making hä´chamoni, and when the work was completed the cougar taught
the coyote the song which he would sing as ho´naaite of the Coyote
Society. They sang all the eighth day and night and at the conclusion
of the song the coyote was ordained a ho´naaite. Then said the cougar
to the coyote, “Go now and kill a deer, and when you kill the deer
bring the meat here and we will eat,” and the coyote said, “It is
well;” and he went to hunt the deer. In the early morning the coyote
saw a deer, but the deer ran fast, and, though he followed him all day,
he could not get close enough to catch him; he did not carry arrows,
but was to catch him with his hands, and at night the coyote returned
worn out. While the coyote was absent the cougar thought, “I guess the
coyote will be gone all day,” and when evening came and the coyote was
still absent he thought, “The coyote has not a good head or thoughts
for a ho´naaite.” When the coyote returned at night the cougar said,
“Why have you been gone all day and come back without a deer?” “I
saw a deer,” said the coyote, “early this morning, and I ran all day
following him; I went very far and am tired.” “Well,” said the cougar,
“why is it your head and heart cared to be a ho´naaite? I gave you food
for Ko´pĭshtaia and you, coyote, you ate the food that should have been
given to Ko´pĭshtaia; this is why you did not catch the deer to-day.
Had you given the food to Ko´pĭshtaia, instead of eating it, you would
have caught the deer.” The coyote thought much, but did not say a word.
He slept that night in the cougar’s house, and at dawn the cougar said
to one of his own people, “you go and catch a deer.” “Well, be it so,”
said the companion, and he started for the deer before the sun was up.
In a short time he saw one; it was very near him, and with one jump
he sprang upon the game and caught it before the sun was yet up, and
hurrying back to the house of his chief he said, “Here is the meat of
the deer.”
The chief was much pleased and contented, but the coyote was very
sad. All the companions of the cougar were happy and rejoiced. “Good,
my son!” said the cougar, “I am much contented; we will pay the
Ko´pĭshtaia with plumes; now we will eat the flesh of the deer.” The
chief ate first and the others after him; he would not give any of the
meat to the coyote, because the coyote’s thoughts were not good. The
chief enjoyed his food greatly, this being the ninth morning from the
beginning of his fast. The cougar said to the coyote, “Your thoughts
and heart are not good; you are no longer a ho´naaite; go! You will
henceforth travel quickly over and about the world; you will work
much, passing about, but you will never understand how to kill the
deer, antelope, or any game; I do not travel fast, but my thoughts are
good, and when I call the deer they come quickly.” Since that time the
coyote is always hunting the deer, rabbit, and other game, but is not
successful.
THE COYOTE AND RATTLESNAKE.
The coyote’s house was near the house of the rattlesnake. The coyote
said to the snake, “Let us walk together,” and while walking he said
to the snake, “To-morrow come to my house.” In the morning the snake
went to the house of the coyote and moved along slowly on the floor,
shaking his rattle. The coyote sat to one side, much afraid; he became
frightened after watching the movements of the snake and hearing the
noise of the rattle. The coyote had a pot of rabbit meat cooking on
the fire, which he placed in front of the snake, inviting him to eat,
saying, “Companion, eat.” “No, companion, I will not eat your meat;
I do not understand your food,” said the snake. “What food do you
eat?” asked the coyote. “I eat the yellow flowers of the corn,” was
the reply, and the coyote immediately began to look around for some,
and when he found the pollen, the snake said, “Put some on the top of
my head that I may eat it,” and the coyote, standing as far off as
possible, dropped a little on the snake’s head. The snake said, “Come
nearer and put enough on my head that I may find it.” He was very much
afraid, but after a while he came close to the snake and put the pollen
on his head, and after eating the pollen the snake thanked the coyote
saying, “I will go now and pass about,” but before leaving he invited
the coyote to his house: “Companion, to-morrow you come to my house.”
“Very well,” said the coyote, “to-morrow I will go to your house.” The
coyote thought much what the snake would do on the morrow. He made a
small rattle (by placing tiny pebbles in a gourd) and attached it to
the end of his tail, and, testing it, he was well satisfied and said:
“This is well;” he then proceeded to the house of the snake. When he
was near the house he shook his tail and said to himself, “This is
good; I guess when I go into the house the snake will be very much
afraid of me.” He did not walk into the house, but moved like a snake.
The coyote could not shake the rattle as the snake did his; he had to
hold his tail in his hand. When he shook his rattle the snake appeared
afraid and said, “Companion, I am much afraid of you.” The snake had a
stew of rats on the fire, which he placed before the coyote and invited
him to eat, saying, “Companion, eat some of my food,” and the coyote
replied, “I do not understand your food; I can not eat it, because I do
not understand it.” The snake insisted upon his eating, but the coyote
continued to refuse, saying, “If you will put some of the flower of
the corn on my head I will eat; I understand that food.” The snake
quickly procured some corn pollen, but he pretended to be afraid to
go too near the coyote, and stood off a distance. The coyote told him
to come nearer and put it well on the top of his head; but the snake
replied, “I am afraid of you.” The coyote said, “Come nearer to me;
I am not bad,” and the snake came closer and put the pollen on the
coyote’s head and the coyote tried to eat the pollen; but he had not
the tongue of the snake, so could not take it from his head. He made
many attempts to reach the top of his head, putting his tongue first
on one side of his nose and then on the other, but he could only reach
either side of his nose. His repeated failures made the snake laugh
heartily. The snake put his hand over his mouth, so that the coyote
should not see him laugh; he really hid his head in his body. The
coyote was not aware that the snake discovered that he could not obtain
the food. As he left the snake’s house he held his tail in his hand and
shook the rattle; and the snake cried, “Oh companion! I am so afraid
of you,” but in reality the snake shook with laughter. The coyote,
returning to his house, said to himself, “I was such a fool; the snake
had much food to eat and I would not take it. Now I am very hungry,”
and he went out in search of food.
THE SKÁTONA.
The myth of the ska´tona (a monster plumed serpent) who, in the old
time, ate the people, is familiar to every man, woman, and child of
Sia. This serpent, who lived in the mountains, did not move to catch
the people, but drew them to him with his breath; he never called but
one person at a time, compelling each one to approach sidewise so that
he could not be seen. The hand was usually grabbed first, then the
serpent would take the hand into his mouth and gradually devour his
victim.
+----------------------------------------------------------------------+
| FOOTNOTES: |
| |
| [1] The author mentions gratefully the share of this work performed |
| by her late husband, Mr. James Stevenson, whose notes taken during |
| his last year’s work in the field have been freely used by her and |
| whose life interest in the North American Indians has been her |
| inspiration. |
| |
| [2] Davis, Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, 1869, pp. 351, 352. |
| |
| [3] The writer is indebted to Mr. A. F. Bandelier for the |
| information regarding the Catholic missions. |
| |
| [4] Sûs´sĭstinnako is referred to both as father and mother, he |
| being the parent of all, and sometimes as grandmother or the first |
| parent. |
| |
| [5] In this paper the words “cardinal points” are used to signify |
| north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir. |
| |
| [6] The Ï´ärriko or ya´ya (mother) is an ear of corn which may |
| be any color but must be symmetrically perfect, and not a grain |
| must be missing. Eagle and parrot plumes are placed in pyramidal |
| form around the corn. In order that the center feathers may be |
| sufficiently long they are each attached to a very delicate splint. |
| The base of this pyramid is formed of splints woven together with |
| native cotton cord and ornamented at the top with shells and |
| precious beads. A pad of native cotton is attached to the lower |
| end of the corn. When the ya´ya is completed there is no evidence |
| of the corn, which is renewed every four years when the old corn |
| is planted. The ya´ya is made only by the theurgists of the cult |
| societies, and continency must be practiced four days previous |
| to the making of the Ï´ärriko, and an emetic taken each of the |
| four mornings before breaking fast for purification from conjugal |
| relations. A ya´ya is presented by the theurgist to each official |
| member, the little ones being apparently as appreciative and proud |
| as their elders of the honor conferred upon them. The Ï´ärriko |
| is the Sia’s supreme idol. The one given to the writer by the |
| theurgist of the knife society is now in the National Museum. |
| |
| [7] Though it is not mentioned in the story, it seems to be |
| understood that these games were played for the houses, for had |
| Po´shaiyänne lost the games he would have lost the houses. |
| |
| [8] Ancient flat shell beads as thin as paper. |
| |
| [9] This reference to tables appears to evidence the fact that this |
| portion of the cosmogony is of later date, and the whole paragraph |
| savors of a coloring from Christian or biblical teaching. |
| |
| [10] The culture hero of the Sia bears a name similar to that of |
| the corresponding prodigy among the Zuñi. The same is true of other |
| of their mythological beings. |
| |
| [11] Fifth Ann. Rept. Bu. Eth., pp. 539-553. |
| |
| [12] Presiding officer of a cult society. |
| |
| [13] This society differed from the one of the same name afterwards |
| organized in the upper world; knife in the former referring to |
| the implement used for domestic and other purposes, while the |
| word in the latter indicates the arrows presented to Ma´asewe and |
| U´yuuyewĕ, the two war heroes, sons of the sun, by their father. |
| |
| [14] The ho´naaite, in this instance, is not, strictly speaking, |
| the theurgist, for the priest-doctor of the society of warriors |
| practices surgery exclusively, such as extracting balls and |
| arrows, while the theurgist has to deal with afflictions caused |
| by witchcraft and the anger of certain animals and insects, he |
| acting simply as the agent of the prey animals. The functions of |
| the ho´naaites of the Koshai´ri and Quer´ränna also differ from |
| those of the other societies. As these two societies received their |
| songs and medicine directly from the sun, they are not entitled |
| to the slat altars used in ceremonials and given by Ût´sĕt to the |
| societies in the lower world; only those ho´naaites who practice |
| through the power of the prey animals possess the sand paintings. |
| The Warriors, Koshai´ri and Quer´ränna, make their cloud emblems of |
| meal. |
| |
| [15] The sacred meal, or shell mixture as it is often called by the |
| Sia, may be prepared by an adult of either sex; it is composed of |
| coarsely ground meal, powdered shells, and turkis. |
| |
| [16] A member of a society is selected by the ho´naaite to collect |
| the willow twigs from which the hä´chamoni are made. The ho´naaite |
| arranges a bunch of bird plumes which the collector attaches to |
| the limb of a willow, saying: “I have come to collect twigs for |
| hä´chamoni and I pay you with these plumes.” The tree to which the |
| plumes are attached is not touched, but the one nearest to it. A |
| stroke at the place where the twig is to be cut is made with an |
| ancient stone knife and the twig is severed from the tree on a line |
| at right angles with itself, the stick varying from four inches to |
| a foot in length, according to the symmetry of the twig, which is |
| divided by three cuts (these having first been indicated by the |
| stone knife), leaving the selected portion with a pointed end which |
| in cross section would show an equilateral triangle. |
| |
| [17] The Sia do not differ from the Zuñi, Tusayan, and Navajo in |
| their process of preparing sand paintings, the powdered pigment |
| being sprinkled between the index finger and thumb. All these |
| Indian artists work rapidly. |
| |
| [18] The uncolored illustrations are from photographs by Miss May |
| S. Clark, the interior views being by flash light. The writer is |
| pleased to congratulate Miss Clark for having succeeded under the |
| most trying circumstances. |
| |
| [19] All the figures show the feet as they are colored before the |
| moccasins are put on. The red spot on the body designates the |
| heart, the black spot on the figure of the member of the fire |
| society indicates the coal which is eaten. The white around the |
| face, arms, and legs is down from the breast of the hawk. |
| |
| [20] Female members are never present at the ceremonial of brushing |
| with straws and feathers, and therefore the ya´ya belonging to the |
| woman and child were not to be seen on this occasion, and neither |
| did the one captured from the Navajo appear. |
| |
| [21] The portraits of the ho´naaites were made in secluded spots in |
| the woods. The hair is not arranged as it is in the ceremonials, |
| fear of discovery preventing the proper arrangement and adornment |
| with feathers. (Pl. XXX.) |
| |
| [22] There were other Ka´ᵗsuna, however, which were in the upper |
| world before the Sia came. While the Sia can not account for their |
| origin they are also personated by them. |
| |
| [23] The aged ho´naaite has since died. |
| |
| [24] Here the singers sprinkle pollen to the north with an under |
| wave of the hand. |
| |
| [25] Can not be translated. |
| |
| [26] Shell mixture and sacred meal are synonymous. |
| |
| [27] After the religious services it is usual for the ho´naaite |
| to absent himself, even though he be the woman’s husband or |
| father; his remaining being an evidence of unusual devotion. |
| The mother-in-law may be present at childbirth, but not the |
| father-in-law unless he be the chosen ho´naaite for the occasion, |
| and his affection for the daughter-in-law prompting him to remain, |
| this, however, being very rare. “Should the expectant mother fail |
| to bend her thoughts upon the event to come the child would not |
| care to be born and would lie still and die.” It is rare for a Sia |
| woman to die in childbirth; or for a child to he stillborn. |
| |
| [28] The doctress names all infants, one name usually serving the |
| female through life, but the male may have a plurality of names; |
| for example, upon his return after a long journey, or after having |
| performed some valorous deed his head is bathed in yucca suds by |
| some female member of the cult society to which he belongs, or by a |
| member of his clan, when she bestows an appropriate name. |
| |
+----------------------------------------------------------------------+
Transcriber’s Notes:
- Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
- Blank pages have been removed.
- Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.
- Native words spacing, hyphenation, and markup varies, this
has been left as is.