his little monarch amused himself by ornamenting the parental
straw-hat with a huge flaring poppy and some green leaves, beneath
which the jovial face bloomed Bacchic.
Meanwhile the quiet young French-woman, smiling affectionately at
those playfellows as they went off together, sat down on a chair we
offered her, and frankly entered into conversation.
In a few minutes we knew a great deal about this little family. The
man in the blouse was a Belgian painter, Jean Baudin, and "well seen
in the expositions of Paris and Brussels." "His wife was my sister: we
were of Paris. When our little Auguste was born, my poor sister died.
She was always delicate. The little one is very delicate. Ah, so
delicate, also. It is impossible to be over-careful of him. And his
father, who is so strong--so strong! But the little one resembles in
every manner his mother. His poor father adores him, as you see. Poor
Jean! he so tenderly loved his wife, who died in her first youth. . . .
She had but eighteen years--she had six years less than I. In dying
she begged me to be to her infant a mother, and to her poor Jean a
sister. Jean is a good brother, bon et brave homme. And for the little
one, he is truly a child to be adored--judiciously, it is understood,
madame: I spoil him not, believe me. But he is clever to astonish you,
that child. So spiritual, and then such a tender little good heart--a
disposition so amiable. Hardly he requires correction. . . . Auguste!
how naughty thou art! Auguste! dost thou hear? Jean! take him then off
the dusty wall, and wipe him a little. Mon ami, thou spoilest the
child; one must be judicious."
We presently left the garden, and, in passing, beheld Monsieur Auguste
at breakfast. He was seated between his papa and aunt, and was being
adored by both (judiciously and injudiciously) to the heart's content
of all three.
We stayed a month at this little hotel at The Tadpoles. The English
family soon fraternized with that of Jean Baudin, the Flemish painter,
also sojourning there, and the only other resident guests.
John's wife and Mademoiselle became good friends and gossips, and sat
at work and chat many a summer hour under the hop trellises.
Mademoiselle Rose Leclerc was the Frenchwoman's name, but her name of
ceremony was simply "Mademoiselle." John and I used to walked about
the country, among the lanes, and woods, and hamlets which diversify
the flats on that side of Brussels, accompanying Jean Baudin and his
paint-box. We sat under a tree, or on a stone fence, smoking pipes of
patience, while Jean made studies for those wonderful, elaborate tiny
pictures, the work of his big hands, by which he and his little son
lived. I remember, in particular, a mossy old cottage, rough and grey;
the front clothed with vines, the quaint long gable running down
behind to within a yard of the ground. Baudin sketched that cottage
very often; and often used its many picturesque features.
Sometimes it was the rickety, black-timbered porch, garlanded with
vine; a sonsy, blond-haired young Flemish maiden sat there, and
twirled the bobbins on a lace-cushion, in a warm yellow flicker of
sunshine. Sometimes Jean went right into the porch and into the
cottage itself, and presently brought us out an old blue-gowned,
black-coifed creature, knitting as she kicked the grand-babe's clumsy
cradle {111} with her clumsy sabot;--a ray through the leafy little
window-hole found the crone's white hair, and the infant cheek. Honest
Jean only painted what he saw with his eyes. He could copy such simple
poetry as this, and feel it too, though he could indite no original
poems on his canvas pages. He was a hearty good fellow, and we soon
got to like him, and his kindly, unpretentious, but not unshrewd,
talk--that is, when it could be got off the paternal grooves--which,
to say the truth, was seldomer than we (who were not ourselves at that
period the parents of prodigies) may have secretly desired.
In the summer evenings we used to sit in the garden all together, the
ladies graciously permitting us to smoke. We liked to set the children
a-dancing again on the grass-plot before us; and I must here confess
that they saltated to a mandolin touched by this hand. I had studied
the instrument under a ragged maestro of Naples, and flattered myself.
I performed on it with credit to both, and to the general delight.
Sometimes Jean Baudin would tie to his cane a little
pocket-handkerchief of Monsieur Auguste, and putting this ensign into
his hand, cause him to go through a certain vocal performance of a
martial and defiant character. The pale little man did it with much
spirit, and a truculent aspect, stamping fiercely at particular
moments of the strain. I can only remember the effective opening of
this entertainment. Thus it began--"_Les Belges_" (at this point the
small performer threw up the staff and flag of his country, and
shouted _ff_) "_SONT BRAVES!!"_ Papa and aunt regarded with pride that
ferocious champion of his valiant compatriots, looking round to read
our astonishment and rapture in our faces.
We all got on excellently with the hotel folk, ingratiating ourselves
chiefly by paying a respectful court to the solid and rosy little
princess of the house. Jean Baudin painted her, sitting placid, a
little open-mouthed, heavy-lidded, over-fed, with a lapful of
cherries. We all made much of her and submitted to her. John's wife
presented her with a frock of English print, of a charming
apple-green; out of which the fat pink face bloomed like a
carnation-bud out of its calyx.
The young landlord would bring us out a dish to our garden
dinner-table, on purpose that he might linger and chat about England.
That country, and some of its model institutions, appeared to excite
in his mind a mixture of awe and curiosity, wonder and horror. For
instance, he had heard--he did not altogether believe it
(deprecatingly)--that not only were the shops of London closed, with
shutters, on the Sunday, but also the theatres; and not only the
theatres, but also the expositions, the gardens and salons of dance,
of music, of play. How! it was actually the truth?
"Certainly, what Madame was good enough to affirm one must believe.
But then what do they? No business, no amusement what then do they,
mon Dieu!--"
"They go to church, read the Bible, and keep the Sabbath day holy,"
asserts Mrs. Freshe, in perfect good faith, and severely and proudly,
as becomes a Protestant Britishwoman.
"Tiens, tiens! But it is triste, that--. Is it not that it is triste,
Madame? Tiens, tiens! And this is that which is the Protestantism.
Since Madame herself affirms it, one can doubt no longer."
And he goes pondering away, to tell his wife; with no increased
tendency to the reformed faith.
Even Joseph, the stolid and fishy-eyed waiter, patronized us, and
gravely did us a hundred obliging services beyond his official duty.
On a certain evening, Mademoiselle, John, John's wife, and I, sat as
usual at book or work under the trellises; while the two children, at
healthful play, prattled under the shade of the laurel-bushes hard by.
As usual, the solid little Flemish maiden was {112} tyrannizing calmly
over her playfellow. We constantly heard her small voice, quiet, slow,
and dominating: "_Je le veux_." "_Je ne le veux pas_." They had for
playthings a little handbell and a toy-wagon, and were playing at
railways. Auguste was the porter, trundling up, with shrill cries,
heavy luggage-trucks piled with gravel, gooseberry-skins, tin
soldiers, and bits of cork. Marie was a rich and haughty lady about to
proceed by the next convoi, and paying an immense sum, in daisies, for
her ticket, to Auguste, become a clerk. A disputed point in these
transactions appeared to be the possession of the bell; the frequent
ringing of which was indeed a principal feature of the performance.
Auguste contended hotly, but with considerable show of reason, to this
effect:--That the instrument belonged to him, in his official
capacities of porter and clerk, rather than to the rich and haughty
lady, who as a passenger was not, and could not be, entitled to
monopolize the bell of the company. Indeed, he declared himself nearly
certain that, as far as his experience went, passengers never did ring
it at all. But Marie's "Je le veux" settled the dispute, and carried
her in triumph, after the crushing manner of her sex, over all
frivolous masculine logic.
Mademoiselle sat placid beside us, doing her interminable and
elaborate satin-stitch. She was working at a broad white slip,
intended, I understood, to form the ornamental base of a petticoat. It
was at least a foot wide, of a florid and labyrinthine pattern, full
of oval and round holes, which appeared to have been cut out of the
stuff in order that Mademoiselle might be at the pains of filling them
up again with thready cobwebs. She would often with demure and
innocent complacency display this fabric, in its progress, to John's
wife (who does not herself, I fancy, excel in satin-stitch), and
relate how short a time (four months, I think) she had taken to bring
it so near completion. Mrs. Freshe regarded this work of art with
feminine eyes of admiration, and slyly remarked that it was really
beautiful enough "meme pour un trousseau." At the same time she with
difficulty concealed her disapproval of the waste of precious time
incurred by the authoress of the petticoat-border. Not that
Mademoiselle could be accused of neglecting the severer forms of her
science; such as the construction of frocks and blouses for Monsieur
Auguste--adorned, it must be admitted, with frivolous and intricate
convolutions of braid. And the exquisite neatness of the visible
portions of Monsieur Jean's linen also bore honorable testimony to
Mademoiselle's more solid labors.
Into the midst of this peaceful garden-scene entered a new personage.
A man of middle height, with a knapsack at his back, came up the
gravel-walk: a handsome brown-faced fellow of five-and-thirty, with a
big black beard, and a neat holland blouse, and a grey felt hat.
Mademoiselle and he caught sight of each other at the same instant.
Both gave a cry. Her rather sallow little face flushed like a rose.
She started up; down dropped her petticoat-work; she ran forward,
throwing out her hands; she stopped short--shy, and bright, and
pretty as eighteen! The man made a stride and took her in his arms.
"Ma Rose! ma Rose! Enfin!" cried he in a strangled voice.
She said nothing, but hung at his neck, her two little hands on his
shoulders, her face on his breast.
But that was only for a moment. Then Mademoiselle disengaged herself,
and glanced shamefacedly at us. Then she came quickly up--came to
John's wife, slid an arm round her neck, and said rapidly,
tremulously, with sparkling, tearful eyes:
"C'est Jules, Madame. C'est mon fiance depuis quatre ans. Ah, Madame,
j'ai honte--mais,"--and ran back to him. She was transformed. In place
of that staid, almost old-maidish {113} little person we knew, lo! a
bashful, rosy, smiling girl, tripping, skipping, beside herself with
happy love! And her little collar was all rumpled, and so were her
smooth brown braids. Monsieur Jules took off his felt hat, and bowed
politely when she came to us, guessing that he was being introduced.
His brown face blushed a little, too: it was a happy and honest one,
very pleasant to see.
The children had left off playing, and stared wide-eyed at these
extraordinary proceedings. Mademoiselle ran to her little nephew, and
brought him to Jules.
"I recognize well the son of our poor Lolotte," said he, softly,
lifting and kissing him. "And that dear Jean, where is he?"
Even as he spoke there came a familiar roar from that window
overlooking the court-yard, by which the painter sat at his easel
almost all day. "Ohe! Monsieur Ba-Bou!" The little boy nearly jumped
out of his new friend's arms.
"Papa! papa! Laissez-moi, done, Mosou!--Papa!"
"Is it that thou art by chance this monsieur whom they call?" laughed
Jules, as he put him down.
"Way, way!" cried the little man as he pattered off, with that gleeful
shriek of his. "C'est moi, Mosou Ba-Bou! Ba-Bou!"
"Thou knowest that great voice of our Jean," said Mademoiselle; "when
he has finished his day's labor he always calls his child like that.
Having worked all day for the little one, he goes now to make himself
a child to play with him. He calls that to rest himself. And truly the
little one idolizes his father, and for him will leave all other
playfellows--even me. Come, then, Jules, let us seek Jean."
And with a smiling salute to us the happy couple went arm-in-arm out
of the garden.
III.
We did not see much of our friends the next day. After their early
dinner, Jean came up the garden all alone, to smoke a pipe, and
stretch his legs before he returned to his work. We thought his
good-natured face was a little sad, in spite of his cheerful _abord_,
as he came to our garden parlor and spoke to us.
"It is a pleasure to see them, is it not?" said he, looking after the
lovers, just vanishing under the archway of the court-yard, into the
sunny village road. Mademoiselle had left off her sober black silk,
and floated in the airiest of chintz muslins.
"My good little Rose merits well her happiness. She sent that brave
Jules marching four years ago, because she had promised my poor wife
not to abandon her helpless infant. Truly she has been the best of
little mothers to my Auguste. Jules went away angry enough; but
without doubt he must have loved her all the better when he came to
reflect. He has been to Italy, to Switzerland, to England--know I
where? He is artist-painter, like me--of France always understood. Me,
I am Flemish, and very content to be the compatriot of Rubens, of
Vandyke. But Jules has very much talent: he paints also the portraits,
and has made successes. He is a brave boy, and deserves his Rose."
"Will the marriage take place now, at last?" we ventured to ask.
"As I suppose," answered Jean, his face clouding perceptibly.
"But you will not separate; you will live together, perhaps,"
suggested John's wife.
"Ah, Madame, how can that be? Jules is of France and I of Belgium.
When I married I brought my wife to Brussels; naturally he will carry
his to Paris. C'est juste."
"Poor little Auguste will miss his aunt," said John's wife,
involuntarily, "and she will hardly bear to leave him, I think."
"Ah, Madame," said Jean, with ever so little bitterness in his tone,
"what would you? The little one must come second now; the husband will
{114} be first. Yes, yes, and it is but fair! Auguste is strong now,
and I must find him a good bonne. I complain not. I am not so
ungrateful. My poor Rose must not be always the sacrifice. She has
been an angel to us. See you, she has saved the life of us both. The
little one must have died without her, and apparently I must have died
without the little one. C'est simple, n'est ce pas?" smiling. Then he
gave a sigh, truly as if he could not repress it, and walked away
hastily. "We looked after him, compassion in our hearts.
"That sickly little boy will hardly live if his aunt leaves him," said
Mrs. Freshe, "_and his father knows it_."
"But what a cruel sacrifice if she stayed!" said John.
"And can her lover be expected to wait till Auguste has grown up into
a strong man?" I put in.
The day after was Sunday. Coming from an early walk, I heard a
tremendous clamor, of woe or merriment, proceeding from a small
sitting-room that opened into the entrance passage. The door was wide,
and I looked in. Jean Baudin was jammed up in a corner, behind a
barricade of chairs, and was howling miserably, entreating to be let
out. His big sun-browned face was crowned by a white coif made of
paper, and a white apron was tied round his great waist over his blue
blouse. Auguste and Marie danced about the barricade with shrill
screams, frantic with joy.
When Baudin saw me he gave a dismal yell, and piteously begged me to
come to his assistance. "See, then, my dear young gentleman, how these
bandits, these rebels, these demons, maltreat their poor bonne! Help,
help!" and suddenly, with a roar like a small Niagara, he burst out of
his prison and took to his heels, round and round the court and up the
garden, the children screaming after him--the noise really terrific.
Presently it died away, and he came back to the doorstep where I
stood, Auguste on his shoulder and the little maiden demurely trotting
after. "At present, I am the bonne," said he. "Rose and her Jules are
gone to church; so is our hostess. In the meanwhile, I undertake to
look after the children. Have you ever seen a little bonne more
pretty? with my coquette cap and my neat apron--hein?"
That evening the lovers went out in a boat on the great pond, or
little lake, at the back of the hotel. They carried Auguste with them.
We all went to the water's edge; the rest remained a while, leaning
over the rails that partly skirted the parapet wall except Jean, who
strolled off with his tiny sketch-book. A very peaceful summer picture
was before us, which I can see now if I shut my eyes--I often see it.
A calm and lovely August evening near sunset; a few golden feathers
afloat in the blue sky. Below, the glassy pond that repeats blue sky,
red-roofed cottages, green banks, and woody slopes--repeats, also, the
solitary boat rowed by Jules, the three light-colored figures it
contains, and a pair of swans that glide stately after. The little boy
is throwing bits of bread or cake to them.
As we stood there and admired this pretty little bright panorama,
John's wife observed that the child was flinging himself dangerously
forward, in his usual eager, excited way, at every cast he made.
"I wonder," said she, "that his aunt takes no notice. She is so
absorbed in talk with Jules she never turns her head. Look! look!
A--h!"
A dreadful shriek went up from lake and shore. The poor little fellow,
had overbalanced himself, and had gone headlong into the lake. Some
one had flashed over the parapet wall at the same moment, and struck
the water with a splash and a thud. Some one was tearing through it
like a steam-engine, toward the boat. It was my brother John. We saw
and heard Jules, frantic, and evidently impotent to save; we saw him
make a vain clutch at something that rose to the surface. At the same
time we {115} perceived that he had scarce power to keep Rose with his
left hand from throwing herself into the water.
Hardly three minutes had yet passed, yet half the population seemed
thronging to the lake-side, here, where the village skirted it.
And suddenly we beheld a terrible--a piteous sight. A big, bareheaded
man, that burst through the people, pale, furious, awful; his teeth
set, his light blue eyes flaring. He seemed to crash through the
crowd, splintering it right and left, like a bombshell through a wall,
and was going crazy and headlong over the parapet into the water. He
could swim no more than Jules.
"Sauve! sauve!" cried John's wife, gripping his hand and hanging to it
as he went rushing past. "My husband has found him. See! see there,
Jean Baudin! He holds up the dear child."
She could not have kept him back a moment--probably he did not feel her
touch; he was only dragging her with him. But his wild eyes, fixed and
staring forward, had seen for themselves what he never heard her say.
Fast, fast as one arm could oar him, my brother was bringing Jean his
little one, held above water by the other hand. Then that poor huge
body swayed and shivered; the trembling hands went out, the face
unlocked a little, there came a hoarse sob, and like a thin, strangled
cry in a dream--
"Mon petit! mon petit!"
But strong again, and savage with love, how he snatched the pale
little burden from John, and tore up the bank to the hotel. There were
wooden back-gates that opened into the court on the lake-side, but
which were unused and locked. At one mighty kick they yawned open
before Jean, and he rushed on into the house. Here all had been
prudently prepared, and the little dripping body was quickly stripped
and wrapped in hot blankets. The village doctor was already there, and
two or three women. Jean Baudin helped the doctor and the women with a
touching docility. All his noisy roughness was smoothed. He tamed his
big voice to a delicate whisper. He spoke and moved with an affecting
submissive gentleness, watching what there was he could do, and doing
it exactly as he was bid. Now and then he spoke a word or two under
his breath--"One must be patient, I know, Monsieur le Medecin; yes,
yes." And now and then he muttered piteously "Mon petit! mon petit!"
But he was as gentle as a lamb, and touchingly eager to be helpful.
In half an hour his pain got the better of him a little.
"Mais, mon Dieu, mon Dieu!" he moaned, "how I suffer! Ah, Monsieur, is
it not that he breathes a little, my dear little one? Ah, my God, save
me him! Mon petit! mon petit!"
He went into a corner of the room, and stood with his forehead against
the wall, his shoulders heaving with silent sobs. Then he came back
quiet and patient again.
"Priez, priez pour moi, Madame," said he, once, to John's wife.
"I am praying without ceasing, my poor friend," said she. And once she
hastily laid a handkerchief soaked in essence on his forehead, for she
thought he was surely going to faint, when the hope, long, long
deferred, began to turn his heart sick.
All this time John and I lingered in the dusky passage, in which that
door ajar made a cleft of yellow light. Every now and then a dim
figure stole up to us with an eager sad whisper, asking, "How goes it?
how goes it?" and slipped away down-stairs with the comfortless
answer.
It was poor Jules, who could do nothing for his Rose but this. She had
thrown herself on the floor in a darkening room, and lay there
moaning. Her dire anguish, sharp as a mother's for the little one, was
cruelly and unduly aggravated by self-reproach, and by the
self-inflicted agony of her exile from that room up-stairs. She dared
not enter Jean's presence. She felt that he must for ever abhor the
sight of her; she was afraid he {116} might curse her! She rejected
all kindness, all sympathy, especially from Jules, whom she quite
fiercely ordered to quit her. But when it got quite dark, the poor
fellow took in a candle, and set it on a table; and he spent the time
in going up and down-stairs to fetch her that whisper of news, which,
perhaps, he sweetened with a little false hope before he offered it to
her.
At last we outside heard a movement--a stifled exclamation; and then
one of the women ran out.
"The child has opened his eyes!" said she, as she hurried down-stairs
for some article required.
Presently we heard a man sobbing softly; and then--yes, a faint tiny
voice. And after that--nothing, for a long while. But at last at last!
a miserable, awful cry, and a heavy, heavy fall. And then came out
John's wife, at sight of whose face we turned sick at heart, and
followed her silently down-stairs. We knew what had happened: the
little one was dead.
He had opened his eyes, and had probably known his father; for the
light that his presence always kindled there had come into the little
white face. Jean, too ready to clutch the delusive hope, fell
a-sobbing with rapture, and kissing the little fair head. The child
tried to speak, and did speak, though but once.
"He said, 'Ba-Bou' quite distinctly," said John's wife, "and then such
a pretty smile came; and it's--it's there still, on his little dear
_dead_ face, John."
Here she broke down, and went into a passion of tears, sobbing for
"poor Jean! poor Jean!"
He had fainted for the first time in his strong life, and so that
blessed unconsciousness was deadening the first insupportable agony of
his dreadful wound. They carried him out, and laid him on his bed, and
I believe the doctor bled him. They hoped he would sleep afterward
from sheer exhaustion.
Presently poor Jules came to us, crying like a child, and begging us
to go to his Rose to try to rouse her, if only to make her weep. She
had fallen into a dry depth and abyss of despair--an icy crevasse,
where even his love could not reach her.
Since she had known the child was dead, she had not stirred, except to
resist, moaning, every attempt to lift her from the floor, where she
had cast herself, and except that she shuddered and repulsed Jules,
especially, whenever he went near her.
We went into the room where she lay. My good brother stooped, and
spoke to her in his tender, manly fashion, and lifted her, with a
resolution to which she yielded, and seated her on a sofa beside his
wife, whose kind arms closed round her suffering sister.
And suddenly some one had come in whom Rose could not see, for her
eyes were pressed to that womanly bosom. John's wife made a little
warning gesture that kept us others silent.
It was poor Jean himself; he came in as if in search of somewhat; he
was deadly pale, and perhaps half unconscious what he did. He was
without shoes, and his clothes and blond hair and beard were tumbled
and disordered--just as when they had laid him on his bed. When he saw
Rose, he came straight up to her, and sat down on her other side.
"Ma pauvre Rose," said he piteously--
She gave a cry and start of terror, and turned and saw him. The poor
fellow's broken heart was in his face; she could not mistake the
sweet-natured anguish there. Half bewildered by his inconceivable
grief, he had gone to her, instinctively, like a child, for sympathy
and comfort.
"Ma pauvre Rose," said he, brokenly; "notre petit--"
Passionately she took his great head between her hands, and drew it
down on her bosom, and kissed it passionately weeping at last.
And we all came out softly, and left them--left them to that Pity
which sends us the wholesome agony of such tears.
------
{117}
CARDINAL WISEMAN IN ROME.
"It was in the year 1863," says Monsignore Manning, in his funeral
oration on the great prince of the Church whose loss the whole
Catholic world is now deploring, "that the sovereign pontiff, speaking
of the cardinal, described him as 'the man of divine Providence for
England.'" And truly it seems to us that the direct inspiration of the
Holy Ghost has seldom been so clearly apparent in the choice of a
bishop as it was in the case of him who has filled the cathedral chair
of Westminster for the last fifteen years. When we remember the
peculiar circumstances under which he began his pastorship--the
reaction which was steadily, though as yet almost imperceptibly, going
on in favor of the Church; the doubt and perplexity and wavering with
which a crowd of wandering souls were groping in darkness for the
portals of divine truth; and then the outburst of anger with which the
nation at large read the bulls of the Holy Father, raising up the
English Church from the humiliation in which she had lain for three
hundred years, we shall readily understand that a rare union of
qualities was required in the man who should understand and direct
those honest seekers after truth, and breast successfully that storm
of popular fury. That Nicholas Wiseman, who had left England at the
age of sixteen, and passed twenty years of his youth and early manhood
at Rome--absorbed, just at the time when the character is most liable
to be moulded by external associations, in the theological studies and
ceremonies and sacred traditions of the ecclesiastical capital--that
he, we say, should have displayed such a remarkable fitness for both
these works, is not only an indication of the great qualities of the
man, but an instructive commentary on the school in which he had been
formed. It shows us that a Roman education, while it enlarges the view
and sweeps away local prejudices, yet leaves untouched the salient
points of national character. For his success in dealing with the
Catholic movement which followed the emancipation act of 1829,
Cardinal Wiseman was largely indebted to the quickness and accuracy of
perception in theological matters which he had acquired during his
long residence at the centre of the Christian Church; what helped him
most in his victory over the burst of Protestant fury which followed
the restoration of the English hierarchy, and found official
expression in the ecclesiastical titles bill, was his thorough English
boldness and honesty of speech and manly bearing. He appealed to his
countrymen's traditional love of fair-play; they heard him; and before
long all classes learned to love and respect him.
Of the twenty years' schooling by which he prepared himself for his
work in England, the cardinal has left us some admirable sketches,
scattered through his books. Dr. Manning alluded briefly to the
influence of his Roman education. We propose to gather up what the
cardinal himself has said about it; to paint with his own pencil a
picture of his life of preparation; leaving other hands, if they will,
to paint his subsequent life of labor.
Nicholas Wiseman was born at Seville, in Spain, on the second of
August, 1802. His father was an English merchant, his mother an Irish
lady. He lost his father in infancy, and at the age of six, in
consequence of those wars of invasion which for a time made Spain no
longer habitable, was taken to Ireland to be educated. After spending
one or two years at a boarding-school near Waterford, his mother went
with him to England, and {118} placed him at St. Cuthbert's college,
Ushaw, near Durham. Dr. Lingard was then vice-president of the
college, "and I have retained upon my memory," wrote the cardinal,
nearly fifty years afterward, "the vivid recollection of specific acts
of thoughtful and delicate kindness, which showed a tender heart,
mindful of its duties amidst the many harassing occupations just
devolved on him through the death of the president and his own
literary engagements; for he was reconducting his first great work
through the press. But though he went from college soon after, and I
later left the country, and saw him not again for fifteen years, yet
there grew up an indirect understanding first, and by degrees a
correspondence and an intimacy which continued to the close of his
life." [Footnote 38]
[Footnote 38: _Recollections of the Last Four Popes_. Leo XII. Chap.
vii.]
It was in the course of the eight years which he passed at this
reverend seat of learning--lineal descendant of the old English
college of Douay--that he determined to become a priest. Here he first
began to manifest that deep affection for the city of St. Peter which
distinguished him down to the end of his life. "Its history," he says,
"its topography, its antiquities, had formed the bond of a little
college society devoted to this queen of cities, while the dream of
its longings had been the hope of one day seeing what could then only
be known through hearsay tourists and fabulous plans." But the hope
was fulfilled soon and unexpectedly. In 1818, Pope Pius VII. restored
the English college at Rome, "after it had been desolate and
uninhabited during almost the period of a generation." Nicholas
Wiseman was one of a band of young men sent out to colonize it. He
gives a charming description of the arrival of the little party at
their Roman home, and the delight and surprise with which they roamed,
alone and undirected, through the solemn building, with its wide
corridors; its neat and cheerful rooms; its wainscotted refectory,
from whose groined ceiling looked down St. George and the dragon; its
library heaped with tumultuous piles of unorganized volumes; its
garden, glowing with the lemon and orange, and presenting to one's
first approach a perspective in fresco by Pozzi; and, above all, its
chapel, illuminated from floor to roof with saints of England and
celestial glories;--or, better still, adjoining the college, the old
roofless church of the Holy Trinity, where in generations long past
many a pilgrim from the British Isles had knelt to pray when the good
priests of his nation fed and lodged him on his visit to the tomb of
the apostles. Pleasant must have been the meeting, on that December
afternoon in the year 1818, between these six young men and their
appointed rector Dr. Gradwell, who, being absent when they arrived,
came home that evening and found himself at the head of a college, and
his frugal meal appropriated by the hungry students.
The happiness of that day casts a glow over the page on which, when he
was an old man, the cardinal recorded the incidents. On Christmas eve
he was presented, with some of his companions, to the venerable Pius
VII. We can imagine the feelings of awe with which he approached this
saintly man, released only a few years before from the French
captivity. "There was the halo of a confessor round the tiara of Pius
that eclipsed all gold and jewels.... Instead of receiving us, as was
customary, seated, the mild and amiable pontiff rose to welcome us,
and meet us as we approached. He did not allow it to be a mere
presentation, or a visit of ceremony. It was a fatherly reception, and
in the truest sense our inauguration into the duties that awaited us.
.... The friendly and almost national grasp of the hand, after due
homage had been willingly paid, between the head of the Catholic
Church, venerable by his very age, and a youth who had nothing even to
promise; {119} the first exhortation on entering a course of
ecclesiastical study--its very inaugural discourse from him whom he
believed to be the fountain of spiritual wisdom on earth;--these
surely formed a double tie, not to be broken, but rather strengthened,
by every subsequent experience."
Doubtless his early dreams of Rome were now surpassed by the reality
of his daily life. It was unalloyed spiritual and intellectual
enjoyment. Study was no task; it was only a sort of pleasure; and the
hours of relaxation became a source of mental schooling, even while he
was pursuing the most delightful recreations. It is not difficult to
imagine how he must have spent his holidays--roaming through the field
of art, or resting at some seat of the Muses, or wandering along the
stream of time, bordered by monuments of past greatness--every
footstep awakening the echoes of classic antiquity, or calling up the
most sacred memories of the early suffering Church. Even the solitude
of buried cemeteries, "where the tombs themselves are buried, where
the sepulchres are themselves things decayed and mouldering in
rottenness," is no solitude to him; for he peoples it with the shadowy
forms of the Scipios and Nasones whose ashes are there deposited. How
often, in after years, did he not recur with fond delight to the
"images of long delicious strolls, in musing loneliness, through the
deserted ways of the ancient city; of climbings among its hills, over
ruins, to reach some vantage-ground for mapping the subjacent
territory, and looking beyond on the glorious chains of greater and
lesser mountains, clad in their imperial hues of gold and purple; and
then perhaps of solemn entrance into the cool solitude of an open
basilica, where the thought now rests, as the body then did, after the
silent evening prayer, and brings forward from many well-remembered
nooks every local inscription, every lovely monument of art, the
characteristic feature of each, or the great names with which it is
associated.... Thus does Rome sink deep and deeper into the soul,
like the dew, of which every separate drop is soft and weightless, but
which still finds its way to the root of everything beneath the soil,
imparting there to every future plant its own warm tint, its own balmy
fragrance, and its own ever rejuvenescent vigor."
Such were his hours of recreation: still more delightful were his
hours of study, especially in "the great public libraries, where
noiseless monks brought him and piled round him the folios which he
required, and he sat as still amidst a hundred readers as if he had
been alone." Every day his love, his enthusiasm, for his work seemed
to increase. So he passed six or seven years, "lingering and lagging
behind others," and revelling in spiritual and intellectual luxury.
"Every school-fellow had passed on, and was hard at his noble work at
home, was gaining a crown in heaven to which many have passed." Our
young student had kissed the feet of the dead Pius VII., as he lay in
state in one of the chapels of St. Peter's; had mourned over the
departure of the great minister Consalvi; had presented himself to Leo
XII., and told him, "I am a foreigner who came here at the call of
Pius VII., six years ago; my first patrons, Pius VII., Cardinals
Litta, De Pietro, Fontana, and now Consalvi, are dead. I therefore
recommend myself to your Holiness's protection, and hope you will be a
father to me at this distance from my country." He had obtained the
Holy Father's promise. Already he was known for a youth of marvellous
talents and learning. He had maintained a public disputation in
theology, and been rewarded for his success by the title of D.D. At
last came the jubilee-year of 1825. "The aim of years, the goal of
long preparation, the longed-for crown of unwavering desires, the only
prize thought worthy of being aspired to, was attained in the bright
jubilee spring of Rome. It marks a blessed epoch in a {120} life to
have had the grace of the priesthood superadded to the exuberant
benedictions of that year."
Fortunately for the English college,--and fortunately, perhaps we
should add, for England,--he was not yet to depart for the field of
his great labor. To use his own modest words, he was found to be at
hand in 1826, when some one was wanted for the office of vice-rector
of the English college, and so was named to it; and when, in 1828, the
worthy rector, Dr. Gradwell, was appointed bishop, Dr. Wiseman was, by
almost natural sequence, named to succeed him.
Thus he continued to drink in the spirit of catholicity, and devotion,
and steadiness in faith, of which Rome is the fountain on earth. With
reverent affection he traced out the mementos of primitive
Christianity, the tombs of the martyrs and saints, the altars and
hiding-places and sacred inscriptions of the catacombs. These holy
retreats had for him a fascination such as no other spot even in Rome
possessed. Again and again he recurs to them in his writings,
lingering fondly around the hallowed precincts, and inspiring his
readers with the love for them that burned so ardently in his own
breast. One of the last pieces that came from his pen was the little
story of a martyr's tomb, which we have placed in this number of our
magazine.
Other studies were not neglected. While his companions were indulging
in the mid-day sleep, which almost everybody takes in Rome, he was at
his books. Often he passed whole nights in study, or walking to and
fro, in meditation, through the corridors of the English college. The
seasons of vacation he would often spend collating ancient manuscripts
in the Vatican library, and one of the fruits of that labor was his
_Horae Syriacae_, published when he was only twenty-five years old. In
the same year (1827), he was appointed--though without severing his
connection with the English college--professor of oriental languages
in the Roman university. It is no doubt to these two events that he
alludes in the following extract from his "Recollections" of Leo XII.,
though he tells the story as if he had been only a witness of the
circumstances: "It so happened," he says, "that a person connected
with the English college was an aspirant to a chair in the Roman
university. He had been encouraged to compete for it, on its
approaching vacancy, by his professors. Having no claims of any sort,
by interest or connection, he stood simply on the provision of the
papal bull, which threw open all professorships to competition. It was
but a secondary and obscure lectureship at best; one concerning which,
it was supposed, few would busy themselves or come forward as
candidates. It was, therefore, announced that this rule would be
overlooked, and a person every way qualified, and of considerable
reputation, would be named. The more youthful aspirant unhesitatingly
solicited an audience, at which I was present. He told the Pope
frankly of his intentions and of his earnest wish to have carried out,
in his favor, the recent enactments of his Holiness. Nothing could be
more affable, more encouraging, than Leo's reply. He expressed his
delight at seeing that his regulation was not a dead letter, and that
it had animated his petitioner to exertion. He assured him that he
should have a fair chance, 'a clear stage and no favor,' desiring him
to leave the matter in his hands.
"Time wore on; and as the only alternative given in the bull was
proof, by publication of a work, of proficiency in the art or science
that was to be taught, he quietly got a volume through the
press--probably very heavy; but sprightliness or brilliancy was not a
condition of the bull. When a vacancy arrived, it was made known,
together with the announcement that it had been filled up. All seemed
lost, except the honor of the pontiff, to which alone lay any appeal.
Another audience was asked, and {121} instantly granted, its motive
being, of course, stated. I was again present, and shall not easily
forget it. It was not necessary to re-state the case. 'I remember it
all,' the Pope said most kindly; 'I have been surprised. I have sent
for C----, through whom this has been done; I have ordered the
appointment to be cancelled, and I have reproved him so sharply that I
believe it is the reason why he is laid up to-day with fever. You have
acted fairly and boldly, and you shall not lose the fruits of your
industry. I will keep my word with you and the provisions of my
constitution.' With the utmost graciousness he accepted the
volume--now treasured by its author, into whose hands the copy has
returned--acknowledged the right to preference which it had
established, and assured its author of fair play.
"The Pope had, in fact, taken up earnestly the cause of his youthful
appellant; instead of annoyance, he showed earnestness and kindness;
and those who had passed over his pretensions with contempt were
obliged to treat with him and compromise with him on terms that
satisfied all his desires. Another audience for thanksgiving was
kindly accorded, and I witnessed the same gentle and fatherly temper,
quietly cheerful, and the same earnest sympathy with the feelings of
him whose cause had been so graciously carried through. If this young
client gained no new energies, gathered no strength from such repeated
proofs of interest and condescension; if these did not both direct and
impel, steer and fill, the sails of his little bark through many
troubled waters; nay, if they did not tinge and savor his entire
mental life, we may write that man soulless and incapable of any noble
emotions."
We must not suppose, however, that all this while he was so lost among
his books as to have forgotten that land for whose conversion he was
destined to labor through the best part of his life. He told a dear
friend how, having to wait one day at the Sapienza for the Hebrew
lecture, he went into the Church of St. Eustachio to pray; and there,
before the altar of the Blessed Sacrament and the altar of the Holy
Virgin Mother, the thought came into his mind that, as his native
country, in the oath which she imposes upon the chief personages of
the state, solemnly abjures these sacred mysteries, it was his duty to
devote himself to the defense and honor of those very doctrines in
England. And no one who has read his sermons and lectures and
pastorals can have failed to notice the burning love for the Eucharist
and the Blessed Virgin which inspired him.
The time was not yet for his mission to England; and it is so hard,
when the mind has been long running in one groove, to break out of it
and take a totally different course, that perhaps he might have come
in time to look upon the Roman theological schools as the ultimate
sphere of usefulness for which God had destined him, had he not been
suddenly called forth from his studious retirement by the voice of the
supreme pontiff. It was in 1827 that Leo XII. determined to institute
in the church of Gesu e Maria a course of English sermons, to be
attended by all colleges and religious communities that spoke the
language, and by as many other persons as chose to listen. It was
intended, of course, principally for the benefit of strangers. His
Holiness appointed Dr. Wiseman preacher. "The burden was laid there
and then," says the cardinal, describing the audience at which he
received this commission, "with peremptory kindness, by an authority
that might not be gainsaid. And crushingly it pressed upon the
shoulders. It would be impossible to describe the anxiety, pain, and
trouble which this command cost for many years after. Nor would this
be alluded to were it not to illustrate what has been kept in view
through this volume--how the most insignificant life, temper, and mind
may be moulded by the action of a {122} great and almost unconscious
power. Leo could not see what has been the influence of his
commission, in merely dragging from the commerce with the dead to that
of the living one who would gladly have confined his time to the
former,--from books to men, from reading to speaking. Nothing but this
would have done it. Yet supposing that the providence of one's life
was to be active, and in contact with the world, and one's future
duties were to be in a country and in times where the most bashful may
be driven to plead for his religion or his flock, surely a command
overriding all inclination and forcing the will to undertake the best
and only preparation for those tasks, may well be contemplated as a
sacred impulse and a timely direction to a mind that wanted both. Had
it not come then, it never more could have come; other bents would
have soon become stiffened and unpliant; and no second opportunity
could have been opened after others had satisfied the first demand."
From this time it would seem as if England had a stronger hold upon
his heart than ever. The noble purpose--which worldly men have since
laughed at as a wild dream--of devoting himself to the conversion of
England, became the ruling idea of his life. And often alone at night
in the college chapel he would "pour out his heart in prayer and
tears, full of aspirations and of a firm trust; of promptings to go,
but fear to outrun the bidding of our divine Master." He offered
himself to the Pope for this great work; but still the time was not
come; and he was told to wait.
But if he was not to go yet himself, he had his part to perform in
making others ready. He well knew that to fit his pupils for their
work, he must teach them something beside theology. Englishmen were a
sort of Brahmins; the missionary who went among them must go as one
versed in all learning, or he would not be listened to. He saw how the
natural sciences were growing to be the favorite pursuit--we may
almost say the hobby--of modern scholars, and in a preface to a thesis
by a student of the English college he insisted on the necessity of
uniting general and scientific knowledge to theological pursuits. As
another instance of the personal influence which several successive
pontiffs exercised over his studies, and the many kind marks of
interest which contributed to attach him so strongly to their persons,
we may repeat an anecdote which he tells in reference to this little
essay. He went to present it to Pius VIII., but the Holy Father had it
already before him, and said, "You have robbed Egypt of its spoil, and
shown that it belongs to the people of God." The same idea which he
briefly exposed in this essay, he developed more fully and with great
wealth of illustration in a course of lectures on the Connection
between Science and Revealed Religion, delivered first to his pupils
and afterward to a distinguished audience at the apartments of
Cardinal Weld. It was partly with a view to the revision and
publication of these lectures that he visited England in 1835.
During his stay in London, he preached a series of controversial
discourses in the Sardinian chapel during the Advent of 1835, and
another in St. Mary's, Moorfields, in Lent, 1836. The latter were
published under the title of _Lectures on the Principal Doctrines and
Practices of the Catholic Church_. They exhibit in a remarkable degree
the qualities, so rare in polemical literature, of kindness,
moderation, and charity for all men. The _odium theologicum_, indeed,
has less place at Rome than anywhere else in the Christian world. It
was at the very centre and chief school of the science of divinity
that he learned to fight against error without temper, and expose
falsehood without hard language. "I will certainly bear willing
testimony," he says, "to the absence of all harsh words and
uncharitable insinuations against others in public lectures or private
teaching, or even {123} in conversation at Rome. One grows up there in
a kinder spirit, and learns to speak of errors in a gentler tone than
elsewhere, though in the very centre of highest orthodox feeling." Dr.
Wiseman went back to the English college, leaving among his countrymen
at home an enviable reputation for honesty, learning, and good sense.
A few years more passed in frequent contact with the Holy Father, and
under the continuous influence of the sacred associations with which
eighteen centuries have peopled the Christian capital, and Nicholas
Wiseman was then ready to go forth to his work. The recollection of
numberless favors and kind words from the supreme pontiff went with
him, and strengthened him, and colored his thoughts. He has told of
the cordial and paternal treatment with which he was honored by
Gregory XVI. in particular. "An embrace would supply the place of
ceremonious forms on entrance. At one time a long, familiar
conversation, seated side by side; at another a visit to the
penetralia of the pontifical apartment (a small suite of entresols,
communicating by an internal staircase) occupied the time.
.....
What it has been my happiness to hear from him in such visits, it
would be betraying a sacred trust to reveal; but many and many words
there spoken rise to the mind in times of trouble, like stars, not
only bright in themselves, but all the brighter in their reflection
from the brightness of their mirror. They have been words of mastery
and spell over after events, promises, and prognostics which have not
failed, assurances and supports that have never come to naught."
[Footnote 39]
[Footnote 39: He gives an amusing account of a perplexing situation
from which this same Pope once unwittingly delivered him, while he
was engaged in his course of lectures on Science and Revealed
Religion at the apartments of Cardinal Weld. "On one of the days of
delivery," says he, "I had been prevented from writing the lecture
in time, and was laboring to make up for my delay, but in vain.
Quarter after quarter of each hour flew rapidly on, and my advance
bore no proportion to the matter before me. The fatal hour of twelve
was fast approaching, and I knew not what excuse I could make, nor
how to supply, except by a lame recital, the important portion yet
unwritten of my task--for an index to the lectures had been printed
and circulated. Just as the last moment arrived, a carriage from the
palace drove to the door, with a message that I would step into it
at once, as His Holiness wished to speak to me. This was, indeed, a
_deus ex machina_--the only and least thought of expedient that
could have saved me from my embarrassment. A messenger was
despatched to inform the gathering audience of the unexpected cause
of necessary adjournment of our sitting till the next day. The
object of my summons was one of very trifling importance, and
Gregory little knew what a service he had unintentionally rendered
me."]
In 1840 it was determined to increase the number of vicars apostolic
in England from four to eight, and Dr. Wiseman, at the same time, was
appointed coadjutor to Bishop Walsh at Wolverhampton. "It was a
sorrowful evening," he says, "at the beginning of autumn, when, after
a residence in Rome prolonged through twenty-two years, till affection
clung to every old stone there, like the moss that grew into it, this
strong but tender tie was cut, and much of future happiness had to be
invested in the mournful recollections of the past."
Here we leave him. It was not until ten years later that he became
cardinal, but though from 1840 to 1850 he filled only a subordinate
position, he was working hard and well during this period, and fast
rising to be the foremost man of all the Catholics of England. And his
work never ceased. He lived to see the hierarchy established, and the
conversion of his countrymen making steady if not rapid progress; but
his energy never flagged when a part of his task was done; he passed
on from one labor to another, until that last day, when "he entered
into the sanctuary of God's presence, from which he never again came
forth."
------
{124}
From All The Year Bound.
THE NICK OF TIME.
Let us suppose a case that might occur if it has not occurred.
John Mullet, immersed (say) in the button trade at Birmingham, has
made money in business. He bequeaths his property by will, and is in
due time gathered to his fathers. His two sons, Jasper and Josiah,
take certain portions; and other portions are to go either to the
family of Jasper or to that of Josiah, according as either one of
those brothers survives the other. Jasper remains in England; but
Josiah goes out to Australia, to establish something that may make his
children great people over there. Both brothers, twelve thousand miles
apart, die on the same day, May 1st, one at noon (Greenwich time), the
other at noon (Sydney time). Jasper's children have been on pleasant
cousinly terms with Josiah's; but they are aware of the fact that it
would be better for them that Josiah should die before their own
father, Jasper. Josiah's children, on the other hand, be they few or
many, although they always liked uncle Jasper, cannot and do not
ignore the fact that their interests would be better served by the
survivorship of Josiah than that of Jasper. The two sets of cousins,
therefore, plunge into a contest, to decide the question of
survivorship between the two sons of old John Mullet.
This is one variety of a problem which the courts of law and equity
are often called upon to settle. Occasionally the question refers to
two persons who die at the same time, and in each other's company. For
instance: Toward the close of the last century, George Netherwood, his
children by his first wife, his second wife, and her son, were all
wrecked during a voyage from Jamaica to England. Eight thousand pounds
were left by will, in such a way that the relations of the two wives
were greatly interested in knowing whether the second Mrs. Netherwood
did or did not survive her husband, even by one single minute--a
matter which, of course, could not be absolutely proved. Again, in
1806, Mr. Mason and one son were drowned at sea; his remaining eight
children went to law, some of them against the others; because, if the
father died before the son, L5,000 would be divided equally among the
other eight children; whereas, if the son died before the father, the
brothers only would get it, the sisters being shut out. A few years
afterward Job Taylor and his wife were lost in a ship wrecked at sea;
they had not much to leave behind them; but what little there was was
made less by the struggles of two sets of relatives, each striving to
show that one or other of the two hapless persons _might_ possibly
have survived the other by a few minutes. In 1819 Major Colclough, his
wife, and four children, were drowned during a voyage from Bristol to
Cork; the husband and wife had both made wills; and there arose a
pretty picking for the lawyers in relation to survivorships and next
of kin, and trying to prove whether the husband died first, the wife
first, or both together. Two brothers, James and Charles Corbet, left
Demerara on a certain day in 1828, in a vessel of which one was master
and the other mate; the vessel was seen five days afterward, but from
that time no news of her fate was ever received. Their father died
about a month after the vessel was last seen. The ultimate disposal of
his property depended very much on the question whether he survived
his two sons or they survived him. Many curious arguments were used in
court. Two or three captains stated that from August to January are
hurricane {125} months in the West Indian seas, and that the ship was
very likely to have been wrecked quite early in her voyage. There
were, in addition, certain relations interested in James's dying
before Charles; and they urged that, if the ship was wrecked, Charles
was likely to have outlived by a little space his brother James,
because he was a stronger and more experienced man. Alas for the
"glorious uncertainty!" One big-wig decided that the sons survived the
father, and another that the father survived the sons. About the
beginning of the present reign, three persons, father, mother, and
child, were drowned on a voyage from Dublin to Quebec; the husband had
made a will, leaving all his property to his wife; hence arose a
contest between the next of kin and the wife's relations, each
catching at any small fact that would (theoretically) keep one poor
soul alive a few minutes longer than the other. About ten years ago, a
gentleman embarked with his wife and three children for Australia: the
ship was lost soon after leaving England; the mate, the only person
who was saved among the whole of the crew and passengers, deposed that
he saw the hapless husband and wife locked in each other's arms at the
moment when the waves closed over them. There would seem to be no
question of survivorship here; yet a question really arose; for there
were two wills to be proved, the terms of which would render the
relatives much interested in knowing whether husband or wife did
really survive the other by ever so small a portion of time.
These entangled contests may rest in peace, so far as the actual
decisions are concerned. And so may others of a somewhat analogous
nature. Such, for instance, as the case of an old lady and her
housekeeper at Portsmouth. They were both murdered one night. The lady
had willed all her property to the housekeeper, and then, the lawyers
fought over the question as to which of the women died first. Or, the
case of a husband who promised, on his marriage-day, to settle L1,200
on his wife "in three or four years." They were both drowned about
three years after the marriage; and it was not until after a tough
struggle in chancery that the husband's relatives conquered those of
the wife--albeit, the money had nearly vanished in law expenses by
that time. Or, the case of a man who gave a power of attorney to sell
some property. The property was sold on the 8th of June, but the man
was never seen after the 8th of the preceding March, and was supposed
to have been wrecked at sea; hence arose a question whether the man
was or was not dead on the day when the property was sold--a question
in which the buyer was directly interested. The decisions in these
particular cases we pass over; but it is curious to see how the law
sometimes tries to _guess_ at the nick of time in which either one of
two persons dies. Sometimes the onus of proof rests on one of the two
sets of relations. If they cannot prove a survivorship, the judgment
is that the deaths were simultaneous. Sometimes the law philosophizes
on vitality and decay. The Code Napoleon lays down the principle that
of two persons who perish by the same calamity, if they were both
children, the elder probably survived the younger by a brief space, on
account of having superior vital energy; whereas, if they were elderly
people, the younger probably survived the elder. The code also takes
anatomy and physiology into account, and discourses on the probability
whether a man would or would not float longer alive than a woman, in
the event of shipwreck. The English law is less precise in this
matter. It is more prone to infer simultaneous death, unless proof of
survivorship be actually brought forward. Counsel, of course, do not
fail to make the best of any straw to catch at. According to the
circumstances of the case, they argue that a man, being usually
stronger than a woman, probably survives her a little in a case of
{126} simultaneous drowning; that, irrespective of comparative
strength, her greater terror and timidity would incapacitate her from
making exertions which would be possible to him; that a seafaring man
has a chance of surviving a landsman, on account of his experience in
salt-water matters; that where there is no evidence to the contrary, a
child may be presumed to have outlived his father; that a man in good
health would survive one in ill health; and so forth.
The nick of time is not less an important matter in reference to
single deaths, under various circumstances. People are often very much
interested in knowing whether a certain person is dead or not. Unless
under specified circumstances, the law refuses to kill a man--that is,
a man known to have been alive at a certain date is presumed to
continue to live, unless and until proof to the contrary is adduced.
But there are certain cases in which the application of this rule
would involve hardship. Many leases are dependent on lives; and both
lessor and lessee are concerned in knowing whether a particular life
has terminated or not. Therefore, special statutes have been passed,
in relation to a limited number of circumstances, enacting that if a
man were seen alive more than seven years ago, and has not since been
seen or heard of, he may be treated as dead.
The nick of time occasionally affects the distribution or amount of
property in relation to particular seasons. Some years ago the
newspapers remarked on the fact that a lord of broad acres, whose
rent-roll reached something like L40,000 a year, died "about midnight"
between the 10th and 11th of October; and the possible consequences of
this were thus set forth: "His rents are payable at 'old time,' that
is, old Lady-day and old Michaelmas-day. Old Michaelmas-day fell this
year on Sunday, the 11th instant. The day begins at midnight. Now, the
rent is due upon the first moment of the day it becomes due; so that
at one second beyond twelve o'clock of the 10th instant, rent payable
at old Michaelmas-day is in law due. If the lord died before twelve,
the rents belong to the parties taking the estates; but if after
twelve, then they belong to and form part of his personal estate. The
difference of one minute might thus involve a question on the title to
about L20,000." We do not know that a legal difficulty did arise; the
facts only indicate the mode in which one might have arisen. Sometimes
that ancient British institution, the house clock, has been at war
with another British institution, the parish church clock. A baby was
born, or an old person died, just before the house clock struck twelve
on a particular night, but after the church clock struck. On which day
did the birth or death take place--yesterday or to-day? And how would
this fact be ascertained, to settle the inheritance of an estate? We
know an instance (not involving, however, the inheritance to property)
of a lady whose relations never have definitely known on which day she
was born; the pocket watch of the accoucheur who attended her mother
pointed to a little before twelve at midnight, whereas the church
clock had just struck twelve. Of course a particular day had to be
named in the register; and as the doctor maintained that his watch was
right, there were the materials for a very pretty quarrel if the
parties concerned had been so disposed. It might be that the nick of
time was midnight exactly, as measured by solar or sun-dial time: that
is, the sun may have been precisely in the nadir at that moment; but
this difficulty would not arise in practice, as the law knows only
mean time, not sun-dial time. If Greenwich time were made legal
everywhere, and if electric clocks everywhere established
communication with the master clock at the observatory, there might be
another test supplied; but under the conditions stated, it would be a
nice matter of _Tweedledum_ and _Tweedledee_ {127} to determine
whether the house clock, the church clock, or a pocket watch, should
be relied upon. All the pocket watches in the town might be brought
into the witness-box, but without avail; for if some accorded with the
house clock, others would surely be found to agree better with the
church clock.
This question of clocks, as compared with time measured by the sun,
presents some very curious aspects in relation to longitude. What's
o'clock in London will not tell you what's o'clock in Falmouth, unless
you know the difference of longitude between the two places. The sun
takes about twenty minutes to go from the zenith of the one to the
zenith of the other. Local time, the time at any particular town, is
measured from the moment of noon at that town; and noon itself is when
the sun comes to the meridian of that place. Hence Falmouth noon is
twenty minutes after London noon, Falmouth midnight twenty minutes
after London midnight; and so on. When it is ten minutes after
midnight, on the morning of Sunday, the 1st of January, in London, it
is ten minutes before midnight, on Saturday, the 31st of December, at
Falmouth. It is a Sabbath at the one place, a working-day at the
other. That particular moment of absolute time is in the year 1865 at
the one, and 1864 at the other. Therefore, we see, it might become a
ticklish point in what year a man died, solely on account of this
question of longitude, irrespective of any wrong-going or wrong-doing
of clocks, or of any other doubtful points whatever. Sooner or later
this question will have to be attended to. In all our chief towns,
nearly all our towns indeed, the railway-station clocks mark Greenwich
time, or, as it is called, "railway time;" the church clocks generally
mark local time; and some commercial clocks, to serve all parties,
mark both kinds of time on the same dial-face, by the aid of an
additional index hand. Railway time is gradually beating local time;
and the law will by-and-by have to settle which shall be used as the
standard in determining the moment of important events. Some of the
steamers plying between England and Ireland use Greenwich time in
notifying the departures from the English port, and Dublin time in
notifying those from the Irish port; a method singularly embarrassing
to a traveller who is in the habit of relying on his own watch. Does a
sailor get more prog, more grog, more pay, within a given space of
absolute time when coming from America to England, or when going from
England to America? The difference is far too slight to attract either
his attention or that of his employers; yet it really is the case that
he obtains more good things in the former of these cases than in the
latter. His days are shorter on the homeward than on the outward
voyage; and if he receive so much provisions and pay per day, he
interprets day as it is to him on shipboard. When in harbor, say at
Liverpool, a day is, to him as to every one else who is stationary
like himself, a period of definite length; but when he travels
Eastward or Westward, his days are variable in length. When he travels
West, he and the sun run a race; the sun of course beats; but the
sailor accomplishes a little, and the sun has to fetch up that little
before he can complete what foot-racers call a lap. In other words,
there is a longer absolute time between noon and noon to the sailor
going West, than to the sailor ashore. When he travels East, on the
contrary, he and the sun run toward each other; insomuch that there is
less absolute time in the period between his Monday's noon and
Tuesday's noon than when he was ashore. The ship's noon is usually
dinner-time for the sailors; and the interval between that and the
next noon (measured by the sun, not by the chronometer) varies in
length through the causes just noticed. Once now and then there are
facts recorded in the newspapers which bring this {128} truth into
prominence--a truth demonstrable enough in science, but not very
familiar to the general public. When the _Great Eastern_ made her first
veritable voyage across the Atlantic in June, 1860, she left
Southampton on the 17th, and reached New York on the 28th. As the ship
was going West, more or less, all the while, she was going with or
rather after the sun; the interval was greater between noon and noon
than when the ship was anchored off Southampton; and the so-called
eleven days of the voyage were eleven long days. As it was important,
in reference to a problem in steam navigation, to know how many
revolutions the paddles made in a given time, to test the power of the
mighty ship, it was necessary to bear in mind that the ship's day was
longer than a shore day; and it was found that, taking latitude and
longitude into account, the day on which the greatest run was made was
nearly twenty-four and a half hours long; the ship's day was equal to
half an hour more than a landsman's day. The other days varied from
twenty-four to twenty-four and a half. On the return voyage all this
was reversed; the ship met the sun, the days were less than
twenty-four ordinary hours long, and the calculations had to be
modified in consequence. The sailors, too, got more food in a homeward
week than an outward week, owing to the intervals between the meals
being shorter albeit, their appetites may not have been cognizant of
the difference.
And this brings us back to our hypothetical Mullets. Josiah died at
noon (Sydney time), and Jasper died on the same day at noon (Greenwich
time). Which died first? Sydney, although not quite at the other side
of the world, is nearly so; it is ten hours of longitude Eastward of
Greenwich; the sun rises there ten hours earlier than with us. It is
nearly bed-time with Sydney folks when our artisans strike work for
dinner. There would, therefore, be a reasonable ground for saying that
Josiah died first. But had it been New Zealand, a curious question
might arise. Otago, and some other of the settlements in those
islands, are so near the antipodes of Greenwich, that they may either
be called eleven and three-quarter hours East, or twelve and a quarter
hours West, of Greenwich, according as we suppose the navigator to go
round the Cape of Good Hope or round Cape Horn. At six in the morning
in London, it is about six in the evening at New Zealand. But of which
day? When it is Monday morning in London, is it Sunday evening or
Monday evening in New Zealand? This question is not so easy to solve
as might be supposed. When a ship called at Pitcairn Island several
years ago, to visit the singular little community that had descended
from the mutineers of the Bounty, the captain was surprised to find
exactly one day difference between his ship's reckoning and that of
the islanders; what was Monday, the 26th, to the one, was Tuesday, the
27th, to the other. A voyage East had been the origin of one
reckoning, a voyage West that of the other. Not unlikely we should
have to go back to the voyage of the Bounty itself, seventy-seven
years ago, to get to the real origin of the Pitcairners' reckoning.
How it may be with the English settlers in New Zealand, we feel by no
means certain. If the present reckoning began with some voyage made
round Cape Horn, then our Monday morning is New Zealand Sunday
evening; but if with some voyage made round the Cape of Good Hope,
then our Monday morning is New Zealand Monday evening. Probabilities
are perhaps in favor of the latter supposition. We need not ask,
"What's o'clock at New Zealand?" for that can be ascertained to a
minute by counting the difference of longitude; but to ask, "What day
of the week and of the month is it at New Zealand?" is a question that
might, for aught we can see, involve very important legal
consequences.
------
{129}
From the Dublin Review.
RECENT DISCOVERIES IN THE CATACOMBS.
The chromo-lithographic press, established at Rome by the munificence
of Pius IX., has issued its first publication, four sheets in large
folio, _Imagines Selectae Deiparae Virginis in Caemeteriis Suburbanis
Udo depictae_, with about twenty pages of text from the pen of the
Cavaliere G. B. de Rossi. The subject and the author are amply
sufficient to recommend them to the Christian archaeologist, and the
work of the artists employed is in every way worthy of both. It is by
no means an uncommon idea, even among Catholics who have visited Rome
and _done_ the catacombs, that our Blessed Lady does not hold any
prominent place in the decorations of those subterranean cemeteries.
Protestant tourists often boldly publish that she is nowhere to be
found there. The present publication will suffice to show, even to
those who never leave their own homes, the falsehood of this statement
and impression. De Rossi has here set before us a selection of four
different representations of Holy Mary, as she appears in that
earliest monument of the Christian Church; and, in illustrating these,
he has taken occasion to mention a score or two of others. Moreover,
he has vindicated for them an antiquity and an importance far beyond
what we were prepared to expect; and those who have ever either made
personal acquaintance with him, or have studied his former writings,
well know how far removed he is from anything like uncritical and
enthusiastic exaggerations. Even such writers as Mr. Burgon ("Letters
from Rome") cannot refrain from bearing testimony to his learning,
moderation, and candor; they praise him, often by way of contrast with
some Jesuit or other clerical exponent of the mysteries of the
catacombs, for all those qualities which are calculated to inspire us
with confidence in his interpretations of any nice points of Christian
archaeology. But we fear his Protestant admirers will be led to lower
their tone of admiration for him, and henceforward to discover some
flaw in his powers of criticism, when they find him, as in these
pages, gravely maintaining, concerning a particular representation of
the Madonna in the catacombs, that it is of Apostolic, or
quasi-Apostolic antiquity. It is a painting on the vaulted roof of an
_arcosolium_ in the cemetery of St. Priscilla, and it is reproduced in
the work before us in its original size. The Blessed Virgin sits, her
head partially covered by a short slight veil, holding the Divine
Infant in her arms; opposite to her stands a man, holding in one hand
a volume, and with the other pointing to a star which appears between
the two figures. This star almost always accompanies our Blessed Lady
in ancient paintings or sculptures, wherever she is represented either
with the Magi offering their gifts, or by the manger's side with the
ox and the ass; but with a single figure, as in the present instance,
it is unusual. Archaeologists will probably differ in their
interpretation of this figure; the most obvious conjecture would, of
course, fix on St. Joseph; there seem to be solid reasons, however,
for preferring (with De Rossi) the prophet Isaias, whose predictions
concerning the Messias abound with imagery borrowed from light, and
who may be identified on an old Christian glass by the superscription
of his name. But this question, interesting as it is, is not so
important as the probable date of the painting itself; and here no
abridgment or analysis of' De Rossi's arguments can do justice to the
moderation, yet irresistible force, with which he accumulates proofs
of {130} the conclusion we have already stated, viz., that the
painting was executed, if not in Apostolic times and as it were under
the very eyes of the Apostles themselves, yet certainly within the
first 150 years of the Christian era. He first bids us carefully to
study the art displayed in the design and execution of the painting;
he compares it with the decorations of the famous Pagan tombs
discovered on the Via Latina in 1858, and which are referred to the
times of the Antoninuses; with the paintings in the pontifical
_cubiculum_ in the cemetery of St. Callixtus, and with others more
recently discovered in the cemetery of Pretextatus, to both of which a
very high antiquity is conceded by all competent judges; and he justly
argues that the more classical style of the painting now under
examination _obliges_ us to assign to it a still earlier date. Next, he
shows that the catacomb in which it appears was one of the oldest,--St.
Priscilla, from whom it receives its name, having been the mother of
Pudens and a contemporary of the Apostles (the impress of a seal, with
the name _Pudens Felix_, is repeated several times on the mortar round
the edge of a grave in this cemetery); nay, further still, it can be
shown that the tombs of Sts. Pudentiana and Praxedes, and therefore,
probably, of their father St. Pudens himself, were in the immediate
neighborhood of the very chapel in which this Madonna is to be seen;
moreover, the inscriptions which are found there bear manifest tokens
of a higher antiquity than can be claimed by any others from the
catacombs: there is the complete triple nomenclature of pagan times,
e.g., Titus Flavius Felicissimus; the epitaphs are not even in the
usual form, _in pace_, but simply the Apostolic salutation, _Pax
tecum, Pax tibi_; and finally, the greater number of them are not cut
on stone or marble slabs, but written with red paint on the tiles
which close the graves--a mode of inscription of which not a single
example, we believe, has hitherto been found in any other part the
catacombs. This is a mere outline of the arguments by which De Rossi
establishes his conclusion respecting the age of this painting, and
they are not even exhibited in their full force in the present
publication at all. For a more copious induction of facts, and a more
complete elucidation both of the history and topography of the
catacombs, we must be content to wait till the author's larger work on
_Roma Sotterranea_ shall appear.
The most recent painting of the Madonna which De Rossi has here
published is that with which our readers will be the most familiar. It
is the one to which the late Father Marchi, S.J., never failed to
introduce every visitor to the catacomb of St. Agnes, and has been
reproduced in various works; the Holy Mother with her hands
outstretched in prayer, the Divine Infant on her bosom, and the
Christian monogram on either side of her and turned toward her. This
last particular naturally directs our thoughts to the fourth century
as the date of this work; and the absence of the _nimbus_ and some other
indications lead our author to fix the earlier half of the century in
preference to the later. Between these two limits, then, of the first
or second, and the fourth century, he would place the two others which
are now published; he distinguishes them more doubtfully, as belonging
respectively to the first and second half of the third century. In
one, from the cemetery of Domitilla, the Blessed Virgin sits holding
the Holy Child on her lap, whilst four Magi offer their gifts; the
other, from the catacomb of Sts. Peter and Marcellinus, represents the
same scene, but with two Magi only. In both there is the same
departure from the ancient tradition of the number of the wise men,
and from the same cause, viz., the desire to give a proper balance and
proportion to the two sides of the picture, the Virgin occupying the
middle place. Indeed, in one of them, it is still possible to trace
{131} the original sketch of the artist, designing another arrangement
with the three figures only; but the result did not promise to be
satisfactory, and he did what thousands of his craft have continued to
do ever since, sacrificed historic truth to the exigencies of his art.
We trust our readers will be induced to get this valuable work and to
study it for themselves; the text may be procured either in French or
in Italian, so that it is readily accessible to all. At the same time
we would take the opportunity of introducing to them another work by
the same indefatigable author, which is also published both in French
and in Italian. At least, such is the announcement of a prospectus now
lying before us, which states that the French translation is published
by Vives, in Paris. We have ourselves only seen the original Italian.
It is a short monthly periodical, illustrations, _Bollettino di
Archeologia Cristiana_, and is addressed not merely to _savans_,
Fellows of Royal Societies, and the like, but rather to all educated
men who care for the history of their religion and are capable of
appreciating its evidences. De Rossi claims for the recent discoveries
in the Roman catacombs the very highest place among the scientific
events of the day which have an important religious bearing, and we
think that the justice of his plea must be admitted. Unfortunately,
however, the vastness of the subject, the multiplied engagements of
the author, and (not least) the political vicissitudes of the times,
have hitherto prevented the publication of these discoveries in a
complete and extended form. We are happy to know that the work is
satisfactorily progressing; but meanwhile he has been persuaded by the
suggestions of many friends, and by the convenience of the thing
itself, to publish this monthly periodical, which will keep us _au
courant_ with the most important additions that are being made from
time to time to our knowledge of those precious memorials of primitive
Christianity, and also supply much interesting information on other
archaeological matters. In these pages the reader is allowed to
accompany, as it were, the author himself in his subterranean
researches, to assist at his discoveries, to trace the happy but
doubtful conjecture of a moment through all its gradual stages, until
it reaches the moral certainty of a conclusion which can no longer be
called in question; _e.g._, the author gives us a portion of a lecture
which he delivered on July 3, 1852, to the Roman Pontifical Academy of
Archaeology. In this lecture he maintained, in opposition to the usual
nomenclature of the catacombs, and entirely on the strength of certain
topographical observations, that a particular cemetery, into which a
very partial opening had been made in 1848, was that anciently called
by the name of Pretextatus, and in which were buried St. Januarius,
the eldest of the seven sons of St. Felicitas, Felicissimus and
Agapitus, deacons of St. Sixtus, Pope Urban, Quirinus, and other
famous martyrs. Five years passed away, and this opinion had been
neither confirmed nor refuted; but in 1857, excavations undertaken for
another purpose introduced our author into a crypt of this cemetery,
of unusual size and richness of ornament, where one of the _loculi_
bore an inscription on the mortar which had secured the grave-stone,
invoking the assistance of "Januarius, Agatopus (for Agapitus), and
Felicissimus, martyrs!" This, of course, was a strong confirmation of
the conjecture which had been published so long before; but this was
all which he could produce in the first number of his _Bollettino_ in
January, 1863. In the second number he could add that, as he was going
to press (February 21), small fragments of an inscription on marble
had been disinterred from the same place, of which only single letters
had yet been found, but which, he did not hesitate to say, had been
written by Pope Damasus and contained his name, as well as the name of
{132} St. Januarius. In March he published the twelve or fourteen
letters which had been discovered, arranging them in the place he
supposed them to have occupied in the inscription, which he
conjecturally restored, and which consisted altogether of more than
forty letters. In April he was able still further to add, that they
had now recovered other portions; amongst the rest, a whole word, or
rather the contraction of a word (_episcop._ for _episcopus_), exactly in
accordance with his conjecture, though, at the time he made the
conjecture, only half of one of the letters had yet come to light.
We need not pursue the subject further. Enough has been said to
satisfy those of our readers who have any acquaintance with the
catacombs, both as to the kind and the degree of interest and
importance which belong to this publication. Its intelligence,
however, is by no means confined to the catacombs. The basilica of San
Clemente; the recent excavations at San Lorenzo, _fuori le mura_; the
postscript of St. Pamphilus the Martyr at the end of one of his
manuscript copies of the Bible, reproduced in the Codex Sinaiticus
lately published by Tischendorf; the arch of Constantine; ancient
scribblings on the wall (_graffiti_) of the palace of the Caesars on
the Palatine, etc., etc., are subjects of able and learned articles in
the several numbers we have received. With reference to the
_graffiti_, one singular circumstance mentioned by De Rossi is worth
repeating here. Most of our readers are probably acquainted with the
_graffiti_ from this place, published by P. Garrucci, in which one
Alessamenus is ridiculed for worshipping as his God the figure of a
man, but with the head of an ass, nailed to a cross. P. Garrucci had
very reasonably conjectured that this was intended as a blasphemous
caricature of the Christian worship; and recently other _graffiti_ in
the very same place have been discovered with the title _Episcopus_,
apparently given in ridicule to some Christian youth; for that the
room on whose walls these scribblings appear was used for educational
purposes is abundantly proved by the numerous inscriptions announcing
that such or such a one _exit de paedagogio_. We seem, therefore, in
deciphering these rude scrawls, to assist, as it were, at one of the
minor scenes of that great struggle between paganism and Christianity,
whereof the sufferings of the early martyrs, the apologies of Justin
Martyr, etc., were only another but more public and historical phase.
History tells us that Caracalla, when a boy, saw one of his companions
beaten because he professed the Christian faith. These _graffiti_ seem
to teach us that there were many others of the same tender age, _de
domo Caesaris_, who suffered more or less of persecution for the same
cause. Other interesting details of the same struggle have been
brought together by De Rossi, carefully gleaned from the patrician
names which appear on some of the ancient grave-stones, sometimes as
belonging to young virgins or widows who had dedicated themselves to
the service of Christ under the discipline of a religious community.
That such a community was to be found early in the fifth century, in
the immediate neighborhood of _S. Lorenzo fuori le mura_, or, at
least, that the members of such a community were always buried about
that time in that cemetery, is one of the circumstances which may be
said to be clearly proved by the recent discoveries. The proofs are
too numerous and minute for abridgment, but the student will be
interested in examining them as they appear in the _Bollettino_.
Another feature in this archaeological publication is its convenience
as a supplement to the volume of Christian Inscriptions published by
the same author. That volume, as our readers are already aware,
contains only such inscriptions of the first six centuries as bear a
distinct chronological note by the names of the chief magistrates, or
in some other way. Additional specimens of these are not unfrequently
discovered in the excavations still {133} in progress on various sides
of the city; and these De Rossi is careful to chronicle, and generally
also to illustrate by notes, in the pages of his _Bollettino_. The
chief value of these additions, perhaps, is to be found in the
corroboration they _uniformly_ give to the conclusions which De Rossi
had already deduced, the canons of chronological distinction and
distribution which he had established, from the larger collection of
inscriptions in the work referred to--whether as to the style of
writing or of diction and sentiments, etc.--canons, the full
importance of which will only be recognized when he shall have
published the second volume of the collection of epitaphs bearing upon
questions of Christian doctrine and practice.
In the earlier numbers of the _Bollettino_ for the present year there
is a very interesting account of the recent discoveries in the
Ambrosian basilica of Milan, where there seems no room to doubt but
that they have brought to light the very sarcophagus in which the
relics of the great St. Ambrose, as well as those of the martyrs Sts.
Gervasius and Protasius, have rested for more than ten centuries. The
history of the discovery is too long to be inserted here, and too
interesting to be abridged. One circumstance, however, connected with
it is too important to be omitted. The sarcophagus itself has not yet,
we believe, been opened; but, from the two sepulchres below and on
either side of it, where the bishop and the martyrs were originally
deposited, and where they remained until their translation in the
ninth century, many valuable relics have been gleaned. We will only
mention one of them--viz., portions of an _ampulla_ such as are found
in the catacombs, and concerning which Dr. Biraghi, the librarian of
the Bibliotheca Ambrosiana (to whose zeal we are indebted for the
whole discovery, and for the account of it to his learning), assures
us that it has been subjected to a chemical examination, and is shown
to have contained blood. This, as De Rossi truly remarks, is the most
notable instance which has yet come before us of this _ampulla_ having
been placed in the sepulchre of famous and historical martyrs, and it
is of very special importance as throwing a flood of light on those
words of St. Ambrose about these relics so often quoted in the
controversy on this subject--_Sanguine, tumulus madet; apparent
cruoris triumphales notae; inviolatae reliquiae loco suo et ordine
repertae_. And it is certainly singular that this discovery should
have been made at a moment when the validity of these _ampullae_, as
sure signs of martyrdom, has been so much called in question. The
Sacred Congregation of Rites had only recently reaffirmed their former
sentence on this matter; and this fact now comes most opportunely from
Milan to add further weight to their decision, by giving a historical
basis to an opinion which before had been thought by some rather to
rest upon theory and conjecture. It will go far, we should think,
toward _rehabilitating_ in the minds of Christian archaeologists the
pious belief of former ages upon this subject, wherever it may have
been shaken.
------
{134}
MISCELLANY.
SCIENCE.
_The Mason-Spider of Corfu_.--A correspondent of a London journal gives
an interesting account of certain habits of this insect, which belongs
to the _mygalidae_ family. The mygales are chiefly found in hot
climates, and include the largest specimens of spiders known. They are
called mason-spiders, from the curious manner in which they build
their houses. "The mygale nest," says the correspondent, "varies much
in size, from one inch in length to three or four, and even six or
seven inches. In the West Indies, where the spiders are crab-like, the
insects measure six inches over. One nest, especially mentioned and
minutely described by Mr. Oudouin, was three inches and a quarter long
and eight-tenths of an inch wide. The nest, of cylindrical form, is
made by boring into the earth; making his excavation, the next thing,
having decided upon the dimensions of his habitation, is to furnish
it, and most beautiful are his paper-hangings. The whole of the
interior is lined with the softest possible silk, a tissue which the
'major domo' spins all over the apartment until it is padded to a
sufficient thickness and made soft enough. Silk lining like this gives
the idea of the mygale having a luxurious turn. This done, and the
interior finished, the mygale shows his peculiarity by taking steps to
keep out the [Greek text] of intruders by making not only a door, and
that self-closing, but a door with swinging hinge, and sometimes one
at each end of his nest, which shows that he has a very good opinion
of his own work within, and knows how to take care of it. Not having
met with any case where any one had seen the positive operation of
making the door of these nests, I thought the details would be
interesting, the more so as they corroborated preconceived ideas of
their construction, and were noticed by a friend quartered at Corfu,
who brought home the nest with him. The following is the description
he gave me:
"Lying out in one of the sandy plateaux covered with olive groves
with which Corfu abounds, enjoying his cigar and lounging about in
the sandy soil, he came to a spider's nest. Examining it, he found
the lid or door would not open, and seemed held firmly within by the
proprietor--as if Jack were at home--so he applied forthwith the
leverage of a knife-blade, upon which the inmate retired to his
inner chamber. The aggressor decided not to disturb him any more
that day, but marking the place--most necessary thing to do--thought
he would explore further the next day, if fine.
"Accordingly, the next day my friend called early, intending to take
off the door and to watch the progress of restoration, and how it
would be accomplished. After waiting a long time, out came Monsieur
Mygale, and looking carefully round, and finding all quiet,
commenced operations by running his web backward and forward across
the orifice of his nest, till there was a layer of silken web; upon
this he ejected a gluten, over which he scratched the fine sand in
the immediate neighborhood of his nest; this done, he again set to
work--webbing, then gluten, sand; then again web, gluten, sand, about
six times; this occupied in all about eight hours. But the puzzling
part was that this time he was cementing and building himself out
from his own mansion, when, to the astonishment and delight of his
anxious looker-on, he began the finishing stroke by cutting and
forming the door by fixing his hind legs in the centre of the new
covering, and from these as a centre he began cutting with his jaws
right through the door he had made, striking a clear circle round,
and leaving about one-eighth of the circumference as a hinge. This
done, he lifted the door up and walked in. My friend then tried to
open the door with a knife, but the insect pulled it tight from the
inside. He therefore dug round him and took him off bodily--mygale
and nest complete. The hinge is most carefully and beautifully
formed; and there appears to be an important object in view when the
spider covers over the whole of the orifice, for immediately the
door is raised it springs back as soon as released; and this is
caused by the elasticity of the web on the hinge and the peculiar
formation of the lid or door, which is made thicker on the lower
side, so that its {135} own weight helps it to be self-closing, and
the rabbeting of the door is wonderfully surfaced. Bolts and Chub
locks with a latch-key the mygale family do not possess, but as a
substitute the lower part of the door has clawholding holes, so that
a bird's beak or other lever being used, Mons. Mygale holds on to
the door by these, and with his legs against the sides of his house,
offers immense resistance against all comers."
_Instinct of Insects_.--One of the regular course of free scientific
lectures delivered at the Paris Sorbonne this last winter, under the
auspices of the Minister of Public Instruction, was by the
distinguished naturalist M. Milne-Edwards, on the instinct and
intelligence of animals. Taking for his text the saying of Linnaeus,
_Natura maxime miranda in minimis,_ he spoke principally of the
instinct of insects, and especially of solitary bees. These
hymenoptera, in fact, afford one of the most striking examples known
of that faculty which impels an animal, either for its own
preservation or for the preservation and development of its offspring,
to perform the most complicated and intelligent actions, readily and
skilfully, yet without having learned how to do them. One species, the
carpenter-bee (_xylocopa_), bores in the trunks of trees galleries
running first horizontally and then vertically to a considerable
depth. She then collects a quantity of wax and honey. The honey she
kneads into a little ball of alimentary matter, in the midst of which
she deposits her first egg. With the wax she constructs a horizontal
partition, formed of concentric annular layers; this encloses the
cell. On this partition she deposits a second egg, enclosed like the
first in the provision destined for the support of the future larva;
and over it builds another partition of wax; and so on, to the top of
the vertical cavity. Then she dies; she never sees her offspring. The
latter, so long as they remain larvae, feed upon the honey which the
maternal foresight provided for them; and so soon as they have passed
through their second metamorphosis and become winged insects, issue
forth from their retreat, to perform in their turn a similar labor.
Another species of solitary bee, whose larva is carnivorous, resorts
to a still more wonderful, but, it must be confessed, very cruel,
expedient to supply the worm-like progeny with food. She constructs a
gallery or tunnel in the earth, and crowns it with a chimney curved
somewhat like a crosier, so as to keep out the rain. Then she goes
a-hunting, and brings back to her den a number of caterpillars. If she
kills them at once, they will spoil before her eggs are hatched; if
she lets them alone, they will run away. What shall she do? She
pierces the caterpillars with her venomous little dart, and injects
into them a drop of poison, which Mr. Claude Bernard no doubt will
analyze some day. It does not kill, it only paralyzes them; and there
they lie, torpid and immovable, till the larvae come into the world
and feast off the sweet and succulent flesh at their leisure.
Everybody is familiar with the habits and wonderful industry of
hive-bees, wasps, and ants. These insects seem to be governed by
something more than blind instinct: it is hardly too much to say that
they give indubitable signs of intelligence. They know how to modify
their course according to circumstances, to provide against unexpected
wants, to avert dangers, and to notify to each other whatever is of
consequence to be known by their whole community. Huber, the
celebrated bee-keeper of Geneva, relates the following anecdote: One
of his hives having been devastated one night by a large sphinx-moth,
the bees set to work the next morning and plastered up the door,
leaving only a small opening which would just admit them, one at a
time, but which the sphinx, with its big body and long wings, could
not pass. As soon as the season arrived when the moths terminate their
short lives, the bees, no longer fearing an invasion, pulled down
their rampart. The next season, as no sphinx appeared to trouble them,
they left their door wide open.
_Ostrich-keeping_.--By late news from the Cape of Good Hope we learn
that the farmers of that colony are beginning to find it profitable to
keep flocks of ostriches, for the feathers of those birds are worth
L25 sterling the pound. For thirty-five ostriches, there must be three
hundred acres of grazing-ground. The plucking takes place once in six
months; the yield of feathers from each bird being worth from L10 to
L12, 10s. The original cost of the young ostriches is said to be L5
each. Some of the {136} farmers who have tried the experiment are of
opinion that ostrich-feathers will pay better than any other produce
of the colony.
_Extraordinary Inland Navigation_.--We hear from South America that a
steamer built in England for the Peruvian government, for the
exploration of rivers, has penetrated the great continent from the
Atlantic side to a distance of ninety-five leagues only from the
Pacific, or nearly all across. The vessel, which draws seven feet
water, steamed seven hundred leagues up the Amazon, two hundred up the
Ucayati, and thence into the Pachitea, which had never before been
navigated except by native canoes. What a magnificent extent of inland
navigation is here opened to commercial enterprise! The mind becomes
somewhat bewildered in imagining the future of those vast
river-valleys when hundreds of steamers shall navigate the streams,
trading among millions of population dwelling on their banks.
_Is the Sun getting Bigger?_--It is known that various speculations
have been put forward as to the cause or source of the sun's heat.
Among those who consider that it consists in the falling of asteroids
or meteorites into the sun, is Mr. J. R. Mayer, of Heilbronn, who
states that the surface of the sun measures 115,000 million square
miles, and that the asteroids falling thereon form a mass every minute
equal in weight to from 94,000 to 188,000 billion kilogrammes. It
might be supposed that this enormous shower would increase the mass
and weight of the sun, and by consequence produce an appreciable
effect on the motion of the planets which compose our system. For
instance, it would shorten our year by a second or something less. But
the calculations of astronomers show that this effect does not take
place; and Mr. Mayer states that to increase the apparent diameter of
the sun a single second by the shower of asteroids would require from
33,000 to 66,000 years.
_Teaching the Deaf and Dumb to Speak_.--Dr. Houdin, director of an
institution for the deaf and dumb at Passy, lately announced to the
French Academy, that after twenty-five years' experience he had proved
the possibility of communicating the faculty of speech, in a certain
degree, to deaf mutes. A commission appointed by the Academy and the
Faculty to investigate the subject, reports that the learned doctor
has really succeeded in several instances in teaching these
unfortunate beings to speak and even comprehend spoken language so
well that it is difficult to believe that they are not guided by the
ear. The patients conversed with the members of the commission, and
answered the different questions put to them. They were found to be
perfectly familiar with the use and mechanism of speech, though
destitute of the sense of hearing, and they comprehended what was said
to them, reading the words upon the lips of the speaker with a
marvellous facility. Thus they become fit to enter into society and
capable of receiving all manner of instruction.
But here is another case still more wonderful. What would you do if
you had to instruct and prepare for first communion a child who was at
the same time deaf, dumb, and _blind_? The case is not an imaginary
one; it has occurred in an asylum for deaf-mutes at Notre Dame de
Larnay, in the diocese of Poitiers. A nun was there charged with the
instruction of a child in this unfortunate state, to whom she could
appeal only by the sense of touch. Yet the child, who astonishes
everybody by her sensibility and intelligence, has come by that means
to a knowledge of the spiritual life, of God and his divine Son, of
religion and its mysteries and precepts--has been prepared, in fine,
for a worthy reception of the Eucharist.
ART.