary Conyers succeeded, but the Conyers arms must be always thereafter

charged with the arms of Darcy on a canton, and no right accrues to the

Darcy quarterings.

The following curious, but quite genuine case, which was pointed out to me

by the late Ulster King of Arms, presents a set of circumstances absolutely

unique, and it still remains to be decided what is the correct method to

adopt:--

_1st wife._ _2nd wife._

Lady MARY, dau. and = WILLIAM ST. LAWRENCE, = MARGARET, dau. of

coheir of Thomas | 2nd Earl of Howth. | William Burke.

Bermingham, Earl | |

of Louth. Married | |

1777, died 1793. | ----------------------

| | |

| THOMAS ST. LAWRENCE, |

----------------------- 3rd Earl of Howth. |

| | | | Other issue.

| Three other daughters

| and coheirs of their

| mother.

|

Lady ISABELLA ST. LAWRENCE, = WILLIAM RICHARD ANNESLEY, = PRISCILLA,

2nd dau. and coheir of her | 3rd Earl of Annesley. | 2nd dau. of

mother, but not heir of her | | Hugh Moore.

father, therefore entitled | |

to transmit the arms of | |

Bermingham with those of | -------------------

St. Lawrence on a canton. | | |

First wife of Earl | WILLIAM, 4th Earl HUGH, 5th Earl

Annesley. Married 1803, | of Annesley. of Annesley.

died 1827. |

------------

|

Lady MARY ANNESLEY, only child and = WILLIAM JOHN McGUIRE

sole heir of her mother and of Rostrevor.

coheir of her grandmother, but

not heir of her father or of her

grandfather. She is therefore

entitled to transmit the arms of

Bermingham with St. Lawrence on

a canton plus Annesley on a

canton. Married 1828.

How the arms of Bermingham are to be charged with both St. Lawrence and

Annesley remains to be seen. I believe Ulster favoured {551} two separate

cantons, dexter and sinister respectively, but the point did not come

before him officially, and I know of no official decision which affords a

precedent.

The reverse of the foregoing affords another curious point when a woman is

the heir of her father but not the heir of her mother:--

JOHN SMITH=MARY JONES.

|

_1st husband._ | _2nd husband._

JOHN WILLIAMS = ETHEL SMITH, = HENRY ROBERTS.

| only child |

| and heir. |

------------------- -------

| |

ALICE WILLIAMS, = ARTHUR ELLIS. EDWARD ROBERTS,

only child and | heir of his mother.

heir of John | |

Williams. | Issue.

|

THEODORE ELLIS,

who claims to quarter:

1 and 4, Ellis; 2. Williams; 3. Smith.

It is officially admitted (see the introduction to Burke's "General

Armory") that the claim is accurately made. The process of reasoning is

probably thus. John Williams places upon an escutcheon of pretence the arms

of Smith, and Alice Williams succeeds in her own right to the arms of her

mother because the latter was an heiress, and for herself is entitled to

bear, as would a son, the arms of the two parents quarterly; and having so

inherited, Alice Williams being herself an heiress, is entitled to

transmit. At any rate Arthur Ellis is entitled to impale or place upon his

escutcheon of pretence Williams and Smith quarterly. To admit the right for

the descendants to quarter the arms Arthur Ellis so bore is no more than a

logical progression, but the eventual result appears faulty, because we

find Theodore Ellis quartering the arms of Smith, whilst the representation

of Smith is in the line of Edward Roberts. This curious set of

circumstances, however, is rare in the extreme.

It frequently happens, in devising a scheme of quarterings, that a person

may represent heiresses of several families entitled to bear arms, but to

whom the pedigree must be traced through an heiress of another family which

did not possess arms. Consequently any claim to quarterings inherited

through the non-armorial heiress is dormant, and the quarterings must not

be used or inserted in any scheme drawn up. It is always permissible,

however, to petition for arms to be granted to be borne for that

non-armorial family for the purpose of introducing the quarterings in

question, and such a grant having been made, the dormant claim then becomes

operative and the new coat is introduced, followed by the dormant

quartering in precisely the same manner as would have been the case if the

arms granted had always existed. Grants of this character are constantly

being obtained. {552}

When a Royal Licence to assume or change name and arms is granted it very

considerably affects the question of quartering, and many varying

circumstances attending these Royal Licences make the matter somewhat

intricate. If the Royal Licence is to assume a name and arms in lieu of

those previously used, this means that for everyday use the arms are

_changed_, the right to the old arms lapsing except for the purpose of a

scheme of quarterings. The new coat of arms under the terms of the Royal

Licence, which requires it first "to be exemplified in our Royal College of

Arms, otherwise this our Royal Licence to be void and of none effect," is

always so exemplified, this exemplification being from the legal point of

view equivalent to a new grant of the arms to the person assuming them. The

terms of the Royal Licence have always carefully to be borne in mind,

particularly in the matter of remainder, because sometimes these

exemplifications are for a limited period or intended to devolve with

specified property, and a Royal Licence only nullifies a prior right to

arms to the extent of the terms recited in the Letters Patent of

exemplification. In the ordinary way, however, such an exemplification is

equivalent to a new grant affecting all the descendants. When it is assumed

in lieu, for the ordinary purpose of use the new coat of arms takes the

place of the old one, but the right to the old one remains in theory to a

certain extent, inasmuch as its existence _is necessary_ in any scheme of

quartering _to bring in_ any quarterings previously inherited, and these

cannot be displayed with the new coat unless they are preceded by the old

one. Quarterings, however, which are brought into the family through a

marriage in the generation in which the Royal Licence is obtained, or in a

subsequent generation, can be displayed with the new coat without the

interposition of the old one.

If the Royal Licence be to bear the name of a certain family in lieu of a

present name, and to bear the arms of that family quarterly with the arms

previously borne, the quarterly coat is then exemplified. In an English or

Irish Royal Licence the coat of arms for the name assumed is placed in the

first and the fourth quarters, and the old paternal arms figure in the

second and third. This is an invariable rule. The quarterly coat thus

exemplified becomes an indivisible coat for the new name, and it is not

permissible to subsequently divide these quarterings. They become as much

one coat of arms as "azure, a bend or" is the coat of arms of Scrope. If

this quarterly coat is to be introduced in any scheme of quarterings it

will only occupy the same space as any other single quartering and counts

only as one, though it of course is in reality a grand quartering. In

devising a scheme of quarterings for which a sub-quarterly coat of this

character exemplified under a Royal Licence is the pronominal coat, that

{553} quarterly coat is placed in the first quarter. Next to it is placed

the original coat of arms borne as the pronominal coat before the Royal

Licence and exemplified in the second and third sub-quarters of the first

quarter. When here repeated it occupies an entire quarter. Next to it are

placed the whole of the quarterings belonging to the family in the order in

which they occur. If the family whose name has been assumed is represented

through an heiress that coat of arms is also repeated in its proper

position and in that place in which it would have appeared if unaffected by

the Royal Licence. But if it be the coat of arms of a family from whom

there is no descent, or of whom there is no representation, the fact of the

Royal Licence does not give any further right to quarter it beyond its

appearance in the pronominal grand quartering. The exact state of the case

is perhaps best illustrated by the arms of Reid-Cuddon. The name of the

family was originally Reid, and representing an heiress of the Cuddons of

Shaddingfield Hall they obtained a Royal Licence to take the name and arms

of Cuddon in addition to the name and arms of Reid, becoming thereafter

Reid-Cuddon. The arms were exemplified in due course, and the achievement

then became: Quarterly, 1 and 4, Reid-Cuddon sub-quarterly, 2. the arms of

Reid, 3. the arms of Cuddon. In Scotland no such thing as a Royal Licence

exists, the matter being determined merely by a rematriculation following

upon a voluntary change of name. There is no specified order or position

for the arms of the different names, and the arrangement of the various

quarterings is left to be determined by the circumstances of the case. Thus

in the arms of Anstruther-Duncan the arms of Anstruther are in the first

quarter, and the matter is always largely governed by the importance of the

respective estates and the respective families. In England this is not the

case, because it is an unalterable rule that the arms of the last or

principal surname if there be two, or the arms of the one surname if that

be the case when the arms of two families are quartered, must always go in

the 1st and 4th quarters. If three names are assumed by Royal Licence, the

arms of the last name go in the 1st and 4th quarters, and the last name but

one in the second quarter, and of the first name in the third. These cases

are, however, rare. But no matter how many names are assumed, and no matter

how many original coats of arms the shield as exemplified consists of, it

thereafter becomes an indivisible coat.

When a Royal Licence is issued to an illegitimate person to bear the name

and arms of another family, no right is conferred to bear the quarterings

of that family even subject to difference marks. The Royal Licence is only

applicable to whatever arms were the pronominal coat used with the name

assumed. Though instances {554} certainly can be found in some of the

Visitation Books and other ancient records of a coat with quarterings, the

whole debruised by a bendlet sinister, notably in the case of a family of

Talbot, where eight quarters are so marked, the fact remains that this

practice has long been definitely considered incorrect, and is now never

permitted. If a Royal Licence is issued to an illegitimate woman the

exemplification is to herself personally, for in the eyes of the law she

has no relatives; and though she may be one of a large family, her

descendants are entitled to quarter the arms with the marks of distinction

exemplified to her because such quartering merely indicates the

representation of that one woman, who in the eyes of the law stands alone

and without relatives. In the case of a Royal Licence to take a name and

arms subject to these marks of distinction for illegitimacy, and in cases

where the arms to be assumed are a sub-quarterly coat, the mark of

distinction, which in England is now invariably a bordure wavy, will

surround both quarterings, which remain an indivisible coat.

If an augmentation is granted to a person whose pronominal coat is

sub-quarterly, that augmentation, whatever form it may assume, is

superimposed upon all quarterings. Thus a chief of augmentation would go

across the top of the shield, the four quarters being displayed below, and

the whole of this shield would be only one quartering in any scheme of

quartering. An inescutcheon is superimposed over all. If the augmentation

take the form of a quartering, then the pronominal coat is a grand

quartering, equivalent in size to the augmentation. If a person entitled to

a sub-quarterly coat and a double name obtains a Royal Licence to bear

another name and arms, and to bear the arms he has previously borne

quarterly with those he has assumed, the result would be: Quarterly, 1 and

4, the new coat assumed, quarterly 2 and 3, the arms he has previously

borne sub-quarterly. But it should be noticed that the arrangements of

coats of arms under a Royal Licence largely depends upon the wording of the

document by which authority is given by the Sovereign. The wording of the

document in its terms is based upon the wording of the petition, and within

reasonable limits any arrangement which is desired is usually permitted, so

that care should be taken as to the wording of the petition.

A quartering of augmentation is always placed in the first quarter of a

shield, but it becomes indivisible from and is depicted sub-quarterly with

the paternal arms; for instance, the Dukes of Westminster for the time

being, but not other members of the family, bear as an augmentation the

arms of the city of Westminster in the 1st and 4th quarters of his shield,

and the arms of Grosvenor in the 2nd and 3rd, but this coat of Westminster

and Grosvenor is an indivisible {555} quarterly coat which together would

only occupy the first quarter in a shield of quarterings. Then the second

one would be the arms of Grosvenor alone, which would be followed by the

quarterings previously inherited.

If under a Royal Licence a name is assumed and the Royal Licence makes no

reference to the arms of the family, the arms for all purposes remain

unchanged and as if no Royal Licence had ever been issued. If the Royal

Licence issued to a family simply exemplifies a single coat of arms, it is

quite wrong to introduce any other coat of arms to convert this single coat

into a sub-quarterly one.

To all intents and purposes it may be stated that in Scotland there are

still only four quarters in a shield, and if more than four coats are

introduced grand quarterings are employed. Grand quarterings are very

frequent in Scottish armory. The Scottish rules of quartering follow no

fixed principle, and the constant rematriculations make it impossible to

deduce exact rules; and though roughly approximating to the English ones,

no greater generalisation can be laid down than the assertion that the most

recent matriculation of an ancestor governs the arms and quarterings to be

displayed.

A royal quartering is never subdivided.

In combining Scottish and English coats of arms into one scheme of

quartering, it is usual if possible to treat the coat of arms as

matriculated in Scotland as a grand quartering equivalent in value to any

other of the English quarterings. This, however, is not always possible in

cases where the matriculation itself creates grand quarterings and

sub-quarterings; and for a scheme of quarterings in such a case it is more

usual for the Scottish matriculation to be divided up into its component

parts, and for these to be used as simple quarterings in succession to the

English ones, regardless of any bordure which may exist in the Scottish

matriculation. It cannot, of course, be said that such a practice is beyond

criticism, though it frequently remains the only practical way of solving

the difficulty.

Until comparatively recent times, if amongst quarterings inherited the

Royal Arms were included, it was considered a fixed, unalterable rule that

these should be placed in the first quarter, taking precedence of the

pronominal coat, irrespective of their real position according to the date

or pedigree place of introduction. This rule, however, has long since been

superseded, and Royal quarterings now take their position on the same

footing as the others. It very probably arose from the misconception of the

facts concerning an important case which doubtless was considered a

precedent. The family of Mowbray, after their marriage with the heiress of

Thomas de Brotherton, used either the arms of Brotherton alone, these being

England differenced {556} by a label, or else placed them in the first

quarter of their shield. Consequently from this precedent a rule was

deduced that it was permissible and correct to give a Royal quartering

precedence over all others. The position of the Mowbrays, Dukes of Norfolk,

as Earls Marshal no doubt led to their own achievement being considered an

exemplary model. But it appears to have been overlooked that the Mowbrays

bore these Royal Arms of Brotherton not as an inherited quartering but as a

grant to themselves. Richard II. apparently granted them permission to bear

the arms of Edward the Confessor impaled with the arms of Brotherton, the

whole between the two Royal ostrich feathers (Fig. 675), and consequently,

the grant having been made, the Mowbrays were under no necessity to display

the Mowbray or the Segrave arms to bring in the arms of Brotherton. A

little later a similar case occurred with the Stafford family, who became

sole heirs-general of Thomas of Woodstock, and consequently entitled to

bear his arms as a quartering. The matter appears to have been settled at a

chapter of the College of Arms, and the decision arrived at was as

follows:--

_Cott. MS., Titus, C. i. fol. 404, in handwriting of end of sixteenth

century._

[An order made for Henry Duke of Buckingham to beare the Armes of

Thomas of Woodstock alone without any other Armes to bee quartered

therewith. Anno 13 E 4.]

Memorandum that in the yeare of the Reigne of our Soveraign Lord King

Edward the iiij^{th}, the Thurtein in the xviij^{tin} day of ffeverir,

it was concluded in a Chapitre of the office of Armes that where a

nobleman is descended lenyalle Ineritable to iij. or iiij. Cotes and

afterward is ascended to a Cotte neir to the King and of his royall

bloud, may for his most onneur bere the same Cootte alone, and none

lower Coottes of Dignite to be quartered therewith. As my Lord Henry

Duke of Buckingham, Eirll of Harford, Northamton, and Stafford, Lord of

Breknoke and of Holdernes, is assended to the Coottes and ayer to

Thomas of Woodstoke, Duke of Glocestre and Sonne to King Edward the

third, hee may beire his Cootte alone. And it was so Concluded by

[Claurancieulx King of Armes, Marche King of Armes, Gyen King of Armes,

Windesor Herauld, Fawcon Herauld, Harfford Herald].

But I imagine that this decision was in all probability founded upon the

case of the Mowbrays, which was not in itself an exact precedent, because

with the Staffords there appears to have been no such Royal grant as

existed with the Mowbrays. Other instances at about this period can be

alluded to, but though it must be admitted that the rule existed at one

time, it has long since been officially overridden.

A territorial coat or a coat of arms borne to indicate the possession of a

specific title is either placed in the first quarter or borne in {557}

pretence; see the arms of the Earl of Mar and Kellie. A singular instance

of a very exceptional method of marshalling occurs in the case of the arms

of the Earl of Caithness. He bears four coats of arms, some being stated to

be territorial coats, quarterly, dividing them by the cross engrailed sable

from his paternal arms of Sinclair. The arms of the Earls of Caithness are

thus marshalled: "Quarterly, 1. azure, within a Royal tressure a ship with

furled sails all or." For Orkney: "2 and 3. or, a lion rampant gules." For

Spar (a family in possession of the Earldom of Caithness before the

Sinclairs): "4. Azure, a ship in sail or, for Caithness"; and over all,

dividing the quarters, a cross engrailed "sable," for Sinclair. The Barons

Sinclair of Sweden (so created 1766, but extinct ten years later) bore the

above quartered coats as cadets of Caithness, but separated the quarters,

not by the engrailed cross sable of Sinclair, but by a cross patée

throughout ermine. In an escutcheon _en surtout_ they placed the Sinclair

arms: "Argent, a cross engrailed sable"; and, as a mark of cadency, they

surrounded the main escutcheon with "a bordure chequy or and gules." This

arrangement was doubtless suggested by the Royal Arms of Denmark, the

quarterings of which have been for so many centuries separated by the cross

of the Order of the Dannebrog: "Argent, a cross patée throughout fimbriated

gules." In imitation of this a considerable number of the principal

Scandinavian families use a cross patée throughout to separate the quarters

of their frequently complicated coats. The quarterings in these cases are

often not indicative of descent from different families, but were all

included in the original grant of armorial bearings. On the centre of the

cross thus used, an escutcheon, either of augmentation or of the family

arms, is very frequently placed _en surtout_.

The main difference between British and foreign usage with regard to

quartering is this, that in England quarterings are usually employed to

denote simply descent from an heiress, or representation in blood; in

Scotland they also implied the possession of lordships. In foreign coats

the quarterings are often employed to denote the possession of fiefs

acquired in other ways than by marriage (_e.g._ by bequest or purchase), or

the _jus expectationis_, the right of succession to such fiefs in

accordance with certain agreements.

In foreign heraldry the base of the quartered shield is not unfrequently

cut off by a horizontal line, forming what is known as a _Champagne_, and

the space thus made is occupied by one or more coats. At other times a pile

with curved sides runs from the base some distance into the quartered

shield, which is then said to be _enté en point_, and this space is devoted

to the display of one or more quarterings. The definite and precise British

regulations which have grown up on the {558} subject of the marshalling of

arms have no equivalent in the armorial laws of other countries.

Very rarely quartering is affected _per saltire_, as in the arms of Sicily

and in a few coats of Spanish origin, but even as regards foreign armory

the practice is so rare that it may be disregarded.

The laws of marshalling upon the Continent, and particularly in Germany,

are very far from being identical with British heraldic practices.

[Illustration: FIG. 762.--Arms of Hans Wolf von Bibelspurg.]

[Illustration: FIG. 763.--Arms of Hans Wolf von Bibelspurg and his wife

Catherina Waraus married in 1507 at Augsburg.]

[Illustration: FIG. 764.]

The British method of impaling two coats of arms upon one shield to signify

marriage is abroad now wholly discarded, and two shields are invariably

made use of. These shields are placed side by side, the dexter shield being

used to display the man's arms and the sinister those of the woman's

family. The shields are tilted towards each other (the position is not

quite identical with that which we term accollé). But--and this is a

peculiarity practically unknown in England--the German practice invariably

reverses the charges upon the dexter shield, so that the charges upon the

two shields "respect" each other. This perhaps can be most readily

understood by reference to Figs. 762 and 763. The former shows the simple

arms of Von Bibelspurg, the latter the same coat allied with another. But

it should be noted that letters or words, if they appear as charges upon

the shield, are not reversed. This reversing of the charges is by no means

an uncommon practice in Germany for other purposes. For instance, if the

arms of a State are depicted surrounded by the arms of provinces, or if the

arms of a reigning Sovereign are grouped within a bordure of the shields of

other people, the charges on the shields to the dexter are almost

invariably shown in reflection regarding the shield in the centre. This

practice, resting only on what may be termed "heraldic courtesy," dates

back to very early times, and is met with even in Rolls of Arms where the

shields are all turned to face the centre. Such a system was adopted in

Siebmacher's "Book of Arms." But what the true position of the {559}

charges should be when represented upon a simple shield should be

determined by the position of the helmet. It may be of interest to state

that in St. George's Chapel at Windsor the early Stall plates as originally

set up were all disposed so that helmets and charges alike faced the High

Altar.

[Illustration: FIG. 765.]

[Illustration: FIG. 766.--Arms of Loschau or Lexaw, of Augsburg.]

[Illustration: FIG. 767.]

[Illustration: FIG. 768.--Arms of the Elector and Archbishop of Treves.]

The conjunction of three coats of arms in Germany is effected as shown in

Fig. 764. Although matrimonial alliance does not in Germany entail the

conjunction of different coats of arms on one shield, such conjunction does

occur in German heraldry, but it is comparable (in its meaning) with our

rules of quartering and not with our rules of impalement. No such exact and

definite rules exist in that country as are to be met with in our own to

determine the choice of a method of conjunction, nor to indicate the

significance to be presumed from whatever method may be found in use.

Personal selection and the adaptability to any particular method of the

tinctures and the charges themselves of the coats to be conjoined seem to

be the determining factors, and the existing territorial attributes of

German armory have a greater weight in marshalling than the principle of

heirship which is now practically the sole governing factor in British

heraldry. One must therefore content oneself with a brief recital of some

of the various modes of conjunction which have been or are still practised.

These include impalement per pale or per fess (Fig. 765) and dimidiation

(Fig. 766), which is more usual on the Continent than it ever was in these

kingdoms. The subdivision of the field, as with ourselves, is most

frequently adopted; though we are usually confined to quartering, German

armory knows no such restrictions. The most usual subdivisions are as given

in Fig. 767. The ordinary quartered shield is met with in Fig. 768, which

represents the arms of James III., Von Eltz, Elector and Archbishop of

Treves (1567-1581), in which his personal arms of Eltz ("Per fess gules and

argent, in chief a demi-lion issuing or") are quartered with the impersonal

arms of his archbishopric, "Argent, a cross gules." Another method of

conjunction is superimposition, by which the design of the one shield takes

the form of an ordinary imposed {560} upon the other (Fig. 769). A curious

method of conjoining three coats is by engrafting the third in base (Fig.

770). The constant use of the inescutcheon has been already referred to,

and even early English armory (Figs. 706 and 710) has examples of the

widespread Continental practice (which obtains largely in Spanish and

Portuguese heraldry) of surrounding one coat with a bordure of another.

[Illustration: FIG. 769.]

[Illustration: FIG. 770.]

[Illustration: FIG. 771.]

The German method of conjunction by incorporation has been frequently

pleaded in British heraldry, in efforts to account for ancient arms, but

with us (save for occasional use for cadency differencing at an early and

for a limited period) such incorporation only results in and signifies an

originally _new_ coat, and not an authorised marshalling of existing arms

of prior origin and authority. The German method can best be explained by

two examples. Let us suppose a coat "per fess argent and gules," with which

another coat "gules, a fleur-de-lis argent," is to be marshalled. The

result would be "per fess argent and gules, a fleur-de-lis counterchanged."

With smaller objects a more usual method would duplicate the charges, thus

"per bend argent and azure," and "argent, a star of six points azure" would

result in "per bend argent and azure, two stars of six points

counterchanged" (Fig. 771). {561}

A Complete Guide to Heraldry · 第 33 / 43 章