manifest, Jesus might still say, in the same acceptation of the term,
that it was already present, and palpable to all who sought to grasp
it. This actual presence of the kingdom is deduced by the Lord from
the efficacy of his miracles. In them the vital principle of
Catholicism was already at work. It had entered the world at the same
instant with the person of the Son of Man. But not until after Christ
was exalted did it assume a historical palpability. No less does the
declaration of Jesus, that from the days of John the Baptist the
kingdom of heaven suffereth violence, display Catholicism as a power
even before it came to figure in history. For this very forwardness
with which even then the violent took it by force, was a product of
the Christ-like power which had entered humanity simultaneously with
the person of the Messiah. And where the Jews are called sons of the
kingdom, it is likewise in reference to this elementary principle of
Catholicism. It had been planted in the first instance on the
historical soil of Judaism, thence, of course, to spread its benign
influence over the earth, and thus to make historically manifest the
vital substance of the Church in its only adequate expression. "Many
shall come from the east and the west, and shall sit down with
Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom." On the other hand, the
kingdom shall be taken from the Jews, because they have made it
unfruitful.
No Christian sermon should omit to give this inner view of
Catholicism, or of the advent of the kingdom. Therein lies its
peculiar force. The preacher of the gospel has no more effective word
of consolation for the pious souls who give him a ready hearing, than
the assurance that the kingdom of God has come nigh unto them. In this
word, also, the apostle of Christ has his most potent weapon against
the assailants of the Church. If they receive you not, says the Lord
unto his disciples, go your ways out into the streets of the same
city, and say, Even the very dust of your city, which cleaveth on us,
we do wipe off against you; yet know this, that the kingdom of God is
at hand. The invincibility of Catholicism grows out of the power of
its principle. As of old in enabling the apostles to heal the sick, so
at the present day in her varied fortunes the Church approves herself
the kingdom of God.
But how is the interior of the Church related to the exterior? The
word of the kingdom is the seed of Catholicism. According to the
quality of the hearers of the word, the growing grain is fruitful or
empty, the members genuine or spurious. Again, the kingdom of heaven
is like to a net, cast into the sea, and gathering together all kind
of fishes. The kingdom of the Son of Man is not without scandals, and
them that work {671} iniquity. [Footnote 147] Hence the kingdom of
God on earth embraces the entire Church in her temporal existence. The
latter is shown to be a kingdom of long-suffering, in preserving her
connection even with ingredients estranged from her in spirit, leaving
the ultimate separation of the false members to the final judgment.
Even these erring ones carry on their souls the impress of the
kingdom, the signature of baptism. Nevertheless their adhesion to the
kingdom is external and objective merely. In the more accurate sense
of the word, the idea of the kingdom applies only to the marrow, the
soul of the Church. The good seed only are the real children of the
kingdom.
[Footnote 147: Matt. xiii. 41.]
This account of the formation of the kingdom of God explains how the
essence of the true Church becomes a historical reality in the actual
condition of Catholicism, notwithstanding its imperfections. The
position, therefore, that the spirit of the Church is inseparable from
her temporal existence by no means denies that this historical
exterior of Catholicism may be infected with elements having nothing
in common with, and even hostile to, the character of the true Church.
This results from the fact that the true Church, though always
preserving a unitary organization, realizes herself by degrees only.
The form of Catholicism is gradually purified and disclosed by the
sanctifying virtue of its inner life. Thus it is that parasites take
root in the soil of the Church.
It is therefore a shifting of the real issue when Mr. Hase defines the
Catholic antagonism to the ideal Church of Protestantism as consisting
in a notion of Catholicism that in all essential attributes there is a
perfect congruity between the idea of the Church and the concrete
Church of Rome; or in other words, that the latter Church is at all
tunes the perfect type of Christianity. Two distinct things are here
confounded. The position of Catholicism--that the essence of the true
Church, so far as realized at all, exists only within the Catholic
Church, where alone, therefore, a further development of this essence
can be accomplished or the ideal of the Church attained--is by no
means equivalent to the pretension, attributed to Catholicism by Hase,
that Catholicism has already attained the ideal, or that it is at all
times the most perfect representation of Christianity. After this
misrepresentation of the position of Catholicism, Hase has no
difficulty in distorting the well-known Catholic doctrine that sinners
also belong to the Church into an unconscious acknowledgment of the
ideal Church of Protestantism.
While the toleration of spurious members is a mandate of the
educational mission of the Church, it involves, moreover, a special
dispensation of Divine Providence. Like her divine principle, the
Church appears as a servant among men. The beauty of her inner life is
veiled beneath an exterior covered with manifold imperfections. This
serves as a constant admonition to the Church not to rely upon
externals. Yet even these shadows on the image of the Church are
evidences of her vitality. How superhuman must be an organization
which outlasts all enemies in spite of many deficiencies! It is error,
therefore, to infer from the undeniable, practical incongruity between
the essence of the Church and her outward form that there cannot be an
exclusive, concrete realization of the true Church in history.
To make the growth of Catholicism intelligible to his hearers, Jesus
compares the kingdom of heaven with a grain of mustard, which unfolds
the least of all seeds to a stately tree. Immediately thereafter it is
said that the kingdom of heaven penetrates the mass of humanity like
leaven. The law of development of Catholicism is further illustrated
by the following parable: The earth, says Jesus, bringeth forth fruit;
first the blade, then the ear, afterward the full corn in the ear; man
has but to cast the seed into the earth; then he may sleep, and the
seed shall {672} spring and grow up, he knoweth not how. Even so is
the kingdom of God. The Church therefore carries the germs of her
growth in her inmost nature. Catholicism is gradually developed out of
itself, from within. Thanks to the energy of her own principle, the
Church with her arms encircles nation after nation. The faculty of
being all things unto all men she owes to her being the kingdom of
God. Here is the root of Catholicism. As the kingdom of God, the
Church is fraught with a wealth adequate to the mental requirements of
all individuals and all nations. As the kingdom of God, the Church is
adapted to every age and clime.
The word "Church" is used by Jesus Christ far more rarely than that of
the "kingdom of heaven;" indeed but twice, and on each occasion in
direct reference to the external form of the Church.
That this historical exterior of Catholicism, designated the Church,
is the manifestation of the kingdom of God, We have already deduced
from Matt. xvi. 18, 19, and xiii. 41. The same truth is expressed in
the parable of the treasure hid in the field. He who would possess the
treasure, that is to say, the kingdom of heaven, or the vital
principle of Catholicism, must buy the field in which the gem is
concealed. The field, the Catholic exterior of the Church, is not the
inner life; but the latter is realized only in the historical form of
Catholicism.
It now behooves us to more precisely expound this relation between the
spirit and the outer form of the Church from the words of Jesus. The
way to do this is indicated by our Lord himself. It consists in an
extended analysis of the biblical idea of the kingdom of God. In it is
disclosed the inmost nature of the Church and thereby the ultimate
origin of her historical figure as instituted by Christ, or the
principle of Catholicism, which is the object of our search.
My kingdom, says the Lord, is not of this world; that is to say, its
origin is not here, and it is not established by the exercise of
worldly power. _Regnum meum non est hinc_. True, the kingdom of Christ
is established in the midst of the world, but it was not generated
there: from above, from heaven, it was planted in the world as a
supernatural _realm of grace_. Therefore its existence and its
extension is in no wise dependent on worldly power; its foundations
lie deeper, in the principle of truth which has entered the world with
Christ. For this cause came he into the world, that he should bear
witness unto the truth. All they that are of the truth, do him homage
as their king, and hear his kingly voice. The same principle works in
them as that of a new worship; they worship the Father in spirit and
in truth.
But this elevated sense of truth in individual souls is the fruit of a
higher form of being. He that is of God heareth the words of God; but
they hear them not who are not of God. The entrance into the kingdom
of God therefore necessarily presupposes a new beginning of man's
life, a new birth of water and of the Spirit. Wherever the kingdom of
God obtains a foothold, it assumes the form of an entirely new state
of things, of a new creation, of the principle of a new mental
activity, a new _nature_ of the spirit.
A transmutation of our souls, such as just described, necessarily
involves a rupture with the natural man, a discarding of the original
individuality. Without this alteration we are impervious to the new
light which is to enter our souls together with the kingdom of God.
This indispensable self-denial is accomplished by a two-fold
instrumentality--by the love of God, which is the first commandment,
and by the love of our neighbor as ourselves. Whoever is in this frame
of mind is pronounced by Jesus to be not far from the kingdom of God.
What has been said reveals another peculiarity of the kingdom of God
on earth. It is a _supernatural_ kingdom. At this point only do we
fully comprehend the title of the Church to {673} the designation of
the kingdom of heaven. The kingdom of God historically manifested in
the Church is intimately connected with the intro-divine relations or
the inmost life of the Deity. By admission into the Church God the
Father translates us into the kingdom of his beloved Son. This is not
merely an exercise of the creative love common to the three persons of
the Trinity. On the contrary, it is an evidence what manner of love
the Father hath bestowed upon us that we should be called the sons of
God. Precisely in this is the peculiar supernatural character of this
dispensation made manifest. It is this supernatural characteristic of
the Church which accounts for the bestowal upon the Church of the name
of the coming realm of glory. The germ of the latter is already
contained in the existing Church. While, for this reason, the Church
visible is called the kingdom of heaven, so the latter continues to
bear the name of the Church even in the splendor of its eternal glory.
This circumstance warrants the bold utterance of the apostle that our
conversation is in heaven. In the same sense it is laid down in the
catechism of the council of Trent that the Church militant and the
Church triumphant are but two parts of the one Church, not two
churches; and with entire consistency the same authority speaks of the
Church militant as synonymous with the kingdom of heaven.
It is but another expression for the supernatural character of the
Church if she is called the Jerusalem which is above, even in her
historical form and figure. And precisely because this epithet applies
to her, she is free and is our mother. The catholicity of the Church,
her faculty of enfolding all mankind, of being the spiritual mother of
us all, is owing to her supernatural character.
This doctrine of the supernaturalness of the Church is the connecting
link between the essence and the form of Catholicism. As the latter is
supernatural in its character, so must the form of its establishment
bear a supernatural impress. How can anything utterly supernatural
attain an adequate form of expression by mere natural development? It
assumes a historical reality in so far only as it assumes
simultaneously with its supernatural essence a corresponding
supernatural image. The form as well as the substance of the Church
must needs be the fruit of an immediate interposition of God, because
the substance must needs exercise its supernatural functions.
The idea just expressed may have been dimly present to the mind of
Moehler when he wrote: "But it is the conviction of Catholics that
this purpose of the divine revelation in Christ Jesus would not have
been attained at all, or at least would have been attained but very
imperfectly, if this embodiment of the truth had been but momentary,
and if the personal manifestation of the Word had not been
sufficiently powerful to give its tones the highest degree of
intensified animation, and the most perfect conceivable efficacy, that
is to say, to breathe into it the breath of life, and to create a
union once more setting forth the truth in its vitality, and remaining
emblematically the conclusive authority for all time, or, in other
words, representing Christ himself."
Viewed in this light, the historical manifestation of the Church,
instituted Matt. xvi. 18, 19, presents itself as a postulate of her
essence. Because the Church was essentially destined historically to
manifest the kingdom of God, the Lord built her upon Peter, the rock.
A temporal establishment of the kingdom of heaven in the midst of this
world required the divine installation of an individual keeper of the
keys. Thus the idea of the papacy flows from that of a kingdom of God
on earth.
If, then, this explanation presents Catholicism as a supernatural
kingdom, and if this very attribute constitutes the characteristic
feature of its being, its inmost life and fundamental {674} principle,
it is manifestly inadmissible to place the kingdom of God as
established in the Church on the same footing with the works of
creation. A juxtaposition like this would entirely ignore the vital
essence of the Church, that is to say, her superiority to nature.
The same distinction is overlooked by those who regard Church and
state as simply two manifestations of the same kingdom of God. Such is
the point of view of a system of moral theology, the influence of
which upon the opinions prevailing among a considerable fraction of
the present generation of theologians is not to be mistaken. In the
eye of that doctrine "Mosaism and Christianism--state and Church--both
externally represent the kingdom, and both represent one and the same
kingdom; the former [the state] rather in its negative, the latter
[the Church] rather in its positive aspect. And thus we have two great
formations in which the kingdom on earth is made manifest, Church and
state." Could Hirscher have reached any other conclusion? He regards
it as his task "to dispose of the question whether the germs of the
divine kingdom, like seeds, are implanted in the character of man as
in a fruitful soil, and whether they can spring forth from it [_i.e._,
from the character or nature of man himself] and blossom as the
kingdom of God."
Although it is here said that "God abode in man with his Holy Spirit
and with its sanctifying grace," yet the Holy Spirit or his grace is
not made the foundation upon which the kingdom is erected; that
foundation is sought, on the contrary, in the "divine powers" infused
into man at his creation. God only assists at the upraising of the
kingdom through them by "dwelling in them for ever as the principle of
divine guidance."
The logical inference from these premises, which seek the germs of the
kingdom of God as established on earth in human nature itself, that is
to say, in the "heavenly faculties" inherent in man, is well disclosed
in the definition of the kingdom of God on earth given by Petersen, a
theologian reared in the school of Schleiermacher. "The kingdom of God
on earth," says he, "is at once Church, state, and civilization,
_i.e._, it is an organism of community in religion, morals, and
society, and by these three special organisms it essentially
approaches, develops, and perfects its organic unity, in organizing
its religious principle in the Church, its moral framework in the
state, and its natural base in civilization, thus in the unity of all
three rounding its proportions as a universal organism of genuine
humanity." If "the germs of the divine kingdom, like seeds, are
implanted in the character of man as in a fruitful soil," it is
entirely consistent to regard the kingdom of God on earth as
"substantially identical with the idea of the human race," as "the
realization of that idea."
It gives us pleasure to state that the notion of the kingdom of God on
earth just alluded to has been declared unscriptural even in a
Protestant exegesis of greater thoroughness. [Footnote 148]
[Footnote 148: Hofman, _Schriftbeweis_, 1855. ]
III. THE BODY OF CHRIST.
Next to the idea of the kingdom of God, the most significant
expression for the inner essence of Catholicism is found in the
scriptural conception of the body of Christ. As his body, the Church
is intimately connected with him. Christ and the Church belong
together as the head and the body; both constitute a single whole.
This intimate relation between Christ and the Church is described by
the Scriptures in animated terms. The Church, it says, is for Christ
what our own body is for us; as members of the Church we are members
of the body of Christ, of his flesh, and of his bones. On one
occasion, indeed, the apostle uses the word Christ as synonymous with
the Church, so intimate is their relation.
{675}
And it is the Son of Man, or Christ in his human capacity, as whose
body the Church is regarded. For as the head thereof the apostle
designates him who was raised from the dead. The Church here enters
into a profoundly intimate relation to the sacred humanity of Christ.
We shall seek further profit from this idea in the sequel.
Immediately after having called the Church the body of Christ, he
calls her the [Greek text]. This epithet results from the foregoing.
It is because she is the body of Christ that the Church is the [Greek
text]. I translate these difficult words, the fulness of him who
filleth all in all. God who filleth all things with his essential
presence, in whom we live, and move, and have our being, hath his
fulness in the Church. The Church is entirely filled with God. But
how? Is not God, in his very nature, present everywhere? How then can
the Church be filled with God in a greater degree than the world
without? As the body of Christ, she has this capacity. For if the
Church, as Christ's body, assumes a special relation, peculiar to
herself, to his sacred humanity, then, by that very assumption, she
acquires a share in the [Greek text] of the Deity which dwells bodily
in that sacred humanity. She thereby becomes the spot where God is
especially revealed and glorified. For while God, in the fulness of
his nature, is present over all the world, nevertheless this presence
is more largely apparent in the Church than elsewhere. By the Church
alone the manifold wisdom of God is known unto the principalities and
powers in heavenly places. In him is glory in the Church by Christ
Jesus throughout all ages, world without end. Thus she stands approved
as his pleroma, as entirely filled with God.
But how are we to understand this repletion of the Church with God? It
is well known that Moehler sees in the visible Church the "Son of God
continually appearing among men in human form, constantly re-creating,
eternally rejuvenating himself, his perpetual incarnation." In this
sense he apprehends the scriptural conception of the body of Christ,
the "interpretation of the divine and the human in the Church." This
proposition, which has become celebrated, was intended, in the first
instance, to afford a more profound insight into the visibility of the
Church, in addition to which it is inseparable from Moehler's views on
the subject of the means of grace. In this twofold light we must make
it the subject of examination.
Moehler goes on to argue that, if the Church is a continuance of the
incarnation, she must be, like the latter, a visible one. This can
mean no more than that even as the Son of God during his stay upon
earth wrought visibly for mankind in the flesh, so also the saving
efficacy of Christ, abiding after his departure from the earth,
requires a visible medium. Such a point, however, Protestantism is far
from disputing. In the separate congregations, in their visible means
of grace, and in the audible exposition of the word of God, even
Protestants admit that the efficacy of Christ is visibly perpetuated,
and the idea of Christianity and the Church gradually realized. Every
Protestant denomination aspires to be the palpable image, the living
presentment, of the Christian religion. Moehler's conception of the
Son of God continually appearing among men in human form has even
become a favorite theme of modern Protestant theology. This will
appear from the mere perusal of the disquisitions on this head of the
so-called Christological school. The advantage gained for the Catholic
interpretation amounts to nothing. For the point is not that the
efficacy of Christ is perpetually exercised among men in a visible
manner, but it is in question whether this continued exercise ensues
only in the fold of a particular institution, and by particular means
of grace.
Moehler arrived at his doctrine in {676} reference to the Church
through the medium of his views regarding the means of grace. In his
opinion "the Eucharistic descent of the Son of God" (and the same must
be inferred to apply to all the means of grace which it is the
function of the Church to administer [Footnote 149]) "is a part of
the totality of his merit, wherewith we are redeemed." The sacramental
offering of Christ is "the conclusion of his great sacrifice for us,"
and in it "all the other parts of the same sacrifice are to be
bestowed upon us; in this final portion of the objective offering, the
whole is to become subjective, a part of our individual being." But
the incarnation of God, or, in other words, the work of our salvation
accomplished by Christ during his walk upon earth, stands in need of
no continuation or completion by a posthumous labor of Christ,
constituting "a part of the totality of his merit, wherewith we are
redeemed." The perpetual condescension of Christ, administered by the
Church, to our helplessness, does not form a complement to the
objective work of salvation; it is not an integral part of it, but
only its continued application. "_Christus_" says Suarez, "_jam vero
nos non redimit, sed applicat nobis redemptionem suam_" [Footnote
150] If this work of redemption were even now in progress--that is to
say, if "the Eucharistic descent of the Son of God" were "a part of
the totality of his merits, wherewith we are redeemed," then Christ
would not have fully taken away the sin of the world once for all on
Golgotha. Who would maintain such a proposition? Moehler would be the
last man to do so. He would therefore undoubtedly have renounced the
opinion in question if these, its logical results, had presented
themselves to his mind. The sacramental offering of Christ, as indeed
the whole of his perennial saving efficacy in the sacraments of the
Church, wherewith we are saved, is only the _means_ by which it is
applied to our salvation. The _ground_ of salvation for all mankind
was perfected in the sufferings and death of Christ. The _realization_
of salvation for individuals is accomplished by their appropriating to
themselves the salvation purchased or achieved for all mankind by the
precious blood of Jesus Christ; a work in which, undoubtedly, Christ
himself co-operates as the head of the Church.
[Footnote 149: For, according to St. Thomas, "the Eucharist is the
_perfectio omnis sacramenti, habens quasi in capitulo et summo
omnia, quae alia sacramenta continent singillatim;_ the perfection
of the whole sacrament, having as it were in an epitome and a
summary all the virtues which, other sacraments contain
singly."--IV. Sent. a. 8. q. 1, a. 2, _solut_. 2 _ad_. 4.]
[Footnote 150: At present Christ does not redeem us, but applies
to us his redemption. _De Incarnat., Par. I., Disp_. 39, _Sec_. 3.]
In this sense the apostle says that he fills up those things that are
wanting of the sufferings of Christ in his flesh. By faithfully
following Christ, we partake more and more of the fruits of
redemption. Thus is Christ likewise gradually fulfilled in the
individual Christians--that is to say, he finds in them a more and
more ample expression. And in the same degree in which Christ stamps
himself upon the single members of the Church, the latter also is more
and more filled with him.
Scarce has the apostle declared of Christ, in Col. ii. 9, that in him
dwelleth all the [Greek text] of the Godhead corporally, when he turns
to the Colossians with the words, "And you are filled in"--God that is
to say, "in him," _i.e._ in Christ, in so far as ye stand in communion
with him, "which is the head of all principality and power." This
communion of individuals with Christ, and their attendant
participation in the fulness of the Godhead which dwelleth in him, is
accomplished by the instrumentality of the Church, particularly by the
sacrament of baptism, which incorporates the individual with the
Church. Verse 10-12: "_Et estis in illo repleti. In quo et circumcisi
estis, circumcisione non manu facta, sed in circumcisione Christi,
consepulti ei in baptismo._"
Thus the Church is seen to be the pleroma of the Godhead in a twofold
{677} point of view. First, in her members, which, being gradually
filled with God, become partakers of the divine nature. In the second
place, in the active cooperation of the Church herself in the
performance of this work.
In the first regard, the repletion of the Church with God is not a
state attained once for all. It is rather a process of measured growth
[Greek text]. The measure of the age of the fulness of Christ is the
goal and the objective point of the entire development of the Church.
It will be attained when every individual shall have become complete
in Christ, and therewith also in his own person a pleroma of Christ.
In the edifying of the body of Christ, or in the establishment of the
Church, therefore, we must work without repose till we all meet in the
unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the Son of God. In this
sense only can it be said that there is a progress in the Church. This
continued development of Catholicism the apostle regards as a gradual
repletion of the single members of the Church with all the fulness of
God, [Greek text].
We have as yet, however, come to know but the one phase of this
relation of the Church to Christ, or to the pleroma of the Godhead.
The Church is not only destined to present herself at the close of her
historical development as the pleroma of him that filleth all in all;
she is even now entitled to this attribute, by virtue of her essential
character.
On this head we derive instruction from a nearer contemplation of the
process of development in which the erection of the Church is
completed. "The whole body," says the apostle, meaning the body of
Christ himself, "maketh increase of the body unto the edifying of
itself in charity." The Church therefore carries within herself, in
the inmost recesses of her being, the principle and the germinal power
of her whole development. This fundamental principle of Catholicism is
Christ himself, who pervades the Church as his body.
There is a subjective and an objective repletion of the Church with
Christ. The former progresses gradually, in so far as the single
members of the Church assimilate themselves more and more to Christ.
The latter is a given state of things from the first. In it consists
the most subtle essence of the Church. This objective presence of
Christ in her approves itself as the vital power of her growth. The
gradual ripening of the Church therefore grows up into Christ ([Greek
text], Eph. iv. 15) on the one hand, and proceeds from him ([Greek
text]) on the other. From him--that is to say, by means of the
vivifying influence of the Son of God, present in the Church, she
maketh increase of herself unto the edifying of herself in charity.
It is the same idea, when the apostle characterizes the growth of the
Church as an [Greek text], an _augmentum Dei, i.e._, a growth
emanating from God. God effects it, but by the instrumentality of the
Church, within her and as issuing from her. For this purpose God hath
installed her as his pleroma. Precisely because the Church is filled
with God, or is his pleroma, the members of the Church may gradually
become complete in him. Thus there is a development and a progress
only for the individual members of the Church. She herself, by virtue
of her essential character, is superior to development, and acts as
the impelling force of this development. Christianity _has_ a history,
but it _is_ not itself a history. The essence of Christianity, which
is that of the Church, is not a thing in process of formation, it is a
thing accomplished and perfect from the beginning.
The scriptural idea of the body of Christ presents the principle of
Catholicism in a new light. The Church alone has Christ for her head.
It is her exclusive privilege to be the body of Christ. This gives her
a fellowship of life with Christ, by which she is distinguished from
the world, the {678} latter sustaining to him no relation but that of
subjection and dependence. But upon what rests this privilege of the
Church? Why is she alone the body of Christ, the pleroma of the
God-head?
Christology must supply the fundamental reason. According to the
Catholic dogma of the person of Christ, he filleth the universe only
by virtue of his Godhead. With his life as the Son of Man he filleth
only the Church, his body. But how much more largely does God reveal
himself by his personal inhabitation of the sacred humanity of Christ
than by the creative power wherewith he penetrateth and filleth all in
all! Here a single ray, a faint reflection of his glory, flutters
through the veil of created nature, there the fulness of the Godhead
dwelleth bodily.
The idea of Catholicism, therefore, coincides with that of fulness. As
the pleroma of him who filleth all in all, the Church harbors in her
bosom a treasure, the richness of which is inexhaustible. Every
created thing, every single period, every particular phase of the
culture of the human mind, has some good attribute. Yet this attribute
is a mere special advantage, a peculiar quality, a feeble reflex of
the chief good, a single ray of the shining sea of goodness inclosed
in the unfathomable abyss of the divine essence, of the fulness of the
Godhead. The completeness of the revelation of God's goodness is found
only in the sacred humanity of Christ, and therefore in the Church.
Hence the Church is the highest good that is to be found on earth. Let
the productions of the human mind, at a given stage of its
development, be ever so glorious and sublime, they can never supplant
the pleroma of the Church. Her wealth is fraught with all the possible
results of the human intellect and imagination; and these, in the
fulness of the Church, are intensified, raised, as it were, to a
higher power of goodness. Every production of the human mind is more
or less in danger of falling short of the requirements of later ages.
The metal of all such fabrics needs to be recast from time to time, as
forms and fashions change. In default of this, it gradually
degenerates into mere antiquity, or, in the most fortunate event, it
preserves only the character of an honored relic. From this fate of
all that comes into existence the Church is exempt. She alone is ever
young, and always on a level with the times. This qualifies her to be
the teacher of the world from age to age. Hence, also, she is enabled
to minister an appropriate remedy for the disease of every generation.
How, then, can a movement which makes war on the Church claim to be an
advance of the human mind in the right direction? The interests of
true civilization will never interfere with those of the Church.
As well that the Church is the body of Christ as that in her is the
fulness of him who filleth all in all--both of these attributes adhere
to her in virtue of her divine foundation. Thus Catholicism, whose
fundamental principle we have contemplated in this twofold scriptural
aspect, is not the product of the combination of any external
circumstances. It is grounded in the very idea of the Church, in the
inmost depths of her being. Therefore she remains the Catholic Church
in every vicissitude of her external condition, whether in the
splendor of princely honors, or under the crushing weight of Neronic
persecution.
If, then, Catholicism is of the essence of the Church, the momentous
conclusion is irresistible, that the true Church is capable of
realization in such an image only as enables her to present herself in
her essential feature of catholicity. It follows that the papacy, as
necessary to the Catholic manifestation of the Church, is imperatively
demanded by the law of her being.
------
{679}
From Once a Week.
THE CATHEDRAL LIBRARY.
It is now between forty and fifty years ago that I obtained leave from
the dean and chapter of Winterbury Cathedral to read for some weeks in
their cathedral library. The editions of the fathers and of some
important middle-age writers which are preserved in that quiet library
boast of peculiar excellence, and I well remember the exultation with
which I, then a very young man, received news of the desired
information to ransack those treasures. Having secured a small lodging
in the close, or cathedral enclosure, I set out for Winterbury early
in the year 182-. Through the kindness of one of the canons, who
seldom had to consult the library on his own account, I was provided
with a key to the library buildings, and allowed to keep undisturbed
possession of it as long as my visit lasted. This key gave access not
only to the library, but to all parts of the cathedral likewise,
including even the cloisters, so that I was able to let myself in and
out of the noble edifice at all hours of the day or night, and to
ramble unchallenged through aisle, crypt, stalls, triforium, and
organ-loft.
I have never forgotten, and shall never forget, the day on which I
first took my seat in the room which was to be the special scene of my
labors. The library lay on the south side of the cathedral, being a
lower continuation of the south transept, and forming one side of the
cloister court. It was obviously, therefore, raised above the height
of the cloister vaulting, and it was reached by a flight of stairs
opening into the cathedral itself. Narrowness (it measured about
eighty feet by thirty), and a certain antique collegiate air (and
smell, too, to be perfectly accurate) about the bindings of the books
and the coverings of the chairs, were its chief characteristics. There
was a bust of Cicero at one end, and of Seneca at the other. Some
smaller busts of the principal Greek fathers adorned the side-shelves,
and a dingy portrait of the "judicious" Hooker abode in a musty frame
over the heavy stone mantelpiece. The fender itself was of stone, or
rather the fireplace was not protected by a fender at all, but by a
small stone wall, about three inches thick and six inches high, which
afforded blissful repose to the outstretched foot.
One April evening, shortly after sunset, when there was still daylight
enough to read the titles on the backs of books, I walked across the
close in order to fetch and bring away with me a couple of volumes of
which I stood in need. It was an hour when the grand old cathedral is
accustomed to put on its very best appearance. The heaven-kissing
spire and the far lower, but beautiful, western towers are tinted with
the faint rose color which suits old stonework so admirably; and the
deep gloom of the cloisters, tempered by the glow from the noble piles
of masonry overhead, makes it possible and easy to realize some of the
rapturous visions of the recluse. I passed as usual down the nave, and
having ascended the little staircase, let myself into the library, and
was on the point of attacking the necessary bookshelf, when instead of
placing the key in my pocket, as it was my habit to do, I tossed it
carelessly on to the sill of an adjoining window. The woodwork of the
library was by no means in a sound condition, and between the inner
edge of the sill and the wall there was a wide chink, opening down
into unseen depths of distance. Into this chink, impelled by my evil
genius, or by one of the ghostly beings that (as {680} I was assured
by the verger) haunt the library and cloisters, down tumbled my
unlucky key. I saw it disappear with a sharp twinge of vexation,
principally, however, at the thought of the time and trouble that
would be consumed in bringing it to light again. To-morrow, I said to
myself, I shall be forced to get a carpenter to remove this sill, and
rake up the key from heaven knows where; while smirking Mr. Screens,
the verger, will watch the whole proceeding, and insinuate with silent
suavity a doubt whether I am a fit person to be entrusted with Canon
Doolittle's key. It was not until I had come down from the short
ladder with the books under my arm, and, warned by the deepening
shades, was about to leave the library, that the full effect of the
key's disappearance presented itself to my mind. The outer gate and
inner door of the nave had been carefully shut by me, according to
custom, on entering the cathedral. All the gates and doors were fitted
with a spring-lock, so that without my key I was double-locked into
the building. My first thought was one of amusement, and I fairly
laughed aloud at my own perplexity. It seemed an impossible and
inconceivable thing that one might really have to pass the entire
night in this situation. Presently I left the library, the door of
which I had not shut on entering, and went down the staircase into the
transept, and then into the nave. I carefully tried the inner door,
but without effect. I had done my duty on entering, and it was
hopelessly and mercilessly fastened against me. Resolved on
maintaining unbroken self-possession, I returned to the library. It
was now quite dark, the only light being that reflected from the
shafts of the cloisters, on which the moonbeams were now beginning to
fall. I sat down in a large arm-chair which stood at one end of the
library table, and thought over all the possible means of extricating
myself from an unexpected durance. Should I go up to the belfry in the
north-western tower and toll one of the bells until the verger, roused
from his first sleep, should come to see what was the matter? but even
this I could not do without the key, which would be required to open
the door at the entrance of the tower. Or should I make my way into
the organ-loft, and filling the bellows quite full, strike a
succession of loud chords, until the music might attract the attention
of some passer-by? this might be done, but it would be a perilous
experiment. Half Winterbury would be seized with the belief that their
old cathedral was haunted. The organ-loft would be invaded by vergers,
beadles, and constables--there were no blue-coated police in those days--
and I should move about the ancient city ever after with the stigma of
a madcap on my head. People would nod knowingly to one another as I
passed, and significantly tap their foreheads, by way of hinting that
I was "a little touched." Canon Doolittle would recall his key, and
abstain from inviting me to his hospitable table. Gradually,
therefore, I gave up the scheme of saving myself by means of the
organ; and the belfry being already set aside, no other resource
remained but to stay where I was, and quietly to pass the hours as
best I could until Mr. Screens should open the doors at about
half-past six in the morning, ready for the seven o'clock prayers in
the Lady chapel.
I was luckily undisturbed by any fears arising from the possible
anxiety of my landlady. Winterbury is near the sea; and I had on more
than one occasion spent the greater part of the night on the cliffs,
watching the glorious moonlit effects upon the romantic coast scenery
of that district. These Mrs. Jollisole was accustomed to call my
"coast-guard nights;" and I made no doubt that, should I fail to
appear, the sensible old lady would go contentedly to bed, supposing
me to have mounted guard on the cliffs.
I therefore lost no time in composing myself, if not to sleep, at any
rate to an attempt at sleep. The library table was always surrounded
by an {681} array of solemn old oak chairs, padded with cushions of
yellowish leather, and looking as though--if their own opinion were
consulted--no mortal man of lower degree than a prebendary should ever
be allowed to seat himself upon them. At each end of the table there
was a chair of a superior order--a couple of deans, as it were,
keeping high state amidst the surrounding canons. These chairs were
made of precisely the same kind of oak, and covered with leather of
exactly the same yellowish tinge as the others, but their whole design
was larger and more imposing, and what was of the most consequence to
me in my present position--they were _arm_-chairs, affording opportunity
for all manner of easy and sleep-inviting postures. Throwing myself
into one of these dignified receptacles, I soon fell asleep, and soon
afterward took to dreaming.
Leaning in my dream on the sill of the library window, I fancied
myself to be gazing down into a peaceful church-yard. One by one, like
gleams of moonlight in the dark shade of the surrounding cloisters, I
saw a number of young girls assemble, and fall with easy exactitude
into rank, as if about to take part in a procession. Each slender
figure was draped in the purest white muslin, with a veil of the same
material arranged over the head, and partially concealing the face.
Just as one sees at the present day in Roman Catholic churches at the
more important _fetes_, the procession was arranged according to the
gradations of height. The very young children were in the front, and
as the other end of the line was approached, the pretty white figures
grew gradually taller, until girls of eighteen or nineteen brought up
the rear. They presently began to move, and it was clear that they
were about to take part in some solemn office for the dead. With two
priests at their head, they made the circuit of the cloisters, moving
along with graceful regularity of step. Between each pair of the
slender columns of the cloister building, I imagined that a small
stone basin (or "_benitier_") was set, standing on a low pedestal, and
filled with holy water. Each girl walking on the side next to these
basins was furnished with a small broom of feathers, like those which
may at any time be seen in the Continental churches. Dipping these
brooms from time to time into the basins of water, they waved them in
beautiful harmony with their own harmonious movements, sprinkling the
ancient monumental slabs over which they were stepping. They sang to a
strain of rare melody the familiar words of _Requiem AEternam_.
Presently they seemed to change time and tune, and to sing a hymn of
many verses, each verse ending with a refrain. A single voice would
give the verse, but all joined together in the plaintive music of the
refrain:
"Through life's long day and death's dark night,
O gentle Jesus! be our light!"
I have heard much music, secular and sacred, since then; but I know of
no musical effect which abides with me so constantly as that imagined
chanting of young voices heard long ago.
One girl in particular attracted my attention as I dreamt. She was one
of the pair who closed the procession, and was of a commanding height
and extremely elegant figure. She had, as it seemed to me, taken
excessive precaution in drawing her ample veil closely around her head
and face,
* * * *
On a sudden I awoke. There, in one of the decanal arm-chairs, I was
sitting--in an easy, familiar posture, as if I had been myself a dean--
and there beside me, close at hand, within reach of my outstretched
arm, was a tall figure in white, clearly a female form, and the
precaution had been taken of drawing an ample veil closely around the
head and face. Any one but an imbecile would have acted as I did,
though I remember taking some credit to myself at the time for my
coolness and presence of mind. I simply sat still and stared; and by
degrees I observed, I conned. Years before, in my boyhood, I had
walked a good {682} deal on the stretch; and I had known what it was
in North Devon to wake up "upon the middle of the night," to feel the
hard, unyielding turf underneath one's back, and see and gaze, gaze
wistfully upon the bright unanswering stars above one's head. Even
then one could divine the true value of a bed. But to wake on the
downs in the small hours is a trifle compared with waking in a
cathedral any time between dew and dawn. More especially when, as was
my case, you have a ghost at your elbow. Not that my ghost remained
long stationary. She did not. Starting from my arm-chair, she began a
survey of the shelves by moonlight in so active and business-like a
manner that I felt no doubt, given her _quondam_ or present mortality,
she was or had been a "blue." In five minutes, my powers of decision
were wide awake, and the question of her mortality was settled. She
was not a thing of the past, but alive as I myself was; and the only
scruple was, how or how soon to awaken her from her somnambulist's
dream. While I was debating with myself the best means to pursue, she
suddenly passed out of the library door on to the stone staircase. My
alarm was now fairly excited. She had two courses to pursue in her
sensational career--I employ the word in a more correct use than it is
commonly put to. She might either turn downward toward the floor of
the church itself, in which case she could do herself little or no
harm; or she could mount the ascending staircase, and reach an outward
parapet, with heaven knew what mad scheme in view, before I had time
to overtake her. She chose the second alternative, and--she leading, I
following--we mounted the lofty staircase that leads to the base of
the spire. I was aware that the door at the top of this particular
ascent was not furnished with a lock; it was fastened by a simple
bolt, and I had little doubt that my sleep-walking friend would shoot
that bolt back as readily as she had taken down and replaced the books
on the library shelves. My greatest fear was that she might begin
playing some mad prank upon the parapet before I was sufficiently near
to arrest her movements. I need hardly add that, influenced by the
dread of consequences commonly said to follow on a sudden awakening
from a fit of somnambulism, I inwardly resolved to try every means of
humoring and coaxing my companion down again to _terra firma_, and
only as a last resort to attempt arousing her. In a few moments we
stood side by side on the platform looking down on Winterbury, which
lay outstretched in the white moonlight. It was a tranquil and
beautiful scene. There was the church of St. Werburgh, a noble
monument of thirteenth century building, which would attract
instantaneous admiration anywhere but under the shadow of Winterbury
cathedral. There was the fine old market-place, with the carved stone
pump at which Cromwell drank as he passed through the city; and the
charmingly quaint guildhall, and the ruins of the abbey skirting the
river in the distance. I was not permitted, however, long to enjoy the
prospect. Before I could lift a finger to arrest her rapid movements,
my mysterious companion had stepped lightly on to the parapet, and
began a quick and perfectly unembarrassed walk around it. Dreading the
experiment of forcible rescue, it occurred to me to try the effect of
quietly accosting her, and endeavoring--by humoring her present mental
condition--to decoy her away from her perilous amusement. It was an
awful moment of suspense. Should she lose her balance and her life, it
would be next to impossible for me ever totally to clear up the
enigmatical circumstance of my having been actually present by her
side during that weird moonlit dance upon the parapet. If, on the
other hand, I were to seize and lift her from the top-stone, she might
rouse the whole close with frightful screams, she might faint--might
even die--in my arms, or from the shock of sudden awakening she might
lose her reason.
{683}
But there was no time to stand balancing chances. Accordingly, I
gently drew toward her side, and said, in as easy and collected a tone
as I could command,
"I think we left the library door unlocked; before you complete your
rounds, had we not better go down the stairs and secure it? Having
been allowed the entry of the cathedral, I think we are bound in honor
to shut doors after us."
"To be sure," she replied, and instantly, to my intense relief,
dropped cleverly down into the space between the parapet and the lower
courses of the spire. "To be sure, the door should be locked at once.
Let us go down. I cannot make out who you are. In none of my former
visits to the cathedral have I met you; but you seem to be no
intruder, and I will certainly go down and secure the door as you
suggest."
All this was uttered quickly and easily, but with an abstracted air,
and without the slightest motion of her steadfast eyes. While still
speaking, she stooped under the low door-way at the stair-head, and
began to descend. I followed, busily devising plans for preventing any
fresh ascent, and yet still avoiding the necessity of breaking the
curious spell which bound her. We reached the library door. To my
surprise, she produced a key of her own, and was about to turn the
lock, when I remembered that at this rate I should be deprived for the
rest of the night of my only comforts, the warm atmosphere of the
library and the decanal arm-chair. I therefore extemporized a bold
stroke.
"Excuse me," I said, "I have left my hat and a few papers inside, and
having a canon's key, I will save you the trouble of locking up. But
permit me to suggest that it is still very early in April and the
night is cold. Why not give up the rest of your walk for to-night, and
return again on one the glorious nights in May or June?"
Without uttering a syllable in reply, she turned on her heel, and
began slowly descending the staircase into the transept. My curiosity
was now fairly on the alert, and I resolved to unravel the mystery, at
least so far as to discover by what means she would leave the
cathedral, and in what direction she would go. Stepping for a moment
inside the library, I hastily but quietly slipped off my shoes on the
matting of the floor, and followed her barefoot and silent. She was
just stepping from the staircase into the transept, when I caught
sight of her again. With the same steady and self-possessed action
which she had displayed throughout, she crossed the transept, and made
straight for a small postern door which led, as I knew, into the
garden of the bishop's palace. This she unlocked, and I made sure
that, having passed through, she would lock it again behind her.
Whether, however, she was a little forgetful that night, or whether
the unexpected _rencontre_ with a stranger had ruffled the tranquil
serenity of her trance, it so happened that she omitted to turn the
lock, and I was able, after gently reopening the door, to trace her
progress still further. Under the noble cedars of the episcopal
gardens, past long flower-beds and fresh-mown lawns, I followed her
barefoot, until we arrived within a few yards of the hinder buildings
of the palace. Here I stopped under the dark shade of a cedar, and
watched my companion walk coolly up to a little oaken, iron-clamped
door, open it, and disappear within the house. Then of course I
retraced my steps toward the cathedral. But stopping again under one
of the magnificent cedars, I could not avoid a few moments' reflection
on the exceedingly odd position into which accident had brought me.
Here was I, alone and barefooted, standing, at two o'clock in the
morning, on the lawn of the palace, where I had no more business than
I had at the top of the spire; and the only place in which I could
find shelter for the night was the cathedral itself, a building {684}
that most people would rather avoid than enter during the small hours.
The queerness of my situation, however, did not prevent me from
enjoying to the full the extreme loveliness of the gardens, and the
glorious view of the splendid edifice, rising white and clear in the
moonlight above their shady alleys and recesses.
On regaining the library, I dozed away the remainder of the dark hours
in the same commodious arm-chair, and as soon as the bell began to
toll for the seven o'clock prayers, I passed unnoticed out of the
building and regained my lodgings.
"Been keeping a coast-guard night, sir?" said Mrs. Jollisole, as she
set the breakfast things in order.
"Why, yes, Mrs. Jollisole," I answered; "I did enjoy some rather
extensive prospects last night."
And that was all that passed. I had fixed it in my own mind that I
would keep my own counsel strictly until I should have called at the
palace, and communicated the whole of the circumstances in confidence
to the bishop, with whom I was slightly acquainted.
This plan I carried into effect in the course of the morning. His
lordship was at home, and listened with his customary kindness and
courtesy to the whole of my romantic recital. Just as I was finishing,
his study door opened, and a young lady entered, dressed in black,
tall, and strikingly beautiful, though looking pale and fagged.
Glancing at me she gave a slight start, and taking a book from one of
the shelves, instantly left the room, after a few muttered words of
apology for disturbing the bishop. It was my companion of the library
and the tower.
"I see," said his lordship, "that you have recognized the ghost. That
young lady is an orphan niece of mine, and has been brought up in my
house from her infancy. Never strong, she has reduced what vigor she
possesses by her ardent love of books, and her intellectual interest
is awake to all kinds of subjects. She is equally unwearied in
visiting amongst the poor, and often returns home from her rounds in a
state of exhaustion from which it is difficult to rouse her. About a
twelvemonth ago we first noticed the appearance of a tendency to
somnambulism. She was removed for several weeks to the sea-side, and
we began to hope that a permanent improvement had set in. A severe
loss, however, which she has lately sustained, has, I fear, done her
great injury, and here is proof of the old malady returning. We are
indebted to you, sir," added the kind old man, "for your judicious and
thoughtful way of proceeding under the circumstances of last night,
and for at once putting me in possession of the details, which will
enable me to take the necessary precautions."
Before leaving the bishop's company, I begged him to go with me into
the cathedral, and to be present while a carpenter removed the
woodwork of the library window in order to recover the key. This he
consented at once to do, and we crossed the gardens by the very route
which "the ghost" and I had traversed during the night. On removing
the panelling, we found that the depth of the chink was comparatively
trifling, and the key was soon seen shining among the dust.
I was further gratified by another discovery, which, together with the
extreme pleasure that it gave the bishop, quite indemnified me for my
night's imprisonment. We noticed, partially concealed by rubbish in a
niche of the wall below the panelling, the corner of a vellum
covering. On further examination, this proved to be a MS. copy of St.
Matthew's Gospel, not indeed of the most ancient date, but adorned
with very rare and curious illumination, and making an excellent
addition to the stores of the library. After a _tete-a-tete_ dinner
that evening with the friendly bishop, we spent a pleasant hour or two
in a thorough inspection of the newly-found treasure.
It was little more than a month afterward that I heard the great bell
in the western tower toll the tidings {685} of a death. One week more,
and a sorrowing procession of school-children and women of the
alms-houses filed from the transept into the quiet cloister-ground,
there to bury the last remains of one who would seem to have been to
them in life a loving and much-loved friend. It was so. The eager
brain and the yearning heart, worn out with unequal labors, were laid
to rest for ever. The bishop's frail nursling was dead.
----
From The Month.
CATHOLIC PHILOSOPHY IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY
The errors of the present day are generally the consequences of some
false principle admitted long ago, and many may be traced clearly to
the calamities of the sixteenth century. One of these is, that the
mediaeval learning preserved (as was declared at the Council of Trent)
chiefly among the monks was in its nature useless and trifling, fitted
only to amuse ignorant and narrow-minded men in the darkness of the
middle ages, and consisted in certain metaphysical speculations and
logical quibbles, called scholastic teaching. Several French writers
have done much to disabuse men of this prejudice, by making known the
amount of knowledge and science attained by mediaeval scholars, whose
works are despised because they are too scarce to be read, and perhaps
too deep to be understood in a less studious age. One of these
champions of he truth is Ozanam, who has traced with a master-hand the
preservation of all that was valuable in antiquity, through the
downfall of the empire; and he has rendered a subject which otherwise
it would have been presumption to approach a plain matter of history,
which the reader has only to receive, like other facts; so that we see
how, under the safeguard of the Church, the same powers which were
formerly used in vain by the philosophers for the discovery of truth,
were successfully used for the attainment its deeper mysteries. But
all that is human is marked by imperfection; and the very instinct
which led philosophers to "feel after" their Creator, and seek that
supreme good for which we were created, was misled by errors which all
ultimately ended in infidelity. It is not necessary to dwell on these.
A few words will remind the classical scholar that the Ionian school,
which sought truth by experiment, through the perception of the
senses, leads to fatalism and pantheism; while Pythagoras, who sought
by reason and the sciences him who is above and beyond their sphere,
left the disappointed reason in a state of doubt and indifference, or
else despair. Plato alone pursued a course of safety. Taking the
existence of God as a truth derived perhaps from patriarchal teaching,
he used the Socratic method of induction only for the destruction of
falsehood, and received with fearless candor all that the poets taught
of superhuman goodness and beauty; for though the symbolism of the
poets degenerated into disgusting idolatry, they have been called the
truest of heathen teachers. It is well known how Aristotle
strengthened the reasoning power; but the mighty power had no object
on which to put forth its strength, and the more noble minds rejected
at once both reasoning and experiment, and sought for religion in the
mysticism of Alexandria. Such was the wreck and waste of all that man
could do without revelation, {686} and so sickening was the
disappointment, that St. Augustin would fain have closed the Christian
schools to Virgil and Cicero, which he loved once too well; but St.
Gregory, brought up as he was a Roman and a Christian, had nothing to
repent of or to destroy, and classic letters were preserved by
Christians.
Ozanam found pleasure in believing that Christianity, while as yet
concealed in the catacombs, was "in all senses undermining ancient
Rome," and that it had an ameliorating effect on the Stoic, which was
then the best sect of the philosophers; so that Seneca, instead of
following the lantern of Zeno, who confused the natures of God and
man, learnt from St. Paul not only to distinguish them, but also the
relation in which man regards his Creator and Father, whom he serves
with free-will and love, by subduing his body to the command of his
soul. But the pride of philosophy may be modified without being
subdued. The principle of heathenism is "the antagonist of
Christianity: one is from man, and for man; the other from God, and
for God." It was the object of St. Paul and the first fathers of the
Church to liberate the intellect as well as the affections from
perversion, and to teach how the treasures of antiquity might be used
by Christians for religion, as the spoils of Egypt and the luxurious
perfumes of the Magdalen. And after the fierce battle of Christianity
with paganism was over, the triumph of the Church was completed under
Constantine by the Christianization of literature; that is, by using
in the service of truth all those powers which had been wasted in the
ineffectual efforts for its discovery. "A mixed mass of ancient
learning was saved from the wreck of the Roman world; and as Pope
Boniface preserved the splendid temple of the Pantheon, and dedicated
it to the worship of God glorified in his saints, so the doctors of
the Church employed the logic and eloquence of the philosophers
without adopting their theories. This was not always easy, and some,
like Origen and Tertullian, fell into error; for the distinctive
character of Christian teaching is to be dogmatic, not argumentative,
submitting the conclusions of reason to the decisions of inspired
authority, and the province of reason has bounds which it cannot
pass."
Gradually a Christian literature arose. Not only in the still
classical Roman schools, but in those of Constantinople, Asia, and
Africa, pagan writings were used as subservient to the training of
Christian authors, and the fourth century was the golden age of
intellect as well as sanctity. The fathers employed their classical
training in the study of the Holy Scriptures; but, according to the
true principle of sacred study, they sought from Almighty God himself
the grace which alone can direct the use of the intellectual powers.
"From the three senses of Holy Scripture" (says St. Bonaventure, in a
passage quoted by Ozanam out of his _Redactio Artium ad Theologiam_)
"descended three schools of Scriptural teaching. The _allegorical_,
which declares matters of faith, in which St. Augustin was a doctor,
and in which he was followed by St. Anselm and others, who taught by
discussion. The _moral_, on which St. Gregory founded his preaching
and taught men the rule of life, in which he was followed by St.
Bernard who belongs also to the mystical school and by a host of
preachers. While from the third or _analogical_ sense, St. Dionysius
taught by contemplation the manner in which man may unite himself to
God." Ozanam names a chain of authors as belonging to this school of
"Boethius, who on the eve of martyrdom wrote the consolations of that
sorrow which is concealed under the illusions of the world; Isidore,
Bede, Rabanus, Anselm, Bernard, Peter Damian, Peter the Lombard, who
rejoiced 'to cast his sentences like the widow's mite into the
treasury of the temple, Hugo, and Richard of St. Victor, Peter the
Spaniard, Albert, St. Bonaventure, and St. Thomas."
{687}
"Under the barbarian rule, all the intellectual, an well as the
devout, took sanctuary in the cloister; so that when the Arian
Lombards attacked the centre of Christendom, they were opposed only by
the teaching and discipline of the Church as perfected by St. Gregory;
and the power of these must have been supernatural, as the influence
of letters was nearly lost in Rome. Then, in defence of the faith, St.
Benedict marshalled a new band of devoted champions in the mountains
of Subiaco, and he made it a part of their duty to preserve the
treasures of learning, and to employ them in the service of religion;
and these monks," says Ozanam, "who spent six hours in choir,
transcribed in their cells the historians and even the poets of Greece
and Rome, and bequeathed to the middle ages the most valuable writings
of antiquity."
It is agreed by all that Charlemagne was the founder of the middle
ages; and he opened the schools in which theology was formed into a
science, and gained the title of scholastics. Alcuin was the
instrument by whom Charlemagne remodelled European literature, with
the authority of the Church and councils, tradition and the fathers.
Of these the Greek were little known west of Constantinople; and the
chief representative of the Latin fathers was St. Augustin. There were
a few later writers, as Boethius on the "Consolation of Philosophy,"
and Cassidorus, who wrote _De Septem Disciplinis_.
"Every one knows," says Ozanam, "that when Europe was robbed of
ancient literature by the invasion of barbarians, the remains of
science, saved by pious hands, were divided into seven arts, and
enclosed in the Trivium and Quadrivium." These arts were grammar,
rhetoric, logic, and mathematics, which last comprehended arithmetic
and geometry, music and astronomy. "The establishment of public
schools in cent, ix.," says Ozanam, "assisted the progress of
reasoning, till it became in itself an art capable of being employed
indifferently to prove either side of an argument. The science of
words was no longer that of grammar, but became dialectics; and words
were used lightly as a mere play of the intellect, or as a mechanical
process to analyze truth." But it can never be lawful for a Christian
to discuss what has been revealed, as though it were possible that
those who reject it may be right; nor to consider truth as an open
question, which is still to be decided, and may be sought by those
rules of reasoning which had been laid down by Aristotle for the
discovery of what was as yet unknown. It was for this reason that, as
Ozanam says, Tertullian called Aristotle the patriarch of heretics;
yet his rules of reasoning were right, and the error lay in using them
amiss. Thus the Manichaeans reasoned when they should have believed,
and the Paulicians subjected the Holy Scriptures to their own
interpretation, and rejected all that was above their comprehension;
and thus in after-times did the Albigenses, and then the Protestants
of the sixteenth, and the Liberals of the nineteenth, century.
It was in 891 that Paschasius wrote, for the instruction of his
convent, a treatise on the Holy Eucharist, in which he proved by
reasoning that doctrine which "the whole world believes and
confesses;" but he was contradicted by Ratram, who first put forth the
heresy that the real presence is only figurative, and then the Church
pronounced the dogma of transubstantiation. From that time theologians
were obliged to confute the intellectual heresies of philosophers by
fighting, as on common ground, with the weapons of argument which were
used by both, in order to defend the doctrines which had been hitherto
declared simply and by authority, as by our Lord himself. "Now," says
Ozanam, "mysteries were subjected to definitions, and revelation was
divided into syllogisms. And as the love of argument 'increased, the
disputants took up the question which {688} had been discussed among
heathen philosophers as to the abstract existences which are called
universal forms or ideas; types of created things eternally existing
in the mind of God, according to the teaching of St. Bonaventure. And
when these were discovered by metaphysics, logic was exercised upon
them; and a dispute arose as to whether truth exists independently of
the perceptions of man. The Platonists asserted that it does, and this
belief, which they called idealism, was held by the divines, and was
called realism, while those who denied that it exists independently of
man were said to be nominalists." In modern days the dispute of
realism and nominalism is laughed at as an idle war of words; but the
war is, in truth, on principles, and still divides the orthodox and
unbeliever, and the names of realism and nominalism are only changed
for objective and subjective truth.
A painful experience had long prevailed that the spirit of controversy
is destructive of devotion; and the more devout, weary of the wars of
philosophers, rejected logic, and found in the mystic school that
repose which had been sought even by heathens in a counterfeit
mysticism, in which the evil powers deluded men by imitating divine
inspirations. According to Ozanam, "Christian mysticism is idealism in
its most brilliant form, which seeks truth in the higher regions of
spontaneous inspiration;" and he goes on to explain, from the writings
of St. Dionysius, that its nature is contemplative, ascetic, and
symbolical. It is _contemplative_, as it brings man into the presence
of the immense indivisible God, from whom all power, life, and wisdom
descend upon man through the hierarchies of the angels and through the
Church, and whose divine influences act in nine successive spheres
through all the gradations between existence and nothing. It is
_ascetic_, as it acts on the will through the link which connects the
body with the mind, and regulates the passions through the inferior
part of the soul. This "medicine of souls" was taught by the fathers
of the desert, who were followed by all the mystic doctors; and it was
on this reciprocal action of physics and morals that St. Bonaventure
afterward wrote the Compendium. It is _symbolic_, because it takes the
creation as a symbol of spiritual things, and the external world as
the shadow of what is invisible. The union of man with God is the
object and fullness of the knowledge which regards both the divine and
human nature, and levels all intellects in the immediate presence of
God. This was imparted to Adam, and restored by Christ our Lord, who
left it in the keeping of the Church. The first uninspired teacher of
this mystic theology is thought to have been Dionysius the Areopagite,
and the martyred Bishop of Athens, or, as some say, of Paris. In the
festival of his martyrdom it is declared "that he wrote books, which
are admirable and heavenly, concerning the divine names, the heavenly
and ecclesiastical hierarchy, and on mystical theology." Ozanam quotes
a fragment from his writings, which teaches that the indivisibility of
God is intangible by mathematical abstractions of quantity, and
indefinable by logic, because definition is analysis; and it is
incomparable, because there are no terms of comparison.
The teaching of St. Dionysius was not forgotten when the knowledge of
Greek was lost in the west. He was succeeded in this religious and
Christian philosophy by St. Anselm in the eleventh century. In his
_Monologium, De Ratione Fidei_, he supposes an ignorant man to be
seeking the truth with the sole force of his reason, and disputing in
order to discover a truth hitherto unknown. "Every one, for the most
part," he says, "if he has moderate understanding, may persuade
himself, by reason alone, as to what we necessarily believe of God;
and this he may do in many ways, each according to that best suited to
himself;" {689} and he goes on to say that his own mode consists in
deducing all theological truths from one point--the being of God. All
the diversity of beautiful, great, and good things supposes an ideal
one or unity of beauty, and this unity is God. Hence St. Anselm
derives the attributes of God--the creation, the Holy Trinity, the
relation of man to God, in a word, all theology. The _Proslogium_, or
truth demonstrating itself, is a second work, in which St. Anselm
proposes to demonstrate truth which has been already attained. "As in
the first he had, at the request of some brothers, written _De Ratione
Fidei_ in the person who seeks by reasoning what he 'does not know, so
he now seeks for some one of these many arguments which should require
no proof but from itself. He was the first to use the famous argument,
that from the sole idea of God is derived the demonstration of his
existence. He thus begins the _Proslogium:_ 'The fool hath said in his
heart, there is no God. Wherefore the most foolish atheist has in his
mind the idea of the sovereign good, which good cannot exist in
thought only, because a yet greater good can still be conceived. This
sovereign good therefore exists independently of the thought, and is
God.'" It is not worth while to follow out the errors which arose in
the middle ages from nominalism. In the eleventh century Roscelin
carried it to the absurdity of saying that ideas are only words, and
that nothing real exists except in particulars. And Philip of
Champeaux asserted the opposite extreme, and denied the existence of
all but universals; as that humanity alone exists, of which men are
mere parts or fragments. It was in the twelfth century that Abelard,
who had been trained in both these systems, came forth in the pride of
his vast intellect to reconcile them by a new theory, but his search
after truth was by a mere intellectual machinery, to be employed by
science in order to construct general scheme of human knowledge; while
it led to the rejection of that simple faith which believes without
examination, and substituted the system of rationalism, so fruitful to
this day of error and unbelief.
It was while men were constructing this intellectual tower of Babel
that Almighty God raised up as the champion of the truth the meek and
holy St. Bernard. Like David he laid aside his weapons of reasoning,
and left his cloister to overthrow the gigantic foe. In the cowl of
St. Benedict, he declared that the truth, which men sought by human
efforts, was to be received in faith as the gift of God, from whom all
knowledge and light proceeds. And it was not the powers of his
well-trained faculties, nor his classical and poetical studies, but
his prayers, which gained the victory; so that, as by miracle,
Abelard, the most eloquent disputant of his age, stood mute before the
saint, who taught that faith is no opinion attained by reasoning, but
a conviction beyond all proof that truth is revealed by God. This had
been the teaching of St. Gregory, who said that faith which is founded
on reason has no merit; and of St. Augustin, who said that faith is no
opinion founded on reflection, but an interior conviction; and of the
apostle, who said that faith is the certainty of things unseen. It is
consoling to read that the holy influence of St. Bernard did not only
silence his adversary; the heart of Abelard was melted, he laid aside
the studies in which he had so nearly lost his soul, and he made his
submission to the Church, and sought the forgiveness of St. Bernard.
Soon afterward he died a penitent, sorrowing for his moral and
intellectual offences. But evil does not end with the guilty; and his
school has continued brilliant in intellect and taste, but
presumptuous in applying them to the examination of truth. On the
other hand, the two folio volumes of St. Bernard have been always a
treasury of devotion, where the saints and pious of all succeeding
ages have been trained. It is impossible for words to {690} contain
more thought; and he had the gift of penetrating thoughts contained in
the inspired writings; as when he wrote twenty-four sermons on the
three first verses of the Canticles. Ozanam says that St. Pierre
perceived a fresh world of insects each day that he examined a single
strawberry-leaf; and thus in the spiritual world the intellect of St.
Bernard contemplated and beheld wonders with a sort of microscopic
infinity, while his vast comprehension was analogous in its
discoveries to the telescope. Such were the gifts conferred by God on
the humble abbot of Clairvaux.
There were in the time of St. Bernard other great teachers: Peter the
Venerable, St. Norbert, Godfrey, Richard, and Hugo, all monks of St.
Victor. Ozanam says that he embraced the three great modes of
teaching--that is, the allegorical, moral, and analogical; and
preceded St. Bonaventure in a gigantic attempt to form an
encyclopaedia of human knowledge, based on the truth declared by St.
James, that every good and perfect gift descends from the Father of
light, who is above.
With a vast amount of literary treasures the crusaders had brought
from the east, in the twelfth century, the Greek authors, with their
Arab commentators. They brought the physics, metaphysics, and morals
of Aristotle; and they brought also the pantheism, which, says
Ratisbon, the Saracens, like the early Stoics, had learnt from the
Brahmins, who believe that men have two souls--one inferior and led by
instinct, the other united and identical with God. This fatal error
was received by a daring school, to which Frederic of Sicily was
suspected to belong. It was to confute this school that St. Bernard
had taught in his sermons on the Canticles that union with God is not
by confusion of natures, but conformity of will. The poison entered
Europe from the west as well as the east; the Arabs in Spain mixed the
delusions of Alexandria with the subtleties of Aristotle, and the
result was such men as Averroes and Avicenna. Gerbert, afterward
Silvester II., had himself studied in Spain, and brought back into the
European schools not only the philosophy of Aristotle, but the Jewish
translations of Averroes. The unlearned monks of the west were
naturally alarmed at the new works on physics, astronomy, and alchemy,
and especially at the logic of Aristotle, and the terrible eruption of
pantheism. It was then that the Church exercised her paternal
authority, and condemned the confusion of the limits between faith and
opinion, and the degradation of the sciences to mere worldly purposes.
Ozanam gives the bull issued in 1254 by Innocent IV., in which he
complains that the study of civil law was substituted for that of
philosophy, and that theology itself was banished from the education
of priests. "We desire to bring back men's minds to the teaching of
theology, which is the science of salvation; or at least to the study
of philosophy, which, though it does not possess the gentle pleasures
of piety, yet has the first glimpses of that eternal truth which frees
the mind from the hindrance of covetousness, which is idolatry."
The tendency of philosophical errors was now rendered apparent by
their development, so that what was at first a vague opinion was now a
broad and well-defined system. Those who were firm in the teaching of
the Church found it necessary to use every means for opposing such
multiplied evils, and they boldly ventured on a Christian eclecticism,
which should employ all the faculties and all the modes of using them
in the service of religion; but it was not like the eclecticism of
Alexandria, where the ideas of Plato were united with the forms of
Aristotle, and adorned by the delusions of magic. The strength of
Christian eclecticism lay in the pure unity of faith, defended by all
the powers of man. {691} "Both analysis and synthesis," says Ozanam,
"are harmonized in true science: they are the two poles of the
intellectual world, and have the same axis and horizon. The
intersecting point of the two systems was the union of what is true in
realism and nominalism with mystic teaching, and the eclectic admitted
the experience of the senses as well as the deductions of reason and
the intuition of mysticism with the testimony of learning. Thus were
united in the study of truth the four great powers of the soul,
reason, tradition, experience, and intuition." But it has been
remarked that some of the masters who taught by experiment and
tradition were persecuted as magicians, and some of those who used
reason and intuition were canonized. Both, however, observed the
ascetic life, of which the abstinence of Pythagoras and the endurance
of the Stoics were imitations, and all practised the virtues most
opposite to heathen morality, namely, humility and charity. The first
attempt at uniting the different opinions of the learned was made by
Peter Lombard, who collected the sentences of the fathers into a work,
which gained him the title of Master of the Sentences, and which was
afterward perfected in the _Summa_ of St. Thomas. Albert the Great
left the palace of his ancestors for the Dominican cloister. He
studied at Cologne, and was unequalled in learning and psychology.
While he reasoned on ideas, he made experiments on matter; nay, he
used alchemy, to discover unknown powers and supernatural agents. It
is said that his twenty-one folio volumes have never been sufficiently
studied by any one to pronounce on their merits. His work on the
universe was written against pantheism, and declares the presence of
God in every part of creation, without being confused with it. That
divine presence is the source of all power. "He was," says Ozanam (p.
33), "an Atlas, who carried on his shoulders the whole world of
science, and did not bend beneath its weight." He was familiar with
the languages of the ancients and of the east, and had imbibed
gigantic strength at these fountains of tradition. He believed in the
title of magician, which his disciples gave him; and he is remembered
by posterity rather as a mythological being than as a man.
The contemporary of Albert, says Ozanam, was Alexander Hales, who
wrote the "Summa of Universal Theology." William of Auvergne was a
Dominican and preceptor of St. Louis; he wrote _Specimen Doctrinale,
Naturale, Historiale;_ a division of the sciences and their end,
containing--1, theology, physics, and mathematics; 2, practice,
monastic, economic, and politic; 3, mechanics and arts; 4, logic and
words. Duns Scotus, a Franciscan, was more accurate in learning than
Albert himself; sound, though no discoverer in physics, and deep in
mathematics. He commented on Aristotle and Peter Lombard. From his
strength, sagacity, and precision, he was named the Doctor Subtilis.
He wrote on free will, and says that its perfection is conformity to
the will of God; and derives the moral law from the will of God,
according to St. Paul, "Sin is the transgression of the law." When St.
Thomas taught that the moral law is necessarily good because God is
good, and this question divided the learned into the schools of
Scotists and Thomists, Roger Bacon, an English Franciscan, was the
pupil of Scotus; but he was eclectic, and admitted both exterior and
interior experience, and the deductions of reason, into the
intercourse of the soul with God. Though he condemned magic as an
imposture, he wrote on alchemy, and with the simplicity of enthusiasm
he hoped to find the philosopher's stone, and to read the fall of
empires in the stars. He believed in the powers of human science, and
he hints at the possibility of a vessel moving without sails or oars;
and imagined a balloon, a diving-bell, a suspension bridge, and other
miracles of art, especially a telescope and a multiplying-glass.
Speaking of Greek {692} fire and unquenchable lamps, he says that art
as well as nature has its thunders, and describes the effect of
gun-powder, the attraction of the loadstone, and the sympathies
between minerals, plants, and animals; and says, "When I see the
prodigies of nature, nothing startles my faith either in the works of
man or in the miracles of God;" concluding, that Aristotle may not
have penetrated the deepest secrets of nature, and that the sages of
his own time will be surpassed by the novices of future days. He had
the same clear and sound views of supernatural things, and wrote on
the secret works of art and nature, and the falsehood of magic. "Man
cannot influence the spiritual world except by the lawful use of
prayer addressed to God and the angels, who govern not only the world
of spirits, but the destinies of man." Though called the Doctor
Mirabilis, he was suspected of magic, and died neglected in a prison,
where he had no light to finish his last works. His manuscripts were
burned at the Reformation, in a convent of his order, by men "who
professed," says Ozanam, "to restore the torch of reason, which had
been extinguished by the monks of the middle ages."
Raymond Lulli, the Doctor Illuminatus, was a Franciscan, the great
inventor of arts; but he was a philosophical adventurer, whose cast of
mind was Spanish, Arabian, African, and eastern. His youth was
licentious, his life turbulent, and his imagination restless; but he
died as a saint and a martyr on his return from liberating the
Christian slaves in Spain.
The glory of the Franciscan order is the Seraphical Doctor, St.
Bonaventure. He was educated under Hales, the Irrefragable Doctor. His
genius was keen and his judgment just, and he was a master of
scholastic theology and philosophy. But when he studied, it was at the
foot of a crucifix, with eyes drowned in tears from incessant
meditation on the passion of Christ. His life was dedicated to the
glory of God and his own sanctification; yet he spent much time in
actual prayer, because he knew from mystic theology that knowledge and
obedience are the gifts of God; and devoted himself to mortifications,
because they alone prepare the soul for the reception of divine grace
and intuition. Yet though he obtained the gift of ecstacy and the
grace of crucifying the human nature, he placed Christian perfection
not in heroic acts of virtue, but in performing ordinary actions well.
Ozanam quotes his words: "A constant fidelity in small things is a
great and heroic virtue; it is a continued crucifixion of self-love, a
complete sacrifice of self, an entice submission to grace." And his
own pale and worn countenance shone with a happiness and peace which
exemplified his maxim that spiritual joy is a sign that grace is
present in the soul. Though his desire for sacramental communion was
intense, yet we are told his great humility once kept him at a
distance from the altar, till an angel bore to him the consecrated
host; and the raptures with which he always received his God are
expressed, though doubtless imperfectly, in the burning words,
_Transfige Domine_, etc., which he was wont to utter after he had
himself offered the holy sacrifice. His devotional works, written for
St. Louis and others in his court, fill the heart with their unction,
and rank him as the great master of spiritual life. It was during the
intervals of ecstasies that he wrote; and while he was occupied on the
life of St. Francis, St. Thomas beheld him in his cell raised above
the earth, and the future saint exclaimed: "Leave a saint to write the
life of a saint."
It is with profound reverence that we must inquire what was the
intellectual teaching of so holy a man; and it is, indeed, so vast and
yet so deep that it exhausts all the human powers in contemplating the
nature of God and the end of man, which is his union to God. Ozanam
gives a passage from his work on the "Reduction of Arts to
Philosophy," in which he {693} says that philosophy is the medium by
which the theologian forms for himself a mirror (_speculum_) from
created things, which serve him as steps by which he may ascend to
heaven. He begins by the revealed truth, that every good and perfect
gift descends from the Father of light, and teaches of its descent by
these four ways--exterior, inferior, interior, and superior--through
successive irradiations, namely, Holy Scripture, experimental
mechanics, and philosophy, which succeed each other like the days of
creation, all converging in the light of Holy Scripture, and all
succeeded by that seventh day in which the soul will rest in the
perfect knowledge of heaven.
1. Exterior light, or tradition, relates to the exterior forms of
matter, and produces the mechanical arts, which were divided by Hugo
into seven--weaving, work in wood and in stone, agriculture, hunting,
navigation, theatricals, and medicine.
2. Inferior light, or that of the senses, awakens in the mind the
perceptions of the five senses, as St. Augustin says, by that fine
essence whose nature and whose seat baffles all our discoveries.
3. Interior light, or reason, teaches us by the processes of thought
those intellectual truths which are fixed in the human mind by
physics, logic, and ethics, through rational, natural, and moral
action on the will, the conduct, and the speech, which are the triple
functions of the understanding, and on the three faculties of the
reason--apprehension, judgment, and action; this interior light acts
on outward things by physics, mathematics, and metaphysics, and
perceives God in all things by logic, by physics, and by ethics. And
he goes on to consider truth as it is in the essence of words, things,
and actions.
4. The superior light proceeds from grace and from the Holy
Scriptures, and reveals the truths relating to salvation and
sanctification. It is named from its raising us to the knowledge of
things above us, and because it descends from God by way of
inspiration and not by reflection. This light also is threefold. Holy
Scripture contains, under the literal sense of the words, the
allegorical, which declares what must be believed concerning God and
man; the moral, which teaches us how to live; the analogical, which
gives the laws by which man may unite himself to God. And the teaching
of Holy Scripture contains three points--faith, virtue, and beatitude.
The course by which knowledge must be sought is by,
1, tradition; 2, experiment; 3, reason; and 4, a descent as it were by
the same road, so as to find the stamp of the divinity on all which is
conceived, or felt, or thought. All sciences are pervaded by
mysteries; and it is by laying hold of the clue of the mystery that
all the depths of each science are explored.
It was to Mount Alvernia, where his master, St. Francis, so lately
received the stigmata, that St. Bonaventure retired to write the
_Itinerarium Mentis ad Deum_, in which he treats on the divine nature,
and considers God as manifesting himself in three modes, and man as
receiving the knowledge of him by the three functions of memory,
understanding, and will.
Ozanam says: "To these triple functions of the mind God manifests
himself in three ways: 1, by the traces of his creation in the world;
2, by his image in human nature; 3, by the light which he sheds on the
superior region of the soul. Those who contemplate him in the first
are in the vestibule of the tabernacle; those who rise to the second
are in the holy place; those who reach the third are within the holy
of holies, where the two cherubim figured the unity of the divine
essence and the plurality of divine persons." He likens the invisible
existence of God to the light, which, though unseen, enables the eye
to perceive colors; and proves from his existence his unity, eternity,
and perfection; and from the eternal action of his goodness he deduces
the doctrine of the Trinity.
{694}
The _Breviloquium_ treats on the nature of man, who exists not of
himself, nor by emanation from God, but was called into life out of
nothing by the Creator, and lives by no mortal life borrowed from the
outer world, but by its own and immortal life, intelligent and free.
These attributes of God are communicated by him to his creatures
according to his own law, "that the superior shall be the medium of
grace to the inferior." The happiness of the soul must be immortal and
is in God, and she can exist separated from this body which she
inhabits and moves. Ozanam says: "The _Compendium Theologies
Veritatis_ treats of the connection between physics and morals, and
inquires how the body indicates the variations of the soul by that
mysterious link on which the scientific speculate, but which the saint
treats as a subject not for dogmatizing but for contemplation,
assisted by the mortification which alone brings the passions into
subserviency. But the Seraphic Doctor left his teaching unfinished.
Some of his spiritual works have been translated by the Abbe
Berthaumier; and the reader will find that what has been said gives an
imperfect idea of the writings of this doctor of the Church, which
fill six folio volumes, and have scarcely been mastered by a few,
though they have warmed the devotion of many; and one short treatise,
called the "Soliloquy," is of such a nature as to include the whole
science of devotion. It represents the soul contemplating God, not in
his creatures, but within itself, and asking what is her own position
in his presence: created by him, and sinning against him; redeemed by
him, and yet sinning; full of contrition, yet firm in the hope of
glory. The teaching of St. Paul is continued by St. Augustin, St.
Ambrose, and St. Bernard; and it seems as if no other book were
needful. One passage, and one only, may show the treasures it
contains. The soul is convinced of the vanity of created things, and
asks how men are so blinded as to love them. Because the soul is
created with so glorious and sensitive a nature, that it cannot live
without love; and while the elect find nothing in created things which
can satisfy their desire of happiness, and therefore rest in the
contemplation of God, the deluded multitude neglect themselves for
passing objects, and love their exile as if it were their home. But
Ozanam does not leave his history of intellectual progress to treat of
spiritual gifts.
St. Thomas was born nearly at the same time as St. Bonaventure, in the
same wild valleys of the Apennines. They studied together at Paris;
they lived and died and were canonized together.
It was said by Pallavicini that "when, in the twelfth century, the
Arabs made Cordova a second Athens, and Averroes used the philosophy
of Aristotle as a weapon against the faith, God raised up the
intellect of St. Thomas, who, by deep study of Aristotle, found in his
own principles a solution of the arguments used by infidels; and the
scholastics, following him, have so employed Aristotle to defend
Christianity, that whosoever rebels against the Vatican rebels also
against the Lycaeum." St. Thomas had, however, to confute the errors
of Aristotle, and of Abelard and others who had followed them, while
he set forth the great truths of reason which he taught. It was in
1248 that he published a comment on the "Ethics." He had himself, says
Ozanam, the learning and the weight of Aristotle; his power of
analysis and classification, and the same sobriety of language. He had
also studied the Timaeus of Plato, the doctrines of Albert, Alexander
Hales, and John of Salisbury. He followed the school of St. Augustin,
and drew from St. Gregory his rule of morals. His comments on the
Sentences contain a methodical course of philosophy, as his _Summa_
contains an abridgment of divinity. In an extract given by Ozanam, St.
Thomas says, faith considers beings in relation to God; philosophy, as
they {695} are in themselves. Philosophy studies second causes; faith,
the first cause alone. In philosophy the notion of God is sought from
the knowledge of creatures, so that the notion of God is second to
that of his creatures; faith teaches first the notion of God, and
reveals in him the universal order of which he is the centre, and so
ends by the knowledge of creatures; and this is the most perfect
method, because human understanding is thus assimilated to the divine;
which contemplating itself contemplates all things in itself.
Theology, therefore, only borrows from philosophy illustrations of the
dogmas she offers to our faith.
It was in 1265 that, at the request of St. Raymond de Pennafort, St.
Thomas wrote the _Summa Theologies_ against the infidels in Spain; a
book which has ever since been considered as a perfect body of
theology and the manual of the saints. "In the philosophy of St.
Bonaventure," says Ozanam, "the leading guide was perhaps rather the
divine love than the researches of intellect." St. Thomas combined all
the faculties under the rule of a lofty meditation and a solemn
reason, uniting the abstract perceptions beheld by the understanding
with the images of external things received by the senses. "It was a
vast encyclopaedia of moral sciences, in which was said all that can
be known of God, of man and his relations to God; in short, _Summa
totius theologies_. This monument, harmonious though diverse, colossal
in its dimensions, and magnificent in its plan, remained unfinished,
like all the great political, literary, and architectural creations of
the middle age, which seem only to be shown and not suffered to
exist." And the Doctor Angelicus left the vast outline incomplete.
That outline is to be appreciated only by the learned; the ignorant
may guess its greatness by a catalogue, however meagre, of its
contents. In the first part, or the natural, St. Thomas treats of the
nature of God and of creatures; his essence, his attributes, and the
mystery of the Holy Trinity; then, in relation to his creatures, as
their Creator and Preserver. In the second, or moral, part he treats
of general principles, of virtues and vices, of the movement of the
reasonable creature toward God, of his chief end, and on the qualities
of the actions by which he can attain it, of the theological and moral
virtues. In the third, or theological, part he examines the means of
attaining God, the incarnation and the sacraments. In the _Summa_,
says Ozanam, "the notions of things lead to the attributes of the
divinity, unity, goodness, and truth; thus, natural theology arrived
at the unity as well as the attributes of God, while from his action
is deduced his Personality and Trinity. Then follows the nature of
good and bad angels, of souls in a separate state; and then the
science of man considered as a compound being of soul and body,
endowed with intellect for receiving impressions from the divine light
above, and from its reflection on things below. He is also endowed
with desire, by which he is formed to seek goodness and happiness, but
is free in will to chose vice or virtue; and the rejection of sin, and
acquisition of virtue, in a life regulated by divine human law, is a
shadow of life in heaven. Enough has been said to show how lofty was
the teaching of the saint; to whose invocation large indulgences are
attached, and who had the task of composing the office used on the
festival of Corpus Domini. The great object of his adoration and
contemplation was the mystery of the real presence; and his _Adoro Te
devote_ may be used as an act of worship at the holiest moment of the
sacrifice of the altar. The ecstasy of his joy in communion is
expressed in the _Gratias Tibi ago_; and he declared his faith in the
mystery as he lay on the ashes where he died. And this pure faith is
recorded by Raphael, who represents him in his picture of the 'Dispute
on the Blessed Eucharist' among the doctors of all ages before the
miraculous host."
{696}
Like all other saints, he sought detachment by mortification, and the
love of God by prayer. His principle was, that prayer must precede
study, because more is learnt from the crucifix than from books; and
his last maxim was, that in order to avoid being separated from God by
sin, a man must walk as in the sight of God and prepared for judgment.
When he laid aside his religious studies to prepare for eternity, he
used the words of St. Augustin: "Then shall I truly live when I am
full of thee and thy love; now am I a burden to myself, because I am
not entirely full of thee."
Mystic theology was now carried to perfection by Gersen, abbot of the
Benedictine monastery of Verceuil from 1220 to 1240. Many attribute to
him the authorship of the "Imitation of Christ;" there are, however, a
number of others who do not agree with this opinion. The "Imitation"
is generally ranked as coming very close after the inspired writings.
What is said of the interior life is more or less intelligible to
those who are endeavoring after perfection, but must be unintelligible
to any who have not the faith: _"Una vox librorum"_ (iii. 43), says
the author; but the one voice does not teach all alike, for he who is
within is the teacher of truth. The four books are in the hands of
all. The contents of the first are on the conduct of men as to the
exterior world, and the qualities necessary for the following of
Christ--humility, detachment, charity, and obedience; then grace will
be found, not in external things, but within, in a mind calm,
obedient, and seeking not to adapt but to master circumstances. The
second teaches him who turns from creatures that the kingdom of God is
within, and that the government of this inner world is the science of
perfection: "Give room to Christ and refuse entrance to others; then
will man be free amid the chaos, and creatures will be to him only the
_speculum vitae_." Seek Christ in all, and you will find him in all;
seek self, and you will find it everywhere: one thing is above all,
that leaving all you leave self. In the third book the soul listens to
the internal voice of God, who makes known to her that he is her
salvation; and she therefore prays for the one gift of divine love. It
is impossible, perhaps not desirable, to repeat the devout aspirations
of this divine love. May those who read the holy words receive their
import through the light of grace! The fourth book relates to the
union of the soul with her Lord through sacramental communion; and
this can only be read in the hours of devotion.
It is presumptuous to say even thus much of the great saints who lived
in the thirteenth century, how is it possible to undervalue the
progress they made in all the highest powers of the soul? or who can
speak of the schools of the middle ages as deserving of contempt in
days which cannot comprehend them?
Ozanam desires to show that Dante was trained in this exalted
learning, and has embodied what he learnt in his _Divina Commedia_. He
speaks of the full development attained by scholastic teaching in
those great teachers, after whom no efforts were made to extend the
limits of human knowledge; and he speaks of the perplexities which
arose with the anti-papal schism. "It was to the calm and majestic
philosophy of the thirteenth century," says Ozanam, "that Dante turned
his eyes; and his great poem declared to an age, which understood him
not, the contemplative, ascetic, and symbolical teaching of the mystic
school, which he had studied in the _Compendium_ of St. Bonaventure
and the _Summa_ of St. Thomas;" and he proves by an analysis of that
wonderful poem that it contains not only the great truths of
revelation, but the spirit of the decaying mediaeval philosophy:
"O voi che avete gli intelletti sani,
Mirate la dottrina che ascende
Sotto 'l velame del versi strani."
------
{697}
Translated from the Revue du Monde Catholique.
WHAT CAME OF A PRAYER.
In the fifth story of an old house in the Rue du Four-Saint-Germain,
lay a sick woman whose pale emaciated face bore traces of age and
sorrow. Beside her bed was a young man, whose tender care showed him
to be her son. The furniture of the apartment, though of the plainest
kind, was neatly and carefully arranged, while the crucifix at the
head of the bed and a statue of the Blessed Virgin marked the
Christian family. The youth had just given his mother a spoonful of
gruel, and she had fallen asleep smiling on her son--that quiet sleep
attendant on recovery from severe illness. He knelt to thank God for
having saved his mother's life, and while he prays, and she sleeps,
without disturbing the prayer of the one, or the sleep of the other, I
will tell you their story in a few words.
The father was a printer at Sceaux. Industrious, prudent, of
scrupulous integrity, loving justice and fearing God, he acquired by
his honest labor a competence for his old age and a fair prospect for
his son. Losses, failures, and unforeseen misfortunes ruined him, and
he found himself bankrupt. This blow sensibly affected him, but did
not overwhelm him. He was offered a situation as compositor in a
printing office in Paris, resumed the workman's dress, and
courageously began to work. His wife, as strong as he, never uttered a
complaint or regret. Their son was withdrawn from college to learn his
father's trade, and although so young, his heart was penetrated with
profound religious faith. Thus lived this humble household, resigned
and happy, because they loved each other, feared God, and accepted
trials. Several years elapsed, years of toil in their endeavors to
liquidate the debts of the past: fruitful, however, in domestic joys.
The child became a young man, and fulfilled the promises of his
childhood. God blessed these afflicted parents in their son.
Suddenly the father fell sick and died. Those of us who have wept at
the death-bed of a father, know the anguish of those hours when we
contemplate for the last time the beloved features which we are to see
no more on earth; the impressions of which grief time softens but can
never efface. For those who live entirely in the domestic circle, the
separation, in breaking the heart, breaks at the same time the tie to
life. Left thus alone, the mother and son were more closely united,
each gave to the other the love formerly bestowed upon him who was no
more. Jacques Durand was now twenty-five years old. His countenance
was frank and open, but serious and grave. He had the esteem of his
employer, the respect of his companions, and the sympathy of all who
knew him. He was not ashamed to be a mechanic, knowing the hidden
charm of labor when that labor is offered to God. During the month of
his mother's illness he did not leave her pillow. The physician
pronounced her, the day before our story opens, out of danger. You
understand now why the young man prayed with so much fervor while his
mother slept. His devotions were interrupted by a knock at the door.
It was Mme. Antoine, the porter's wife, a little loquacious, but
obliging to her tenants, in a word, such a portress as we find only in
books. Jacques, who was going out, had requested her to take his place
beside his mother. She entered quietly for fear of disturbing the
patient, received the directions which the young man gave her in a low
voice, and seating herself near the bedside, busied her skilful
fingers with her knitting. Old Antoine, the porter, stopped our friend
Jacques at the foot {698} of the staircase. He was polite, benevolent,
attached to his tenants, did not despise them if they were poor, and
rendered them a service if he could. He was an old soldier of 1814. He
delighted to speak of the French campaign, wore with pride the medal
of St. Helena, and showed a seal which he received at Champaubert. "In
remembrance of Napoleon," he says, raising his hat and straightening
his bent figure. I don't know of any fault that he had except relating
too often the battle of Champaubert.
"Well," said he, "how is Mme. Durand?" "Much better," replied the
youth, "she has just fallen into a quiet sleep, which the doctor
declares favorable to her recovery." "God be praised," resumes
Antoine. "Beg pardon, M. Jacques, I can tell you now Mme. Durand has
made us very uneasy." In saying this he gave the young man a cordial
shake of the hand, which the latter heartily returned.
In going out Jacques took the Rue du Vieux-Colembier, and entered the
office of the Mont-de-piete at the corner of La Croix-Rouge.
During his mother's illness he had spent many hard-earned savings, for
you already know he had imposed on himself the obligation of paying
the debts of the failure, and beside, detained at home with his
mother, he had been unable to earn anything during the month. Still
the doctor had to be paid, and medicines bought; the small sum
advanced by his employer was nearly exhausted, and he was now on his
way to pawn a silver fork and spoon. A young girl stood beside him in
the office, and as there were many to be served before himself, he
relieved the weariness of waiting by watching her. Her cap had no
ribbons, but was gracefully placed on her light hair; a woollen dress,
not new, nor of the latest fashion, but clean and well kept, a wedding
ring (doubtless her mother's legacy), and a plain shawl, completed her
poor toilette. Jacques was attracted by her modest air. Some
industrious seamstress, he said to himself. As his turn had now come,
he presented the fork and spoon--the value was ascertained--and the
sum paid. The girl, following him, drew from a napkin a half worn
cloak, which she offered with a timid air.
"Ten francs," says the clerk.
"Oh!" said she blushing, "if you could give me fifteen for it! See,
sir, the cloak is still good."
"Well, twelve francs; will you trade at that price?"
Having given her assent, she took the money and the receipt, and went
out. Jacques preceded her, and before passing out the door, he saw her
dry a tear. "She is weeping," he said to himself; "I suppose the rent
is unpaid. Poor girl! Stupid clerk!" With these reflections he arrived
at the druggist's; he bought the remedies prescribed by the doctor;
then certain that Mme. Antoine was taking good care of his charge, he
thought he should have time to say a prayer at the church of St.
Sulpice. Jacques had a particular devotion to the Blessed Virgin. It
is to her intercession he attributed his mother's cure: it is before
her altar that he knelt. His prayer was an act of thanksgiving and a
petition for a new favor. His mother wished him to marry; he had often
dreamed of cheering her old age by the affection of a daughter, and he
asked the Virgin to guide him in his choice.
Happiness disposes the soul to charity. He thought of the motherless,
the suffering, and the sorrowful, and prayed for them. He remembered
the young girl he had just seen weeping, and prayed for her. At this
moment, a woman kneeling in front of him rose, and as she passed him
to leave the church he recognized the young girl. Prayer has the
secret of drying our tears; her face had resumed its usual serenity.
He still prayed for her: "Holy Virgin, watch over that child, grant
that she may be ever pious and chaste, and all else shall be added to
her." As he prepared to leave, he saw a letter beside the chair where
{699} the girl had knelt. He made haste to rejoin her in order to
restore it; but she had already left the church. He put it in his
pocket, intending to burn it when he reached home.
That evening, as he sat by his mother's side while she slept,
here-viewed the events of the day, according to his custom,
preparatory to his examination of conscience. Thus he recalled the
incidents of the morning, and having drawn the letter from his pocket
prepared to burn it. He approached the fire and was about to throw it
in. What restrains his hand? In the letter he feels something--a piece
of gold, perhaps. It was not sealed; he opened it, and drew out a
medal of the Blessed Virgin. The open letter excited his curiosity; he
was tempted to read it. Do not blame him too severely, reader, if he
yields to the temptation. He has finished his perusal, and I see he is
affected. His emotion excites my curiosity, and I am tempted to read
it in my turn. Will you be angry with me, or will you be accomplices
in my fault? Here are the contents of the letter:
TO M. LUCIEN RIGAUT,
CORPORAL IN THE 110TH REGIMENT, METZ.
"MY DEAR BROTHER:--I cannot send you the hundred francs you ask me
for. Do not blame me, it is not my fault; work is not well paid, and
everything is very dear in Paris, and you must know last month I had
to pay something to the man who takes care of mamma's tomb. When you
return I am sure you will be much grieved if that is neglected. You
shall receive fifty francs. Here are thirty from me; the remainder
is from the good Abbe Garnier whom I went to see, and who wishes
also to assist his extravagant child. At the same time he gave me
for you a medal of the Blessed Virgin, which you will find in my
letter, and which you must wear on your neck. That, my naughty
brother, will preserve you from danger and keep you from sin.
Promise me never more to associate with bad companions, who lead you
to the cafes and who are not too pious, I am sure. You must say your
prayers morning and night, go to mass on Sunday, confess, and live
like a good Christian. I will not reproach you for having neglected
your duties, but I am grieved, and if you could have seen your poor
sister weep I am sure you would reform. Do you remember when mamma
was about to leave us, and we were beside her bed restraining our
tears that she might have as a last joy in this world the smile of
her children, how she made us promise to be always good and
religious? Never forget that promise, Lucien, for the good God
punishes perjured children. What will you think of my letter? Oh,
you will call me a little scold. You will be angry at first, then
you will pardon me; you will put the medal around your neck, and you
will write me a good letter to restore gaiety to my heart. You do
not know how well I have arranged my room. When you return you will
recognize our old furniture. Mamma's portrait hangs over the bureau,
and I have placed our first communion pictures on each side. When I
have money I buy flowers, and for four sous I give to my abode the
sweet odor of the country. Shall I tell you how I employ my time? I
am an early riser. First my housekeeping, then my breakfast;
afterward I hear mass, and from the church to my day's work. Thanks
to the recommendation of the Abbe Garnier and of the sister at the
Patronage, I do not want for work. In the evening, before returning,
I say a prayer in the church; then my supper, and a little reading
or mending till bed-time. On Sunday after mass I go to the cemetery
to pray at mamma's tomb, afterward to the Patronage, where we enjoy
ourselves much. I wish you could see how good the sister is, how she
spoils me, how gently she scolds me when I am not good, for in spite
of all my sermons it sometimes happens that I deserve to be scolded.
You see, brother, that I have no time to be sad. If in the evening I
feel {700} lonely, I think of God, who is always near us, of my good
friends, of you, whom I shall see next year, and these sweet
thoughts make me forget the isolation of my little room. How proud I
shall be to go out leaning on your arm, and to walk with you on
Sunday in the Luxembourg! With the corporal's ribbons and the
Italian medal, I am sure everybody will turn round to look at you.
Do you know I have made a novena that you may be made sergeant
before the beginning of next year? I will send you every month ten
francs to finish paying your debt. Have no scruples in accepting
them; it is superfluous money which would have served to buy
gew-gaws. You do me a favor in taking it, as I shall be prevented
from becoming a coquette. What shall I say more to you? Be good, be
a Christian; but I have already said that. Do not forget me, but
write often. We must love one another, since each of us is all the
family of the other. Farewell, Lucien.
"Your affectionate sister,
MADELEINE."
I do not regret having been curious. I understand the emotion of
Jacques. I am also moved. This letter from a sister to a brother, so
simple and naive, breathes in every word the perfume of sincere piety,
and in each line is found the candor of an innocent heart. When
Jacques had finished reading it, he still lingered before throwing it
into the fire. He wished to read it again. He read it several times;
then he shut it up in a drawer, and put the medal around his neck. He
was charmed. He loved this simple letter, and he loved, almost without
knowing it, this child whose thoughts had been accidentally made known
to him. He guessed what the sister did not tell her brother, the
pawning of the cloak to complete the fifty francs, the privations to
which she submits in order to send every month the promised ten
francs. "I understand now," said he, "the secret of her tears. Three
francs are wanting for the required sum."
He was still more moved by her tears now that he had the secret of
them. "A good Christian girl," thought he. In his evening prayer she
was not forgotten.
The following day, as his mother was tolerably restored, he returned
to the printing office. As he worked he thought of Madeleine, and was
sad that he should see her no more. It was a folly, but who has not
been foolish? A little folly is the poetry of youth.
Time passed, the impression grew fainter, but was not effaced. It was
like a dream we try to retain on awakening, but whose brilliant colors
fade by the light of day. Mme. Durand was fully restored, but although
occupied with the care of the household, she did not go out, and this
explains why on Easter Sunday Jacques was alone at high mass in the
church of St. Sulpice. This festival, when the faithful are united in
one common joy, disposes the heart to serene impressions. After having
thanked God for his mother's recovery, he dreamed of a new affection,
and begged the blessed Virgin to guide him in his choice. Mass being
ended, a young girl on her knees in front of him rose to leave the
church, and he recognized Madeleine. He left in his turn, and during
the day he thought of that sweet face, which had twice appeared to
him, as if in answer to his prayer. It is Madeleine whom he will
marry, her smile shall make the joy of his Christian fireside; still,
how is he to see her again? He knows not; the Blessed Virgin, when she
chooses, will bring him back to her.
In their evening chats, when his mother made plans of marriage for
him, he never uttered Madeleine's name.
Again, on one of those mild days which are the charm of the month of
April, he was walking in the Luxembourg. It was a beautiful Sunday,
the lilacs were in flower, and the old garden seemed rejuvenated in
its new dress. As he thought of Madeleine, {701} two verses from
Brizeux recurred to his memory:
"Vienne Avril, et jeunesse, amours, fleurs sont ecloses;
Dieu sous la meme loi mit les plus belles choses."
At the turn of a walk, in a fresh, simple dress, he saw her once more.
When she had passed he followed her. He knew not why himself, but an
indescribable charm attracted and retained him near her. He left the
Luxembourg, went down the Boulevard Mont Parnasse, and saw her enter a
house which he recognized as an asylum for young work-women.
One morning, as he stopped at Antoine's lodging, he saw on his face
traces of sorrow.
"You seem sad," he said to him; "has any misfortune happened to you?"
"No," replied Antoine, "but I am grieved. A young woman, beg pardon,
who has lived above for two months, has just fallen ill, of bad fever,
the doctor says. She is a good girl, M. Jacques--a good industrious
girl. She has worked hard and sat up late, which brought on fever, and
when I think of it I am troubled."
"Is she alone?" asked Jacques.
"Entirely alone; but so gay, of a disposition so sweet, that though
poorly fed and overworked she never complained. When she passed,
morning and night, she had always a pleasant word for old Antoine. You
will not believe it, but for three days she has not been down. I have
been as much afflicted as if she were my own child."
So saying, he wiped a tear which fell on his white mustache.
During the day Jacques recalled the words of the old man. He was sad
at the thought of the poor girl, sick without a friend near her, for
even Antoine was detained at the lodge during his wife's absence. He
did not know her (and that was not surprising, as in Paris two
neighbors often live strangers to each other) and had never seen her:
he was troubled that she suffered, and that no one was near her to
alleviate her suffering. He resolved to speak to his mother in the
evening of her case, that she might go and take care of her. He
thought how Madeleine might fall sick, and have no one near her. He
determined to confide to his mother the secret of his love, and to beg
her to see Madeleine and obtain her consent to their marriage.
In the evening he informed his mother of their neighbor's illness, and
the next day Mme. Durand took her place at her bedside. It was a
dangerous illness, but youth, good care, prayer, and a novena to the
Blessed Virgin triumphed, and at the end of fifteen days she began to
improve. During this time Mme. Durand devoted herself to this sweet,
patient child. When her care was no longer necessary she continued to
go every morning to her patient's room. They worked and talked
together. Mme. Durand spoke of her son and she of her mother whom she
had lost, and insensibly a mutual affection sprang up between them.
Jacques listened with interest to his mother's praise of the sick
child, and was for a moment distracted from his remembrance of
Madeleine. He had, moreover, that modesty of true love which shrank
from the avowal of its tenderness. His mother knew nothing of his
love, and touched by the sweetness and patience of the young girl whom
she had nursed, hoped she might yet become her son's wife.
One evening in the month of June he was walking with his mother in the
gardens of the Luxembourg. He remembered his last meeting with
Madeleine, which recalled these verses of Brizeux:
"Un jeune homme
Natlf du meme eudroit, travailleur, econome
En voyant sa belle ame, en voyant sou beau corps
L'airnee: les vieilles gens firent lea deux accords."
He was about to speak to his mother of Madeleine when she said to him,
"My son, you are entering your {702} twenty-sixth year, it is time for
you to marry, and if you wish, I should like to call our neighbor, the
young girl whom I have nursed, my daughter."
"Mother," said Jacques, "I cannot marry her, I love another." He then
related his simple story, and pronounced for the first time
Madeleine's name. Mme. Durand listened much moved. She understood and
shared the trusting faith of her son. "My child," said she, "it shall
be as you desire. I will go on Sunday to the Patronage."
The week passed. Mme. Durand continued to see her patient often, and
she, nearly restored, came sometimes to her apartment at the time
Jacques was at the printing office, for his mother wished to prevent a
meeting which might perhaps trouble an innocent heart. But on
Saturday, having returned sooner than usual, he found the young girl
in his mother's room. They conversed a moment, and she withdrew. In
the pallid face he recognized the sweet countenance of Madeleine. When
she had gone, he embraced his mother, weeping and smiling at the same
time. "It is she, it is my sweet Madeleine." His mother, returning his
embrace, exclaimed, "She shall be your wife and my daughter."
I must tell you how, on Jacques' return from work, Mme. Durand went
for Madeleine, how they passed many a pleasant evening in conversation
or in reading a good book, and under their mother's eye loved each
other with a pure and earnest love.