8. Astylos, or Astyalos, of Kroton.[2463] Besides mentioning his statue

by Pythagoras of Rhegion at Olympia, Pausanias in the same passage (VI,

13.1) mentions another in the temple of Lakinian Hera near Kroton,

which his fellow-townsmen pulled down in anger, because he had called

himself a Syracusan in order to please the Sicilian tyrant Hiero.[2464]

Collignon believes that the statue at Kroton was also a copy of the

work of Pythagoras at Olympia.[2465]

9. Euthymos, son of Astykles, of Lokroi Epizephyrioi in South

Italy.[2466] In addition to his statue at Olympia by Pythagoras,

mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 6.4-6),[2467] we know of another statue by

Pythagoras set up in Lokroi in honor of this victor.[2468] According to

Kallimachos, both statues were struck by lightning at the same time.

Other writers tell wondrous tales of this boxer.[2469]

10. Theagenes, son of Timosthenes, of Thasos, one of the most famous

Olympic victors.[2470] Besides his statue at Olympia by Glaukias of

Aegina (VI, 11.2 and 9), Pausanias says that he knows of many other

places in Greece and elsewhere where images of this victor were set up

(VI, 11.9), and records one at Thasos to which the Thasians sacrificed

as to a god (VI, 11.6). The story which he tells about this Thasian

statue being scourged and falling on the enemy of Theagenes is also

recounted at greater length by Dio Chrysostom[2471] and is mentioned

by Eusebios.[2472] Lucian says that the statue cured fevers, just as

did that of Polydamas at Olympia.[2473] Studniczka has argued that the

statues at Thasos and elsewhere were set up to honor the hero and not

the victor.[2474]

11. Ladas, of Sparta.[2475] Two fourth-century epigrams celebrate the

fleetness of Ladas, and the second names Myron as the statuary of a

bronze statue of him.[2476] Pausanias mentions a statue of the same

victor in the temple of Apollo Lykios in Argos (II, 19.7). Whether the

latter statue was identical with the one named in the epigram can not

be finally determined.[2477] Pausanias refers to a stadion of Ladas,

situated between Mantinea and Orchomenos in Arkadia, in which Ladas

practiced running (VIII, 12.5), and also to his grave between Belemina

and Sparta (III, 21.1).

12. Kallias, son of Didymias of Athens.[2478] Apart from his statue at

Olympia made by the Athenian painter and sculptor Mikon, mentioned by

Pausanias (VI, 6.1),[2479] there was a dedication to him at Athens, as

we learn from the preserved inscription, which enumerates his thirteen

victories at Olympia and elsewhere.[2480]

13. Diagoras, son of Damagetos, of Rhodes, the most famous of Greek

boxers.[2481] In addition to his statue at Olympia by Kallikles, son of

Theokosmos of Megara, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 7.1-2) as standing

among the group of statues of his sons and grandsons, we learn from

the scholiast on Pindar, _Ol._ VII, Argum., who quotes Gorgon as his

authority,[2482] that this ode, which celebrated the Olympic victory of

Diagoras, was attached in golden letters to the walls of the temple of

Athena at Lindos.

14. Agias, of Pharsalos.[2483] We have already, in Ch. VI, discussed

the group of marble statues set up at Delphi by Daochos of Pharsalos

in honor of his ancestors who had won in various athletic contests,

which was discovered by the French excavators there in 1894. We there

mentioned that Preuner found the same metrical inscription which

appeared on the base of the statue of Agias, the best preserved of

the group (Pl. 28 and Fig. 68), in the journal of Stackelberg,[2484]

who had copied it in the early part of the nineteenth century from

a base in Pharsalos which has since disappeared. This Thessalian

inscription contained the additional words that Lysippos of Sikyon was

the sculptor. In both inscriptions the victories of Agias at Olympia

and elsewhere are noted. Thus we know of two statues of Agias, one at

Delphi, the other at Pharsalos, both presumably by Lysippos. Preuner

also thinks that a third statue may have stood in Olympia.

15. Cheimon, of Argos.[2485] In mentioning the statue of Cheimon at

Olympia by the sculptor Naukydes of Argos, Pausanias, in the same

passage (VI, 9.3), records another which once stood in Argos, but was

later removed to the temple of Peace in Rome.[2486]

16. Leon, son of Antikleidas (or Antalkidas), of Sparta.[2487] A

fragment of Polemon[2488] mentions a statue of this victor. It may have

stood in Olympia, as Foerster without good grounds assumes, or it may

have stood elsewhere.

17. Eubotas (Eubatas or Eubatos), of Kyrene.[2489] Besides his statue

at Olympia recorded by Pausanias (VI, 8.3), we learn of another set up

at Kyrene by the victor’s wife for his devotion.[2490]

18. Promachos, son of Dryon, of Pellene in Achaia.[2491] Pausanias not

only mentions a bronze statue of this victor at Olympia (VI, 8.5-6),

but also records one of stone dedicated likewise by his townsmen in the

Old Gymnasion of Pellene (VII, 27.5).

Of the fifth or fourth centuries B. C.:

19. An unknown victor, of Argos or (?) Tegea.[2492] Aristotle mentions

an inscription from a statue of an Olympic victor in two passages of

his _Rhetoric_.[2493] This epigram was repeated by Aristophanes of

Byzantion,[2494] who wrongly ascribed it to Simonides.[2495] Where this

statue stood can not be determined.

Of the fourth century B. C.:

20. Kyniska, daughter of Archidamos I, of Sparta.[2496] Pausanias,

before mentioning the monumental group at Olympia by Apellas of Megara,

which consisted of the statues of Kyniska and her charioteer standing

beside a huge bronze chariot and horses (VI. 1.6), and the small bronze

chariot by the same sculptor, set up in her honor in the vestibule of

the temple of Zeus (V, 12.5), records that there was a shrine in Sparta

at Plane-tree Grove, near the youths’ exercise ground, erected to the

heroine Kyniska (III, 15.1). This latter dedication, therefore, was not

properly a victor monument, though Pausanias in the same book says that

Kyniska was the first Greek woman to train horses and to win a prize at

Olympia (III, 8.1).

21. Euryleonis, a victress of Sparta.[2497] Pausanias says that she

had a statue in her native city near the so-called Σκήνωμα, “Tent”

(III, 17.6). Curtius has suggested that this may be the small building

mentioned by Thukydides as the place where King Pausanias took refuge

when pursued by the ephors.[2498]

22. Archias, son of Eukles, of Hybla.[2499] An epigram in the _Greek

Anthology_[2500] speaks of a statue of this victor at Delphi.

23. [Phil]okrates, son of Antiphon, of Athens (deme of Krioa).[2501]

An inscribed base of the statue of this victor has been found in

Athens.[2502]

24. An unknown victor. An inscribed base, found near the Portico of

Attalos in Athens, records the victories of an unknown athlete at

several games, including one in the παγκράτιον ἀνδρῶν at Olympia.[2503]

25. Phorystas, son of Thriax (or Triax), of (?) Tanagra.[2504]

The inscribed base of the statue of this victor, giving Kaphisias

of Bœotia as the sculptor, has been discovered in the ruins of

Tanagra.[2505] His brother Pammachos won παγκράτιον παίδων at Nemea,

and had a statue at Thebes, the work of Teisikrates, the inscribed base

of which has been recovered.[2506]

Of the fourth or third centuries B. C.:

26. Aristophon, son of Lysinos, of Athens.[2507] Besides his statue

at Olympia, set up at the cost of the people of Athens, mentioned by

Pausanias (VI, 13.11; _cf._ VI, 14.1), we have the inscription from the

base of another which was set up on the Athenian Akropolis.[2508]

27. Attalos, father of King Attalos I,[2509] of Pergamon.[2510] The

inscribed base of his great victor monument, erected by Epigonos, has

been dis- covered at Pergamon.[2511]

Of the second century B. C.: none.

Of the first century B. C.: none.

Of the first century A. D.:

28. Xenodamos, of Antikyra in Phokis.[2512] Pausanias mentions a bronze

statue of this victor in the Old Gymnasion at Antikyra (X, 36.9). G.

Hirschfeld[2513] had objected to the statement of Pausanias, in the

passage cited, “that this was the only Olympiad omitted in the Elean

register,” because of its inconsistency with other passages which

state that in the 8th Olympiad,[2514] in the 34th,[2515] and in the

104th,[2516] the games were celebrated by intruders, and not by the

Eleans, and hence these Olympiads were regarded as invalid and were not

entered in the Elean registers. However, as Frazer points out,[2517]

the case with Ol. 211 was different. It was doubtless celebrated by

the Eleans themselves and its validity was not questioned, but either

it was never entered in the register, or, if entered, was later struck

out. Africanus (_cf._ Philostratos)[2518] says that the celebration

of this Olympiad, which should have fallen 65 A. D., was deferred two

years to favor Nero, who in 67 A. D. received prizes in six events,

including the ten-horse chariot-race.[2519] The Eleans, later being

ashamed of thus favoring the tyrant, probably removed Ol. 211 from the

register after his death. It may be that for the same reason statues

of victors of that Olympiad were not set up in the Altis, which would

explain why that of Xenodamos was set up in his native city, where

Pausanias saw it. Not finding his name in the Elean register, Pausanias

would reason that this victory fell in the disgraced Ol. 211.[2520]

28a. Titos Phlabios Artemidoros, son of Artemidoros, of Adana in

Kilikia.[2521] The inscribed marble tablet from the base of the statue

which this victor erected in Naples in honor of his father Artemidoros,

son of Athenodoros, is preserved. It contains a list of his own many

victories in παγκράτιον and πάλη in games held in Greece, Italy, Asia

Minor, and Egypt. Though the statue was erected to his father, the long

inscription shows that it was intended quite as much to celebrate his

own athletic prowess.[2522]

29. Titos Phlabios Metrobios, son of Demetrios, of Iasos, Karia.[2523]

The inscribed base of his statue has been found in Iasos.[2524]

30. Sarapion, of Alexandria, Egypt.[2525] Pausanias mentions two

statues of this victor, which stood on either side of the entrance

to the Gymnasion in Elis known as the Maltho. He adds that they were

erected by the Eleans in gratitude for the bestowal of corn in a time

of famine (VI, 23.6). He is not to be confounded with other victors of

the same name.[2526]

Of the second century A. D.:

31. Markos Aurelios Demetrios, of Alexandria, Egypt.[2527] His son,

M. Aurelios Asklepiades, dedicated a statue to him in Rome, the

inscription from the base of which has been recovered.[2528]

32. Unknown victor, from Magnesia ad Sipylum, in Lydia.[2529] His

statue in Magnesia is known from the recovered inscribed base.[2530]

33. Kranaos or Granianos, of Sikyon.[2531] Pausanias mentions a bronze

statue of this victor as standing in the precincts of the temple of

Asklepios, on the hill of Titane, near Sikyon (II, 11.8).

34. Titos Ailios Aurelios Apollonios, of Tarsos.[2532] A statue of

this victor stood in Athens, as we learn from its preserved inscribed

base.[2533]

35. Mnasiboulos, of Elateia in Phokis.[2534] His fellow citizens

erected a bronze statue in honor of his repelling the robber horde of

the Kostobokoi, who overran Greece in the days of Pausanias (X, 34.5).

The statue stood in “Runner” street.

Of the third century A. D.:

36. Aurelios Toalios, of (?) Oinoanda, Lykia.[2535] The inscribed base

of the statue of this victor has been found in Oinoanda.[2536]

37. Aurelios Metrodoros, of Kyzikos.[2537] The inscribed base of his

statue was found in Kyzikos, and is now in Constantinople.[2538]

38. Valerios Eklektos, of Sinope.[2539] Besides his monument at

Olympia, which was erected immediately after 261 A. D.,[2540] we know,

from an inscription, of another statue dedicated to him in Athens some

time between 253 and 257 A. D.[2541]

Of the fourth century A. D.:

39. Klaudios Rhouphos, also called Apollonios the Pisan, son of

Klaudios Apollonios, of Smyrna.[2542] We learn from an inscription

found in the Baths of Titus in Rome that his statue stood in the

council-chamber of the Guild of Athletes of Hercules at Rome.[2543]

40. Philoumenos, of Philadelphia, in Lydia.[2544] The closing verse

of an inscription belonging to the base of his statue is preserved in

Panodoros.[2545] Where the statue stood can not be determined.

Of unknown dates:

41. Ainetos, of (?) Amyklai.[2546] Pausanias mentions the portrait

statue of this victor at Amyklai (III, 18. 7). He says that he expired

even while the crown was being placed on his head.

42. Nikokles, of Akriai in Lakonia.[2547] Pausanias mentions a monument

(μνῆμα) erected in his honor at Akriai, between the Gymnasion and the

sea-wall (III, 22.5).

43. Aigistratos, son of Polykreon, of Lindos in Rhodes.[2548] A statue

of this victor was set up at Lindos, as we learn from the preserved

inscription on its base found there.[2549] He is called in the

inscription the first Lindian victor at Olympia.

44. An unknown victor, of (?) Delphi.[2550] The inscribed base of his

statue, with remains of the dedication, was found many years ago at

Delphi by Cockerell.[2551]

We have records of other monuments erected to victors, but it is not

clear whether the victories recorded were won at Olympia or elsewhere.

We list the following three doubtful cases, which have already been

noted in earlier chapters:

1. Epicharinos. Pausanias mentions the statue Ἐπιχαρίνου ὁπλιτοδρομεῖν

ἀσκήσαντος, by the sculptor Kritios, as standing upon the Athenian

Akropolis (I, 23.9). The inscribed base of this monument was found in

1839, between the Propylaia and the Parthenon.[2552] The inscription

states that the statue was the joint work of Kritios (thus correcting

the spelling Κριτίας of Pausanias) and Nesiotes. It was, therefore,

a work of the first half of the fifth century B. C., the date of

the sculptors of the _Tyrannicides_ (Fig. 32). Ross added the word

ὁπλιτοδρόμος after the name in the inscription. Michaelis,[2553]

however, has inserted the name of the victor’s father. Wilamowitz[2554]

went further and assumed that Polemon, from whom Pausanias derived the

account, had already falsely restored the inscription and that the

statue did not represent Epicharinos, but another victor. This theory

has been rightly controverted by many scholars.[2555] It is clear that

Pausanias got his information from the monument, and not from the

inscription.

2. Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos or Euthynos. Pausanias mentions the

statue of the pancratiast Hermolykos as standing on the Akropolis

at Athens (I, 23.10). This was probably Hermolykos the pancratiast,

who is recorded by Herodotos as having distinguished himself at the

battle of Mykale in 479 B. C., and as having been afterwards killed in

battle at Kyrnos in Euboia and buried at Geraistos.[2556] Some scholars

have advocated the theory that the portrait statue here mentioned by

Pausanias was none other than the statue which stood on the Akropolis

on the base which was discovered in 1839, dedicated by Hermolykos,

the son of Diitrephes, the work of the sculptor Kresilas,[2557]

and that the Periegete mistook the latter for the one mentioned by

Herodotos.[2558] However, Frazer finds this explanation “arbitrary and

highly improbable,” and believes that the base in question supported

the statue of Diitrephes, pierced with arrows, also mentioned by

Pausanias (I, 23.3).[2559] Kirchhoff distinguished not only the statue

of Hermolykos mentioned by Pausanias and the dedication of Hermolykos

revealed by the recovered base, but both of these from the statue of

the wounded man mentioned by Pliny (_H. N._, XXXIV, 74). While J. Six

assumed that Hermolykos, son of Diitrephes, dedicated the Kresilæan

statue in honor of his grandfather Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos, and

that Pausanias wrongly gathered from the inscribed base that the statue

represented Diitrephes,[2560] Furtwaengler believed that Diitrephes was

the older warrior of the name, mentioned by Thukydides,[2561] and that

Pausanias, who knew nothing of him, wrongly connected his statue with

the younger one of that name.[2562]

3. Isokrates, son of Theodoros, of Athens. The pseudo-Plutarch mentions

a bronze statue of Isokrates, in the form of a παῖς κελητίζων, on the

Athenian Akropolis.[2563] As the orator was born in 436 B. C., his

youthful victory among the horse-racers must have occurred about 420 B.

C.

SUMMARY OF RESULTS.

We have found, then, from the literary sources examined, that there

are at least 44 Olympic victors, to whom a total of 47 monuments were

erected outside Olympia.[2564] These monuments were of various kinds—1

inscribed tablet, 1 Pindaric ode engrossed on a temple wall, 3 temples

or shrines, 37 statues (one of them apparently iconic), bronze horses

(? quadriga), and 4 dedications which are not further described. Thus

the bulk of these monuments, as of those at Olympia, consisted of

statues. Of the 29 monuments erected to 27 victors in the pre-Christian

centuries, 3 were dedicated in the seventh,[2565] 4 in the sixth,

13 (to 11 victors) in the fifth, 1 in the fifth or fourth, 6 in the

fourth,[2566] 1 in the fourth or third, and 1 in the third. There is

no record of such a dedication in the second and first centuries B.

C. Of the 14 monuments erected to 13 victors known to belong to the

post-Christian centuries, 4 (to 3 victors) belong to the first, 5 to

the second, 3 to the third and 2 to the fourth; 4 others were set up

to 4 victors whose dates can not be determined. Of other monuments

mentioned (though not included in our figures) 3 may or may not have

been erected to Olympic victors. We find that the greatest number of

dedications was made in the fifth century B. C., just as we found was

the case in regard to those at Olympia.[2567] Of these victors, 10 also

had monuments at Olympia. The total number of Olympic victor monuments,

therefore, at Olympia and elsewhere of which we have record, amounts to

302.[2568]

STATISTICS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUARIES.

In conclusion, we shall briefly summarize the number and dates of the

sculptors of Olympic victor monuments who are known to us from all

sources.[2569] Pausanias names 52 such sculptors, who made 102 of the

192 monuments listed by him. Of the 42 “honor” statues erected in the

Altis to 35 men, Pausanias mentions only two sculptors, Lysippos, who

also appears among the victor statuaries, and Mikon of Syracuse, who

does not.[2570] Pliny names 24, or nearly one-half of the athlete

sculptors mentioned by Pausanias.[2571] No new name of an artist

appears either on the inscribed bases found at Olympia and referred

to the monuments recorded by Pausanias, or on the 63 bases discovered

there, which can not be so referred. Of the 52 sculptors known to us

from Pausanias and inscriptions, the dates can be assigned definitely

or approximately thus: of the seventh century B. C., none; of the

sixth century B. C., second half, 2; end, 2; of the end of the sixth

and beginning of the fifth centuries B. C., 1; of the fifth century B.

C., first half, 9; middle, 4; second half, 3; end, 2; of the fourth

century B. C., first half, 11; middle, 1; second half, 2; end, 3; of

the end of the fourth and beginning of the third centuries B. C., 3;

of the third century B. C., first half, 1; second half, 1; end, 2; of

the end of the third and beginning of the second centuries B. C., 1;

of the second century B. C., first half, 2. No sculptor is named who

lived certainly later than the second century B. C. In addition to

these results, 1 sculptor can be assigned only roughly to the period

subsequent to Alexander the Great, and the epoch of still another

can not be determined. Of the 37 statues listed above as erected to

Olympic victors outside Olympia—_i. e.>/i>, the major portion of the

whole number of 47 monuments of various sorts set up in honor of 44

victors—the names of only four artists are known. Three of these—Myron,

Pythagoras of Rhegion, and Lysippos—also worked at Olympia. The name,

therefore, of only one new sculptor, Kaphisias of Bœotia, who lived

in the fourth century B. C., can be added from this source, which makes

the grand total of victor statuaries known to us 53.

[Illustration: PLAN A

THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA

IN THE GREEK PERIOD

(THIRD CENTURY B. C.)

Adapted from Doerpfeld

]

[Illustration: PLAN B

THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA

IN THE ROMAN PERIOD

(SECOND CENTURY A. D.)

Adapted from Doerpfeld

]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 8-9.

[2] See _infra_, p. 228 and n. 2.

[3] _B. S. A._, XI, 1904-5, fig. 7 and pp. 12-14. The horse also

appears on clay documents from Knossos with royal chariots and also

on tombstones and fragmentary frescoes of Mycenæ; for the latter, see

_Arch. Eph._, 1887, Pl. XI. On the Libyan origin of the first horses

introduced into Greece, see W. Ridgeway, _The Origin and Influence of

the Thoroughbred Horse_, 1905, p. 480.

[4] See the bull depicted on a seal from Praisos, to be mentioned

below: Angelo Mosso, _The Palaces of Crete_, 1907, p. 218, fig. 98. The

Italian Mission found at Hagia Triada the bones of a gigantic bull, and

Mosso (_cf._ p. 216, n. 1) found the remains of one at Phaistos.

[5] _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-1, pp. 94 f. and VIII, 1901-2, p. 74; Mosso,

_op. cit._, pp. 216-218; H. R. Hall, _Anc. History of the Near East_,

1913, Pl. IV., 2; Mrs. R. C. Bosanquet, _Days in Attica_, 1914, Pl.

II; Richter, _Hbk. of the Classical Collection of the Metropolitan

Museum of Art_, 1917, p. 23, fig. 13. As Dr. Evans’ _Atlas_ has not

yet appeared, the plate in the text is taken from a watercolor by

Gilliéron, in the museum of Liverpool.

[6] It has often been pictured and described: _e. g._, Schliemann,

_Tiryns_, 1885, Pl. XIII; Schuchhardt, _Schliemann’s Excavations_,

1891, pp. 119 f. and fig. 111; Tsountas-Manatt, _The Mycenæan Age_,

1897, p. 51, fig. 12; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, p. 887, fig. 439; Mosso, _op.

cit._, p. 220, fig. 100; H. B. Walters, _The Art of the Greeks_, 1906,

Pl. LIX; Springer-Michaelis, p. 113, fig. 242; _Tiryns, Die Ergebn. d.

Ausgrab. d deutsch. Instituts in Athen_, II, 1912, Pl. XVIII.

[7] On analogy with the Knossos fresco this figure, because of its

white skin, should be that of a woman and not of a man, as the usual

color of the latter is red. However, the charioteers painted white on

frescoes discovered at Tiryns in 1910, which represent a boar hunt

(see Rodenwaldt, _A. M._, XXXVI, 1911, pp. 198 f. and fig. 2, p. 201,

restored; see also _Tiryns_, II, Pl. XII, in color) are regarded by

Hall as youths and not women. He remarks that in Egypt young princes,

who led the “sheltered life,” were often represented on monuments as

pale, though red was the more usual color: see Hall, _op. cit._, p. 58

and n. 1; _id._, _Aegean Archæology_, 1914, p. 190 and fig. 74 on p.

192. Rodenwaldt interprets them as female: _l. c._

[8] XV, 679 f. F. Marx, _Jb._, IV, 1889, pp. 119 f., on the analogy

to certain coin types, saw in this fresco a representation of river

divinities.

[9] Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 298, fig. 98.

[10] See Mosso, p. 311, fig. 153.

[11] Here the paved space measures only about 30 by 40 feet and the

two tiers of seats would seat only 400 to 500 spectators: _B. S. A._,

IX, 1902-03, p. 105, fig. 69; see Mosso, p. 315, fig. 154, and Baikie,

_The Sea Kings of Crete_, 1913, Pls. XXI (before restoration), XXII

(restored).

[12] See Burrows, _The Discoveries in Crete_, 1907, p. 5. The one at

Knossos maybe the “choros” wrought by Daidalos for Ariadne: _Iliad_,

XVIII, 590-2.

[13] _B. S. A._, VIII, 1901-2, pp. 72-4, fig. 39 (arm); Pls. II, III;

Baikie, _op. cit._, Pl. XIX; H. R. Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, Pl. XXX,

2; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 222, fig. 102; _cf._ Burrows, _op. cit._, p.

21; Bulle, p. 49, fig. 7; Springer-Michaelis, p. 103, fig. 228.

[14] Remains of copper wire with gold foil twisted around it still

adhere to the head of one statuette.

[15] See Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 221, fig. 101; _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-01,

p. 88.

[16] Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, pp. 55-6. Though discovered in 1889

in a bee-hive tomb near Sparta, these famous cups are obviously

importations from Crete, the work of an artist of the late Minoan I

period. Similarly, the lion-hunt on the dagger-blade from Mycenæ is

akin to Cretan art, if not its product. These cups have been often

pictured: _e. g._, _Arch. Eph._, 1889, Pl. IX; Schuchhardt, Pl. III

(App., pp. 350 f.); _B. C. H._, IV, 1891, Pls. XI-XII (in color),

XIII-XIV; Tsountas-Manatt, _op. cit._, pp. 227-8, figs. 113-114;

Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. XV (in color) and pp. 786-7, figs. 369-370;

H. B. Walters, _op. cit._, Pl. V; Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 223 f.,

figs. 103, a, b, and 104, a, b, c; Hall, _op. cit._, Pl. XV. 1,

and _cf. id._, _Ancient History of the Near East_, pp. 54-5, n. 1;

Springer-Michaelis, pp. 104-5, figs. 230 a, b; J. H. Breasted, _Ancient

Times_, 1916, fig. 140, opp. p. 234.

[17] This interpretation of the scene has been compared with the design

of a lion and goat on the short sword-blade from the chieftain’s

grave at Knossos: see Burrows, _op. cit._, p. 88 and _cf._ pp. 136-7.

Here there are two successive scenes; first the agrimi (wild goat) is

startled and springs away; then the lion is represented triumphant at

the end of the chase with one paw on the beast’s hind quarter and the

other raised to strike: see Evans, _Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos_,

1906, p. 57, fig. 59; _cf._ also bronze inlaid dagger-blade from

Mycenæ, showing hunting scenes on each face; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl.

XVII, 1 (panther hunting wild ducks, in color), XVIII, 3-4, (lion-hunt

by men and lions chasing gazelles, in color); _cf._ Tsountas-Manatt,

_op. cit._, pp. 200-2; Springer-Michaelis, Pl. V, 2a, b, 3;

Schuchhardt, _op. cit._, p. 229, fig. 227; _cf._ Burrows, _op. cit._,

p. 136.

[18] _Op. cit._, pp. 224-5.

[19] See Boeckh, p. 319, on _Pyth._, II, 78. The same word occurs also

in an inscription on a late relief from Smyrna, which shows horsemen

pursuing bulls, leaping on their backs and seizing their horns; _C. I.

G._, II, 3212; also in an inscription from Sinope: _ibid._, III, 4157

(line 5); an inscription from Aphrodisias calls such men ταυροκαθάπται;

_ibid._, II, Add., 2759b. The evidence shows that Gardiner, p. 9, n.

2, is wrong in connecting the _taurokathapsia_ with the hunting-field

instead of with the circus. He cites the Smyrna relief above mentioned

(in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, no. 219), which, however, should

be interpreted as an acrobatic scene. See J. Baunack, _Rhein. Mus._,

XXXVIII, 1883, pp. 293 f., who discusses bull-fighting in Thessaly and

Rome and quotes five inscriptions of Hellenic times to show that beast

fights were common in Asia Minor.

[20] _Cf._ Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 214-215.

[21] Iliad, XVIII, 605-6 (= Od., IV, 18-19).

[22] Iliad, XVI, 742-50.

[23] Hdt., VI, 129.

[24] No. 243; see Salzmann, _Le Nécropole de Cameiros_, Pl. LVII;

Gardiner, p. 245, fig. 39.

[25] _E. g._, on one found at Knossos in 1903: _B. S. A._, IX, 1902-3,

p. 57, and fig. 35 on p. 56. Here the attitude of the boxer is almost

identical with that on the pyxis to be described below. A fuller design

of the same sort may be seen on a seal from Hagia Triada mentioned in

_B. S. A._, IX, p. 57, n. 2.

[26] Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, p. 33 (c. 1600 B. C.); for description,

_ibid._, pp. 61-2.

[27] _Op. cit._, p. 211. In this respect it should be compared with

the relief on the archaic (sixth-century B. C.) Attic tripod vase from

Tanagra, now in Berlin, which shows scenes of boxing, wrestling, and

running: _A. Z._, III, 1881, pp. 30 f. and Pls. III, IV.

[28] P., V, 8. 1, says Klymenos came from Crete fifty years after

Deukalion’s flood and held games at Olympia; _cf._ VI, 21.6. Aristotle

assigns the whole political and educational system of Sparta to a

Cretan origin: _Politics_, II, 10f., 1271b., f.

[29] See R. Paribeni, _Rendiconti della R. Accad. dei Lincei_, XII,

1903, fasic. 70, p. 17; F. Halbherr, _ibid._, XIV, 1905, pp. 365 f.,

fig. 1; Burrows, _op. cit._, Pl. 1; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 212. fig.

93; Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, Pl. XVI (from cast in Museum of Candia,

whence our plate); _cf. id._, _Anc. Hist. Near East_, Pl. IV., 5. A

copy is in the Metropolitan Museum, New York: see _Hbk. of Classical

Collection_, p. 16, fig. 8.

[30] Detail of zone, Mosso, p. 213, fig. 94. The acrobat wears just

such striped boots and bracelets as the man and women on the fresco

from Knossos. The man binding the legs of the bull on the Vapheio

cup wears similar apparel. Similar scenes of gymnasts vaulting over

a bull’s back are seen on the seal of a bracelet found at Knossos in

1902: _B. S. A._, VIII, 1901-2, p. 18, fig. 43; Mosso, p. 214, fig.

95a; also on the intaglio of a ring in Athens: Mosso, p. 215, fig. 95b.

Scenes of gymnasts with bulls at rest are common on seal impressions:

_e. g._, on one from Mycenæ in Athens, Mosso, p. 217, fig. 97; on the

one in Candia already mentioned, _ibid._, fig. 98; _cf._ Bosanquet,

Excavations at Praisos, _B. S. A._, VIII, p. 252, who believes the bull

has been surprised by a hunter.

[31] Iliad, XXII, 308 f.

[32] XXIII, 673.

[33] _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-1, fig. 31, pp. 95 and 96; copied by

Gardiner, p. 10, fig. 1.

[34] We should bear in mind that the civilization pictured in the

Homeric poems antedates 1000 B. C.

[35] _The Iliad_,^2 1900, II, p. 468.

[36] Od., VIII, 158 f. (translated by Butcher and Lang).

[37] Gardiner, p. 15, points out that there is no mention of

a chariot-race in the Odyssey, merely because Ithaca was not a land

“that pastureth horses,” nor had it “wide courses or meadowland.” The

plains of Thessaly and Argos, the homes of Achilles and Agamemnon

respectively, were, however, famed for their horses, and the plain

of Troy was large enough for the chariot-race. The only other

chariot-races mentioned in the Iliad are held in Elis: XI, 696 f.;

XXIII, 630 f.

[38] _E. g._, on certain sarcophagi: see Murray, _Sarcophagi

in the British Museum_, Pls. II, III (one from Klazomenai).

[39] The true _hoplomachia_ described by Homer and later

practised by the Mantineans and Kyreneans (_cf._ Athenæus, IV, 41, p.

154) should not be confounded, as Gardiner, p. 21, n. 3, remarks, with

the later competition of the same name held at the Athenian _Theseia_

and taught in the gymnasia, which was a purely military exercise like

fencing: Plato, _Laches_, 182B and _passim_; _Gorgias_, 456D; _de

Leg._, 833E; _cf._ Dar.-Sagl., _s. v._ _Hoplomachia_.

[40] _E. g._, Leaf, in his _Companion to the Iliad_, 1892, p.

380; _id._, _The Iliad_, II, p. 417, note on line 621.

[41] Iliad, XXIII, 634 f.; _ibid._, 621-3, where Achilles

gives Nestor a prize because he will never again be able to contend in

boxing, wrestling, hurling the javelin, or running. In Od., VIII, 103

and 128, leaping is substituted for chariot-racing.

[42] _E. g._, Iliad, XXII, 163-4: “The great prize ... of a

man that is dead”; XXIII, 630 f., where Nestor recalls victories in the

games held by the Epeians at Bouprasion in Elis at the funeral of the

local hero Amarynkeus. Bouprasion is also mentioned in Iliad, XI, 756,

in Nestor’s story of the war between the Pylians and Epeians and of

the war waged by his father Neleus on Augeas, for stealing four horses

which had been sent to Elis to contend for a tripod.

[43] Examples of panegyric games in honor of gods are found

also in the Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, I, 146 f.; in Pindar,

_Ol._, IX. 6 (Zeus); P., VIII, 2.1 (Zeus) and schol.; and Hdt., I, 144

(Apollo) and schol.; etc.

[44] P., VIII, 4.5. For other examples of funeral games, see

references in Krause, p. 9, n. 3. He also shows that musical contests

were funerary in character.

[45] The scholiast on Pindar, _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 424

B, and _Isthm._, Argum., p. 514, calls the Nemean and Isthmian games

funerary; Clem. Alex., _Protrept._, Ch. II, 34, 29 P. (quoted by

Eusebios, _Praep. evang._, II, 6, 72 b. c.) says that all four great

games were funerary in origin.

[46] P., I., 44.8; Clem. Alex., _Strom._, I, Ch. 21, 137, 401

P.

[47] P., II, 15.2-3; Apollod., III, 6, 4; Hyginus, _Fab._,

74; schol. on Pindar’s _Nem._, Argum. Here the umpires wore mourning

garments because of the origin of the games; see Gardiner, p. 225.

[48] Aristotle, _Peplos_, frag. = _F. H. G._, II, p. 189, no.

282; Clem. Alex., _Protr._, Ch. I, 2, 2 P. and Ch. II, 34, 29 P.; Hyg.,

_Fab._, 140. For a different story of the founding (to appease Apollo

for not protecting the temple when Delphi was invaded by Danaos), see

Augustine, _de Civ. Dei_, XVIII, 12; _cf._ schol. on Pind., _Pyth._,

Argum.; Ovid, _Met._, I, 445f. The _Pythia_ were reorganized by the

Amphictyons as a funeral contest in honor of the soldiers who fell in

the first Sacred War.

[49] _Cf._ P., V, 13.1-2; Clem. Alex., _l. c._

[50] V, 7.6-9.

[51] See Strabo, VIII, 3.30 (C.354-5); Pindar, _Ol._, II, 3

f.; VI, 67 f.; X, 25 f.; Diod., IV, 14 and V, 64. According to Pindar,

_ll. cc._ and the scholiast on _Ol._, II, 2, 5, and 7, Boeckh, pp.

58-9, Herakles, the son of Zeus, instituted the games in honor of

Zeus; but Statius, _Theb._, VI, 5 f., Solinus, I, 28 (ed. Mommsen),

Hyg., _Fab._, 273. Clem. Alex., _Strom._, I, Ch. 21, 137, say it was

in honor of Pelops. On the traditional connection of Herakles with

Olympia, see E. Curtius, _Abh. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin,

philos.-histor. Kl._, 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, _Griech. Gesch_^2,

1893, I, pp. 240 f. On legends of the early history of Olympia, see

Krause, _Olympia, oder Darstellung der grossen olympischen Spielen_,

1838, pp. 26 f.

[52] _Cf._ Frazer, II, pp. 549-50; Krause, p. 9, n. 3; from

these two many of the following examples are taken. _Cf._ also Rouse,

pp. 4 and 10; Koerte, Die Entstehung der Olympionikenliste, _Hermes_,

XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.; Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_,

1841, pp. 9 f. (Pythian), 112 f. (Nemean), 170 f. (Isthmian); Gardiner,

pp. 27 f.; see also Ridgeway, _Origin of Tragedy_, 1910, pp. 36, 38,

and _cf._ _J. H. S._, XXXI, 1911, p. XLVII. Since the simple theory

of the origin of the Olympic Festival in the funeral games in honor

of Pelops does not explain all the legends of the games nor all the

peculiar customs of the festival, and because of the inadequate

character of the literary evidence (the earliest mention of it being a

Delphic oracle quoted by Phlegon, _F. H. G._, p. 604; _cf._ Clem. Alex.,

_Protrept_, II, 34, p. 29), it has been attacked by F. M. Cornford

(in Miss Harrison’s _Themis_, pp. 212 f.) and others. These scholars

have tried to find the origin of the Olympic games rather in a ritual

contest of succession to the throne, the honors extended to a victor

being held to prove his kingly or divine character. The theory was

first proposed by A. B. Cook, The European Sky God, _Folk Lore_, 1904,

and has recently been elaborated by Frazer in his _Golden Bough_,^3

III, pp. 89 f., who has attempted to harmonize it with his earlier

funeral theory. The inadequacy of the newer theory has been shown by E.

N. Gardiner, The Alleged Kingship of the Olympic Victor, _B. S. A._,

XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85 f. For a review of his paper, see also _J. H.

S._, XXXVIII, 1918, pp. XLVII.

[53] V, 13.2.

[54] According to the same scholiast, on 1. 149; Boeckh, p.

43.

[55] _Cf._ _C. I. G._, II, 1969, ἀγὼν ... ἐπιτάφιος θεματικός.

[56] Hdt., VI, 38.

[57] P., III, 14.1.

[58] Thukyd., V, 11.

[59] Plut., _Timoleon_, 39; Diod. Sic., XVI, 90.1.

[60] Aulus Gellius, X, 18.5.

[61] Arrian, _Anabasis_, VII, 14. Games were held every four

years in honor of Antinoos, the favorite of Hadrian, at Mantinea: P.,

VIII, 9.8.

[62] Strabo, XIV, 1.31 (C. 644.)

[63] P., IX, 2, 5-6; he says that they were celebrated every

fourth year and that the chief prizes were for running.

[64] Philostr., _Vit. Soph._, II, p. 624; Heliod., _Aethiop._,

I, 17; Aristotle, _Constit. of Athens_, 58; _cf._ P., I, 29.4. Games

were also held in the Academy in honor of Eurygyes: Hesych., _s. v._

ἐπ’ Εὐρυγύῃ ἀγών.

[65] Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_,^3 1883, I, p.

374 (Corneto); II, pp. 323 and 330 (Chiusi).

[66] On the Etruscan origin of the _ludi funebres_, see

Val. Max., II, 4.4; Tertullian, _de Spect._, 12; Servius _ad_ Virg.,

_Aen._, X, 520. For the Etruscan origin of the _munera gladiatorum_,

see Tertull., _op. cit._, 5; Athenæus, IV, 39 (quoting Nikolaos of

Damascus); _cf._ Strabo, V, 4.13 (C. 250). They were first introduced

into Rome in 264 B. C. in honor of D. Junius Brutus; Livy, XVI (Epit.);

and are frequently mentioned: _e. g._, by Livy, XXIII, 30, 15; XXXI,

50, 4; XXXIX, 46, 2; XLI, 28, 11; Polyb., XXXII, 14, 5; Serv., _ad

Aen._, III, 67 and V, 78; Suetonius, _Julius_, 26; etc. See Dar.-Sagl.,

II, 2, pp. 1384 f., 1563 f.

[67] Page 28; he quotes P. W. Joyce, _Social History of

Ireland_, II, pp. 435 f.

[68] V, 17.5-19.10. The description of the throne (P., III,

18.9 f; _cf._ Apollodoros, I, 9.28) is merely summary, as Pausanias

only mentions the games represented on it without describing them in

detail.

[69] The best reconstruction of the scenes on the chest is by

H. Stuart Jones: _J. H. S._, XIV, 1894, pp. 30-80 and Pl. I (repeated

by Frazer, III, Pl. X, opp. p. 606). See also Robert, _Hermes_, XXIII,

1888, pp. 436 f.; Pernice, _Jb._, III, 1888, pp. 365 f.; Studniczka,

_Jb._, IX, 1894, pp. 52 f., n. 16; Collignon, I, pp. 93-100; Furtw.,

_Mw._, pp. 723-32.

The best attempt to reconstruct the scenes on the throne is by Furtwaengler

_Mw._, fig. 135, opposite p. 706; text, pp. 689-719; _cf._ the best of

the older attempts by Brunn, _Rhein. Mus._, N. F., V, 1847, p. 325;

_id._, _Kunst bei Homer_, pp. 22 f.; _id._, _Griech. Kunstgesch._,

1893, I, pp. 178 f. _Cf._ also Klein, _Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus

Oesterr.-Ungarn_, IX, 1885, pp. 145 f.; against Klein, see Pernice, as

above, p. 369. _Cf._ Collignon, I, pp. 230-2; Murray, I, pp. 89 f.] [

[70] If we followed Pausanias’ account that this was the very

chest made to save the infant Kypselos, father of Periandros and future

tyrant of Corinth, and that it was dedicated at Olympia by the Kypselid

family (for the story, see Hdt., V, 92), the chest would belong to the

eighth century B. C., and must have been dedicated before 586-5 B.

C., when the Kypselid dynasty ended at Corinth; see Busolt, _Griech.

Gesch._,^2 I, pp. 638 and 657. However, the chest at Olympia had

nothing to do with the legendary one, but was merely a richly decorated

offering to the gods, the work of a Corinthian artist of the end of the

seventh or beginning of the sixth century B. C., and one who knew the

epic poems well.

[71] _Vasen_, 1655; Perrot-Chipiez, IX, p. 637, fig. 348

(departure of Amphiaraos); p. 639, fig. 349 (chariot-race); Gardiner,

p. 29, fig. 3; Frazer, III, p. 609, fig. 77; Baum. I, fig. 69; and see

Robert _Annali_, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f.; _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-1878,

Pls. IV, V. The discovery of this vase at Cerveteri (Caere) in 1872

proved the Corinthian workmanship of the chest.

[72] Micali, _Monumenti per servire all’historia degli antichi

popoli Italiani_^2, 1833, Pl. XCV; described by Jahn, _Archaeol.

Aufsaetze_, pp. 154 f. (quoted by Frazer, III, p. 610). For scenes

representing the departure of Amphiaraos and a four-horse chariot-race,

see also an Attic-Corinthian vase in Florence: Perrot-Chipiez, X, pp.

109 and 111, figs. 78, 79 (= Thiersch, _Tyrrhenische Amphoren_, Pl.

IV); the latter also gives us the oldest representation of a Greek

stadion.

[73] _A. Z._ XLIII, 1885, Pl. VIII; Gardiner, p. 30, fig. 4

(one side).

[74] Cited by Gardiner, pp. 30-31; Inghirami, _Mon. Etr._,

1821-1826, III, 19, 20; Schreiber, _Bilder-atlas_, Pl. XIII, 6; M. W.,

I, Pl. LX, fig. 302b.

[75] Reproduced by Gardiner, p. 21, fig. 2.

[76] _Cf._ on this topic, Gardiner, pp. 31-2; _cf._ _B. S.

A._, XXII, 1916-18, p. 86, where, in speaking of the disputed origin

of the custom of funeral games, he says: “It is at least conceivable

that it originated from different causes in different places and among

different peoples.”

[77] See a list of twenty-five local _Olympia_ in Smith’s

_Dictionary of Antiquities_,^3 1891, II, pp. 273 f., _s. v._ _Olympia_,

taken from Krause, _Olympia_, pp. 202 f. Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 194 f.,

list 34 local _Olympia_. Most of these lesser _Olympia_ are known to us

only from inscriptions and coins. Peisistratos appears to have founded

annual _Olympia_ at Athens, when he began to build the Olympieion;

Pindar seems to allude to them in _Nem._ II, 23 (_cf._ schol. _ad

loc._); they were reorganized magnificently by Hadrian in A. D. 131;

Spartianus, _Vit. Hadriani_, 13. _Cf._ Gardiner, p. 229.

[78] Lysias, _Paneg._, notes this fact, when he says that

Herakles restored peace and unity by instituting the games. Pausanias

speaks similarly of the restoration of the games by Iphitos and

Lykourgos: V, 4.5 f.

[79] P., V, 1.3; 3.6; Strabo, VIII, 3.33 (C.357).

[80] The decree governing the festival was inscribed on a

diskos, which dates probably from the seventh century B. C., and was

preserved in the Heraion down to the time of Pausanias. On it the names

of Iphitos and Lykourgos were legible down to Aristotle’s day: P., V,

20.1; Plut., _Lycurgus_, I. 1. Phlegon, _F. H. G._, III, p. 602, and a

scholion on Plato, _de Rep._, 465 D, mention Kleosthenes; _cf._ Louis

Dyer, _Harvard Classical Studies_, 1908, pp. 40 f.; Gardiner, p. 43, n.

1.

[81] For a discussion of the sources and history of this

register, originally compiled near the end of the fifth century B. C.

by Hippias of Elis (Plut., _Numa_, I, 4; _cf._ Mahaffy, _J. H. S._, II,

1881, pp. 164f.), and revised by various later writers from Aristotle

and Philochoros to Phlegon of Tralles and Julius Africanus, see

Juethner, _Ph._, pp. 60-70. From it a complete list of stade-runners

was copied by the church-historian Eusebios from Africanus, who had

brought it down to 217 A. D.

[82] V, 8.6.

[83] Mentioned by P., V, 4.6 and elsewhere; for the mythical

account see P., V, 7.6-8.5 (from Herakles to Oxylos); V, 8.5, and V,

9.4 (revived under the presidency of Iphitos and the descendants of

Oxylos). Phlegon, _F. H. G._, III, p. 603, says that the games were

discontinued for 28 Olympiads from the time of Herakles and Pelops

to that of Koroibos. Velleius Paterculus, I, 8 (ed. Halm), dates the

revival under Iphitos, 793 B. C. Strabo, quoting Ephoros, says that

the Achæans controlled Olympia to the time of Oxylos; for his mythical

account of the games, see VIII, 3.33 (C. 357). On presidents of the

games being elected from the Eleans, see P., V, 9.4-6.

[84] Especially by Xenophon, _Hell._, III, 2.31; VII, 4.28.

Pausanias omits all evidence of the part played by Kleosthenes in the

truce. See Gardiner, pp. 44 f.

[85] See Doerpfeld, _A. M._, XXXIII, 1908, pp. 185 f.

[86] Recently E. N. Gardiner has argued that the worship of

Zeus came directly from Dodona to Olympia before it had reached Crete

and that Cretan elements in the cult first appear at Olympia in the

VIII century B. C. He believes that the worship of Hera reached Olympia

from Argos later than that of Zeus, toward the end of the VIII century

B. C., when he supposes the Heraion was built as a joint temple to both

deities; _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85-86.

[87] On his cult see P., V, 13.2, and scholion on Pindar,

_Ol._ I, 146 and 149, Boeckh, p. 43. After being reduced to the rank

of hero, Pelops still kept his own precinct in the Altis throughout

antiquity.

[88] On the history of Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 38 f.

[89] For the legends connected with the origin of the three,

see Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, and the various

articles in Dar.-Sagl.

[90] Schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.

[91] On the Sacred or Krisaian War (590 B. C.), see Bury,

_History of Greece_, 1913, pp. 158-9. The first Pythiad was reckoned

from 586 (not from 582 as Bury and others state): see Frazer, V, p.

244; Boeckh, _Explic. ad Pind._, _Ol._, XII, pp. 206 f.

[92] See Strabo, IX, 3.10, (C. 421); P., X, 7.4-5; schol. on

Pind., _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. Ovid’s idea (_Met._, I, 445)

that boxing, running, and chariot-racing existed from the first, is

wrong. On the Pythian games, see Gardiner, pp. 208 f.

[93] On the Nemean games, see Gardiner, pp. 223-6. As no

proper excavations have been made on the site, our knowledge of the

games is confined almost entirely to literary evidence.

[94] P., II, 15.3, and VI, 16.4, mentions a winter

celebration. The scholiast on Pindar’s _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, pp.

424-5, says that it was a τριετής held on the 12th of the month

Panemos, and so it was a summer and not a winter celebration. On

theories of two celebrations, see Frazer, II, pp. 92-3.

[95] They were not held in midsummer as some have maintained:

see Thukyd., VIII, 9-10; Unger, _Philologus_, XXXVII, 1877, 1-42;

Nissen, _Rhein. Mus._, XLII, 1887, pp. 46 f. On the Isthmian games, see

Gardiner, pp. 214 f.

[96] For the nine-day celebration of the _Great Panathenaia_,

see A. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen_, 1898, p. 153; _cf._ Gardiner,

pp. 229 f.

[97] See Mommsen, _op. cit._, pp. 278 f., and _Heortologie_,

1864, pp. 269 f. In recent years victor lists of the _Theseia_ have

been found: _C. I. G._, II, 444-450, esp. 447; for two other fragments,

see _A. M._, XXX, 1905, pp. 213 f, and _Beilag_, a and b (c = _C. I.

G._, above). For other lists of victors of local games, see _A. M._,

XXVIII, 1903, pp. 338 f. (Oropos, Samos, Larisa). For vase-paintings

of the athletic exploits of Theseus, see Harrison, _Mythology and

Monuments of Ancient Athens_, 1890, pp. XCVIII f.

[98] See _Ol._, IX, 89; XIII, 110; _Pyth._, VIII, 79.

[99] Iliad, XXIII, 262-70; _cf._ XXII, 163-4, where the prizes

were slave women and tripods.

[100] _Ibid._, 700-5.

[101] _Ibid._, 653-6.

[102] _Ibid._, 740-51.

[103] _Op._, 653-9; _cf. Scut._, 312-13.

[104] Iliad, XI, 700; XXIII, 264; Hesiod, _Scut._, 312. It

is thus represented on a Dipylon vase: _Mon. d. I._, IX, 1869-73, Pl.

XXXIX, 2; on the Corinthian vase representing the funeral games of

Pelias and Amphiaraos: _ibid._, X, Pl. V B; on the François vase, and

on many others.

[105] Iliad, XXII, 164; _cf._ Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXLVII.

[106] Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLVI.

[107] On an amphora by Nikosthenes: Klein, _Griech. Vasen mit

Meistersignaturen_,^2 1887, Pl. XXXI.

[108] Iliad, XXIII, 702, as above.

[109] Hdt., I, 144.

[110] Ion, _ap._ P., VII, 4.10.

[111] Aristeid., I, p. 841 (ed. Dindorf).

[112] Polemon _ap._ schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, 153, Boeckh,

pp. 180-1.

[113] On the above-mentioned Corinthian vase: _Mon. d. I._, X,

Pls. IV, V; on the chest of Kypselos: P., V, 17.11.

[114] In the Iliad, as above.

[115] P., III, 18.7-8.

[116] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 333; _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, p. 118.

[117] _B. C. H._, IX, 1885, p. 478.

[118] P., IX, 10.4; Hdt., I, 92.

[119] See Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, 1878, pp. 40, 41,

and 229, and Pl. XXIII, 2.2 _bis_, 3, 4.

[120] P., X, 7.6.

[121] P., IV, 32.1.

[122] On the tripod, see Reisch, pp. 6-7 and 58-9; Rouse, pp.

150-1 and 355; most of the above examples have been taken from these

writers.

[123] _Nem._, X, 45 f.; _cf._ schol. on _Ol._, VII, 153,

Boeckh, pp. 180-1.

[124] _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. On the value of bronze, _cf._

Reisch, p. 6.

[125] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, 152, Boeckh, p. 180.

[126] _Ibid._, _Ol._, VII, 156, Boeckh, p. 181.

[127] Pindar, _Ol._, IX, 89-90.

[128] _Ibid._, _Nem._, IX, 51; X, 43 f.

[129] _Ibid._, _Nem._, X, 44; schol. on _Ol._, XIII, 155 and

VII, 156, Boeckh, pp. 288 and 156, and _Explic. ad Olymp._, IX, 102, p.

194.

[130] _C. I. A._, III, 1, 116.

[131] Schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, X, 64, Boeckh, p. 504; _cf._

_C. I. A._, II, 2, 965.

[132] _A. G._, XIII, 8.

[133] _I. G. A._, 525; _B. M. Bronzes_, 257.

[134] For many of these examples, see Reisch, pp. 57 f. (and

notes), and Rouse, pp. 150-1.

[135] At the _Panathenaia_ a golden crown was given the

victorious harpist, a hydria to the torch-racer, and an ox to the

victor in the pyrrhic chorus: _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. Weapons were

given at Delos: _C. I. G._, II, 2360; a golden crown was given at

the Pythian games in Delphi to the city which furnished the finest

sacrificial ox: Xenophon, _Hell._, IV, 4.9; here also golden crowns and

arms were presented for soldiers’ contests: Xenophon, _ibid._, III, 4.8

and IV, 2.7.

[136] VIII, 48.2.

[137] Foerster, 7.

[138] Frag., (= _F. H. G._, III, p. 604).

[139] V, 7.7; _cf._ Pindar, _Ol._, III, 24 f.

[140] _Ol._, III, 13 f.

[141] Pseudo-Aristot., _de mirab. Auscult._, 51; schol. on

Aristoph., _Plutus_, 586; Suidas, _s. v._ κοτίνου στεφάνῳ.

[142] P., V, 15.3; _cf._ Theophrastos, _Hist. Plant._, IV, 13,

2; Pliny, _H. N._, XVI, 240.

[143] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, III, 60, Boeckh, p. 102.

[144] Pseudo-Aristot., _l. c._; schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, III,

60, and VIII, 12, Boeckh, pp. 102 and 189.

[145] Weniger, _Der heilige Oelbaum in Olympia_, 1895.

[146] P., X, 7.5; _Marmor Parium_, 53 f. On the reason why the

laurel was the prize for a Pythian victory, see P., X, 7.8; _cf._ VIII,

48.2 (as above); schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. On

the Delphian laurel, see also Pliny, _H. N._, XV, 127; _Dio Cass._,

LXIII, 9. Virgil crowns his victors with laurel: _Aen._, V, 246 and

539.

[147] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, III, 1; schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._,

Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.

[148] See Gardiner, p. 208, fig. 27, a coin in the British

Museum: _B. M. Coins, Delphi_, 38.

[149] _Anacharsis_, 9; see also _C. I. A._, III, 116; Kaibel,

_Epigrammata graeca_, 1878, no. 931.

[150] _Nem._, IV, 88; _Ol._, XIII, 32 f.; _Isthm._, II, 16,

VIII, 64.

[151] Schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 426.

[152] _E. g._, P., VIII, 48.2; _cf._ Plut., _Qaest. conviv._,

V, 3.3; _Timoleon_, 26.

[153] Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, pp. 197 f.;

schol. on _Isthm._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 514.

[154] See _B. M. Coins, Corinth_, 509-12; 564; 602-3 (603 =

Gardiner, p. 214, fig. 28); 624; _cf._ _I. G._, II, 1320, and Gardiner,

p. 222, n. 2.

[155] P., II, 1.7. Curtius, _Peloponnesos_, II, p. 543,

believes that the pine was not a fir, but the _Pinus maritima_;

Philippson, in the _Zeitschr. d. Gesellsch. fuer Erdkunde zu Berlin_,

XXV, 1890, pp. 74 f., believes that it was the _Pinus halepensis_ Mill.

[156] See Droysen, _Hermes_, XIV, 1879, p. 3; Head, _Historia

Nummorum_, pp. 146 f.; Imhoof-Blumer and O. Keller, _Tier- und

Pflanzenbilder auf Muenzen und Gemmen_, Pl. VI, 8; VII, 2; IX, 9-12;

XXV, 19.

[157] VIII, 48.2.

[158] See Tarbell, _Class. Phil._, III, pp. 264 f.; he traces

its origin to Delos and its popularity to the restoration of the Delian

festival by the Athenians in 426 B. C.

[159] Mentioned by Phanias, _ap._ Athen., VI, 21 (232 c.)

[160] _Op._, 654 f.; _cf._ P., IX, 31.3. The spurious epigram

in _A. G._, VII, 53, may have been engraved on this tripod set up in

the temple on Mt. Helikon.

[161] P., X, 7.6.

[162] _C. I. A._, IV, 373^{79}; another is mentioned _ibid._,

I, 493.

[163] Hdt., V, 60.

[164] Hdt., I, 144.

[165] _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 72 f.

[166] See Rouse, pp. 153 f.

[167] V, 12.8.

[168] VI, 19.4.

[169] _Cf._ Rouse, p. 160 and Reisch, p. 62 and n. 1.

[170] See Rouse, _l. c._; for the inscription, _I. G. A._,

370.

[171] II, 29.9.

[172] _I. G. A._, XIII, 449; see discussion of both stones in

_J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, pp. 2 f.

[173] In Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.); Foerster, 739; _Inschr. v.

Ol._, 240-1.

[174] See _Bronz. v. 0l._, p. 179.

[175] _E. g._, the inscribed lead weight of the seventh or

sixth centuries B. C., found at Eleusis and dedicated by Epainetos: _C.

I. A._, IV, 2, 422^4; _cf. Arch. Eph._, 1883, pp. 189-91.

[176] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 180; Tafelbd., Pl. LXV,

1101 a.; _cf._ another from the Cyrenaica in the British Museum: _B. M.

Bronzes_, no. 326.

[177] _C. I. G._, I, 243; _C. I. A._, III, 1, 124; _Rhein.

Mus._, XXXIV, 1879, p. 206; on prize torches, see _A. G._, VI, 100, and

_cf._ Kaibel, _Epigr. gr._, 1878, 943.

[178] Kallim., XLIX; _A. G._, VI, 311; _cf._ Reisch, pp. 62

and 145-6, figs. 13, 14; Rouse, pp. 162-3.

[179] See Reisch, p. 62, and n. 4. The flutist Straton

dedicated his flute at Thespiai in the third century B. C.: _C. I. G.

G. S._, I, 1818; a harpist his harp at Athens: _C. I. A._, III, 112.

[180] P., VI, 10.6-7.

[181] P., VI, 9.4.

[182] P., VI, 12.1

[183] P., VI, 10.8.

[184] P., VI, 16.9.

[185] P., V, 12.5; the monument consisted of bronze horses

only.

[186] P., VI, 16.6.

[187] _E. g._, chariots and drivers, _Bronz. v. Ol._,

Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 248, 248a, 249, 250; Textbd., pp. 39-40; chariots

without drivers, _ibid._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 252, 252a, 253; Textbd., p.

40; charioteers without chariots, _ibid._, Pl. XVI, 251; Textbd., p.

40; horses belonging to two-wheeled chariots, _ibid._, Pl. XVI, 254,

254a; Textbd., pp. 40-1.

[188] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 498 f.; Textbd., p.

68.

[189] _Bronz. v. Ol._, _l. c._; he is followed by Reisch,

p. 61; Rouse, p. 166, however, thinks that they would have been an

“artistic blunder.”

[190] _E. g._, _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 503 f.;

Textbd., p. 69.

[191] _Ibid._, Pl. XXV, 510; some are older than the date of

the introduction of the mule-car race, Ol. 70 (= 500 B. C.), and some

may have been used as bases for animal figures: _e. g._, Pl. XXV, 509;

Textbd., p. 69.

[192] Rouse, p. 165, suggests, though without evidence, that

they may have been offered before the contest with a propitiatory

sacrifice.

[193] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 71.

[194] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 78: _fecit et quadrigas bigasque_, etc.

[195] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 63 and 64: _fecit et quadrigas multorum

generum_.

[196] P., VI, 12.1.

[197] Either in Ol. 69 (= 504 B. C.) or 70 (= 500 B. C.) or

before 67 (= 512 B. C.): Hyde, 126; Foerster, 778 (undated).

[198] P., VI, 14.4.

[199] The father won κέλητι in Ol. 66 or 67 (= 516 or 512 B.

C.): Hyde, 120; Foerster, 129 and 149a; P., VI, 13.9; the sons won

in the same event in Ol. 68 (= 508 B. C.): Hyde, 121, and pp. 50-51;

Foerster, 152; P., VI, 13.10.

[200] VI, 2.1-2; he won in the heavy-armed race and in

charioteering in Ols. (?) 83, 84, (= 448, 444 B. C.): Hyde, 12;

Foerster, 211a; Foerster believes that the two statues represented

Lykinos and his charioteer, and that they stood in the chariot, which

is not mentioned by Pausanias.

[201] So Foerster, _l. c._; see also Robert, O. S., p.

176; Rutgers, p. 144; and Klein, _Archaeol.-epigr. Mitt. aus

Oesterr.-Ungarn_, VII, 1883, p. 70. For an improbable view, see Brunn,

I, p. 479.

[202] P., VI, 12.1.

[203] Pliny, _H. N._, XXIV, 75.

[204] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 78.

[205] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 19.

[206] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 255-7; XVI, 258;

Textbd., p. 41; terra-cotta horses, _ibid._, XVII, 267-75; Textbd., pp.

43-4.

[207] See Rouse, p. 167.

[208] Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34 f.

[209] _C. I. A._, IV, 2, p. 89, 373^{99}; _cf._ _Arch. Eph._,

1887, p. 146 (inscribed base reproduced).

[210] Mentioned by the pseudo-Plutarch, _Vit. X Orat._, IV

(Isokrates), 42, p. 839 c

[211] Pindar’s _Pyth._ XII celebrates the victory of Midas of

Akragas in flute-playing; he won in Pyth. 24 and 25 (= 490 and 486 B.

C.)

[212] _H. N._, XXXV, 58; both at Corinth and Delphi.

[213] Strabo, VIII, 6. 20 (C. 378); Aristeid., _Isthm._,

45; Livy, XXXIII, 32. Dio Chrysostom has graphically described the

crowds of spectators who still frequented the _Isthmia_ in the first

century A. D.: _Orat._, VII (Διογένης ἢ περὶ ἀρετῆς); VIII (Διογένης ἢ

Ἰσθμικός); _cf._ Gardiner, p. 173.

[214] Plutarch, _Solon_, 23; Diog. Laert., 1, 55: etc.

[215] For a list of victors, see Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen

und Isthmien_, pp. 209 f.

[216] See Julian, _Epist._, XXXV.

[217] See Monceaux on the excavation of the temple of

Poseidon, _Gaz. arch._, IX, 1884, pp. 358 f.

[218] Lucian, _Nero_, 2, says Olympia was the “most athletic”

of all; Bacchylides, XII, emphasizes the athletic character of Nemea.

[219] The boys’ pentathlon was introduced in the fifty-third

Nemead (= 467 B. C.) and the pankration for boys earlier: _cf._ Pindar,

_Nem._, V (in honor of the boy pancratiast Pytheas of Aegina; _cf._

Bacchylides, XIII); VII (in honor of the boy pentathlete Sogenes of

Aegina, who won in Nem. 54); IV and VI (in honor of two Aeginetan boy

wrestlers). The horse-race for boys is mentioned by P., VI, 16.4. Races

in armor were also important: Ph., 7.

[220] See Gardiner, pp. 223 f.; list of victors in Krause,

_op. cit._, pp. 147 f.

[221] X, 9.2 (Frazer’s transl.).

[222] See Foucart and Wescher, _Inscriptions recueillies à

Delphes_, 1863, no. 469; Haussoulier, _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, pp. 217

f.; Couve, _ibid._, XVIII, 1894, pp. 70-100. One is in honor of the

Corinthian singer Aristonos, who composed a hymn to Apollo, found at

Delphi: _ibid._, XVII, 1893, pp. 563 f. A Samian flutist, Satyros,

gained a prize without contest and recited a choral ode called

_Dionysos_ in the stadion, and played an air from Euripides’ _Bacchae_

on the lyre; _ibid._, XVII, pp. 84 f. Native towns erected statues

to musical victors: _C. I. G._, I., nos. 1719-20. One inscription

records the rules to be observed by runners, who could not drink new

wine, etc.: _J. H. S._, XVI, 1896, p. 343 and _Berliner Philolog.

Wochenschr._, XVI, 1896, p. 831 (June 27); _cf._ Frazer, V, p. 260. The

base of a statue of a boy wrestler has been found: _A. Z._, XXXI, 1874,

p. 57.

[223] X, 9.2-3; on Phaÿllos, see Foerster, 794 (undated).

[224] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59.

[225] _Ibid._, §57.

[226] On _Pyth._, IX, Argum., Boeckh, p. 401 B.

[227] XXIV, 7.10.

[228] To be discussed _infra_, in Ch. V.

[229] II, 1.7.

[230] _I. G. B._, nos. 120, 133, 148.

[231] _C. I. G._, II, 2888.

[232] P., VIII, 38.5; _cf._ Reisch, p. 39, n. 1.

[233] P., I, 23.9; _C. I. A._, I, 376; _I. G. B._, 39.

[234] P., I, 23.10.

[235] P., I, 24.3; _cf._ Reisch, p. 39.

[236] Pseudo-Plutarch, _Vit. X Orat._, already mentioned.

[237] P., I, 18.3 and IX, 32.8; _cf._ Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV,

79.

[238] _Contra Leocr._, p. 51 (ed. Reiske, p. 176.)

[239] _Cf._ Furtwaengler, _A. M._, V, 1880, pp. 27 f.

[240] _C. I. A._, I, 419; he won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy.

Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.

[241] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1303.

[242] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, IX, 32. Reisch, p. 39, ascribes

these to the monument of the older Kimon, who won in chariot-racing

three times at Olympia: Hdt., VI, 103; Plut., _Cato Major_, 5;

Foerster, 124 and 132.

[243] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1300.

[244] _Ibid._, 1301; _cf._ _C. I. G._, I, 233.

[245] _Ibid._, 1305, 1312.

[246] _Ibid._, 1302.

[247] _Ibid._, 1304.

[248] _Ibid._, 1323.

[249] _Ibid._, 1313.

[250] _Ibid._, 1314.

[251] _Ibid._, 1318-20.

[252] The Ἑλλανοδίκαι, mentioned by P., V, 9. 4 f. and

elsewhere; sometimes he calls them merely οἱ Ἠλεῖοι: _e. g._, VI, 13.9.

[253] _E. g._, P., VI, 13.9, says that the Eleans allowed

Pheidolas to dedicate a statue of his mare; in VI, 3.6, he says that

they allowed the wrestler Kratinos to set up a statue of his trainer.

[254] XXXIV, 16. See _infra_, pp. 54 and 354.

[255] VI, 1.1.

[256] _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 236.

[257] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 19 f. (nude youths

with lost attributes so that they can not be named with certainty);

Tafelbd., Pl. VIII, 47 (the oldest); VII, 48 = F. W., 352 (Apollo,

following Overbeck, _Gr. Kunstmytk._, III, _Apollon_, p. 35, fig. 6);

VIII, 49 = F. W., 353; VIII, 51-4 and 57 (the latter is a boxer of the

fifth century B. C. = Fig. 2 in text); VI, 50; VI, 59 (right arm of a

fifth-century B. C. diskobolos); VI, 63 (right lower leg). Purgold,

_Annali_, LVII, 1885, pp. 167 f., makes these diskoboloi decorative in

character.

[258] De Ridder, no. 747.

[259] _Ibid._, no. 746.

[260] _Ibid._, no. 636.

[261] Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, 1878, Pl. XI, 1 and 1

_bis_ (probably not Atalanta, as Carapanos suggests on p. 31, no. 4).

[262] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, Pls. X and XI.

[263] _A. M._, XV, 1890, p. 365.

[264] _Jb._, I, 1886, pp. 163 f., and Pl. IX; II, 1887, pp. 95

f.

[265] Carapanos, _op. cit._, Pl. XIII, 1.

[266] _E. g._, see E. von Sacken, _Die antiken Bronzen des k.

k. Muenz- und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, Pl. 37, fig. 4, and Pl.

45, fig. 1; _cf._ _J. H. S._, I, Pl. V, fig. 1, text, pp. 176-7. See

lists, from which many of the above examples are taken, in Reisch, p.

39, and Rouse, pp. 172 f.

[267] The seven fragments collected by Treu, which are

two-fifths to two-thirds life-size: _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LVI,

2, (= Fig. 78, _infra_) and Textbd., p. 216, no. 241; Tafelbd., Pl.

LVI, 3, 4 and Textbd., p. 216, n. 4 and fig. 242.

[268] V, 27.2-3.

[269] Reisch, pp. 39 f., gives examples of these for chariot

victories at the _Panathenaia_ and the games at Oropos, which latter

were imitated from the _Panathenaia_.

[270] V, 16.3: καὶ δὴ ἀναθεῖναί σφισιν ἔστι γραψαμέναις

εἰκόνας. Rouse, p. 167, n. 9, shows that these words do not mean

“statues of themselves with their names engraved on them,” as Frazer

translates, but painted reliefs.

[271] Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder_, I, Pl. IX,

pp. 13 f.

[272] I, 22.7. Reisch, p. 40, believes this represented a

Panathenaic victor.

[273] _H. N._, XXXV, 99. _Cf._ E. Kroker, _Gleichnamige

griechische Kuenstler_, 1883, p. 35.

[274] _Ibid._, §75.

[275] _Ibid._, §63.

[276] _Ibid._, §141.

[277] _Ibid._, §106.

[278] _Ibid._, §71.

[279] _Ibid._, §130.

[280] _Ibid._, §144.

[281] P., VI, 14.13. He won the pentathlon twice some time

between Ols. 126 and 132 (= 276 and 252 B. C.): Hyde, 139; Foerster,

451 and 456; the inscription on one has been recovered: _Inschr. v.

Ol._, 176.

[282] P., VI, 3.11. His victories in running races occurred

in Ols. (?) 95, (?) 97 and 99; (= 400, 392 and 384 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde,

33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. The inscription from the base of one is

preserved in _A. G._, XIII, 15.

[283] P., VI, 2.1-2; Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211a.

[284] P., VI, 15.10; he won the pankration and wrestling match

in Ol. 142 (= 212 B. C.): Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475.

[285] P., VI, 1.4; he won in the two- and four-horse

chariot-races in Ols. 102, 103 (= 372 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 6;

Foerster, 338, 345; for the inscription on its base, see _Inschr. v.

Ol._, 166. P. Gardner, in _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 245, infers that he

had only one victory, in 372 B. C.

[286] P., VI, 2.2; he won in Ols. (?) 86, 87 (= 436, 432 B.

C.): Hyde, 13; Foerster, 250, 256.

[287] P., VI, 14.12; _Inschr. v . Ol._, 170; _ibid._, no. 154

belongs to the victory mentioned by Pausanias. He won κέλητι in Ol. (?)

83 (= 448 B. C.): Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327.

[288] _E. g._, Deinomenes set up a chariot-group to his

father Hiero: P., VI, 12.1; Glaukos had a statue dedicated by his son:

VI, 10.3; Menedemos set up a statue to his father of the same name:

_Inschr. v. Ol._, 214; the sons of Hiero II, the son of Hierokles, of

Syracuse, set up in honor of their father two statues by the Syracusan

statuary Mikon, one on horseback, the other on foot: P., VI, 12.2 f.;

Hyde 105a and pp. 44-5; another of the same Hiero was set up at Olympia

by his sons: VI, 15.6; Hyde, 147a; these latter, however, are “honor”

and not victor statues.

[289] _E. g._, Hermokrates dedicated a statue to his son

Kleitomachos of Thebes: P., VI, 15.3 f.; he won in pankration and

boxing in Ols. 141 and 142 (= 216, 212 B. C.): Hyde, 146; Foerster,

472, 476. The epigram by Alkaios (= Minor) of Messenia is preserved

in _A. G._, IX, 588. For inscriptions after the time of Augustus, see

_Inschr. v. Ol._, 215 (Menedemos to his son of the same name); 216

(Aristodemos to his son Lykomedes of Elis); Foerster, 550; _Inschr. v.

Ol._, 218 (Timolas to his son Archiadas of Elis); Foerster, 535; etc.

[290] _E. g._, Klaudia Kleodike to her son M. Antonios

Kallipos Peisanos of Elis: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 223; Foerster, 568.

[291] _E. g._, Diodoros to his brother Nikanor of Ephesos:

_Inschr. v. Ol._, 227; he won the pankration in Ol. 217 (= 89 A. D.):

Foerster, 666.

[292] _E. g._, Loukios Betilenos (= Vetulenus) set one up

to T. Klaudios Aphrodeisios of Elis (?): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 226. He

won κέλητι in Ol. 208 (= 53 A. D.): Foerster, 634; two Eleans set up

statues, one, M. Antonios Peisanos, to Germanicus Caesar, adopted son

of the Emperor Tiberius (Foerster, 612), the other, Gnaios Markios, to

Tiberius or Germanicus: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 221 and 222.

[293] _E. g._, Mikon the trainer to an unknown Samian boxer:

P., VI, 2.9; Hyde, 19 and pp. 29-30; Foerster, 804.

[294] P., VI, 3.8; _cf._ VII, 17.6 and 13 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 29;

Foerster, 6.

[295] P., VI, 6.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 93 and

103 (= 408 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 53; Foerster, 355.

[296] P., VI, 17.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 114 and

132 (= 324 and 252 B. C.): Hyde, 172; Foerster, 354.

[297] P., VI, 17.2; two of the victories in the stade-race

fell in Ols. 129 and 130 (= 264 and 260 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 173;

Foerster, 440-2; 444-5.

[298] P., VI, 17.4. He won the boys’ wrestling match some

time between Ols. (?) 115 and 118 (= 320 and 308 B. C.): Hyde, 178;

Foerster, 377.

[299] For the one at Olympia, see P., VI, 8.5; for the one at

Pellene, _id._, VII, 27.5; he won in Ol. 94 (= 396 B. C.): Hyde, 81;

Foerster, 286. Similarly, Hiero II, King of Syracuse, had two statues

_honoris causa_ at Olympia set up by his fellow citizens: P., VI, 15.

6; Hyde, 147a.

[300] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 169; _cf._ P., VI, 13.11; he won the

pankration some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (= 320 and 260 B.

C.): Hyde, 123; Foerster, 758 (undated).

[301] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 186; _cf._ P., VI, 15.6; he won twice

in boxing between Ols. (?) 144 and 147 (= 204 and 192 B. C.): Hyde,

147; Foerster, 510 and 512.

[302] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 224; he won the boys’ wrestling match

in Roman days; Foerster, 823.

[303] P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukydides, V, 49-50; he won in Ol. 90 (=

420 B. C.): Hyde, 14; Foerster, 270.

[304] Vol. II, p. 222.

[305] So Scherer, p. 5. His evidence is from inscriptions of

imperial days (_e. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 218, 223, 227), when the

dedicatory formula differed somewhat from that of earlier times.

[306] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8; _cf._ P., VI, 10.9; _Oxy.

Pap._; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237.

[307] VI, 3.6. He won sometime between Ols. (?) 120 and 130 (=

300 and 260 B. C.): Hyde, 27; Foerster, 433.

[308] VI, 8.3. He won the stade-race and the chariot-race in

Ols. 93 and 104 (= 408 and 364 B. C.) respectively: Afr.; Hyde, 75;

Foerster, 277, 350.

[309] P., VI, 14.6; he won in wrestling matches six times in

Ol. (?) 61, and in Ols. 62, 63, 64, 65, 66 (= 536-516 B. C.): Hyde,

128; Foerster, 116, 122, 126, 131, 136, 141.

[310] P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39,

41-6.

[311] P., VI, 4.6; Hyde, 41 and _cf._ p. 36; Foerster, 384,

392.

[312] P., VI, 5.1.; VII, 27.6; Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279.

[313] P., VI, 10.1; Hyde, 93 and p. 42; Foerster, 137.

[314] The age of boy victors at Olympia seems to have been

17-20: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 56, ll. 11] f. (referring to the order of

the _Augustalia_, or Σεβαστὰ ἰσολύμπια, celebrated in Naples, which

were modeled after those of Olympia, _cf._ _C. I. G._, III, 5805).

Archippos of Mytilene won the crown for boxing at Olympia, Delphi,

Nemea, and on the Isthmus among the men at not over twenty years of

age: P., VI, 15.1; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 173; he won sometime between

Ols. (?) 115 and 125 (= 320 and 280 B. C.): Hyde, 140; Foerster, 757

(undated). Since Pausanias mentions this as a remarkable record, we

should suspect his statement that the boy runner Damiskos of Messene

was but twelve when he won the stade-race: VI, 2.10; he won Ol. 103 (=

368 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 20; Foerster, 343. Another victor, of unknown

date, Nikasylos of Rhodes, was disqualified when eighteen years old

from entering the boys’ wrestling match because of his age, and so

entered that of the men: P., VI, 14.1-2; Hyde, 125; Foerster, 787. He

died at twenty. Such inconsistencies in Pausanias’ account show that

the Hellanodikai exercised some discretion in their judgment, taking

into consideration not merely age, but size and strength.

[315] On maintenance at the Prytaneion, see Plato, _de Rep._,

V, 465 D; _Apology_, 36 D; Plut., _Aristeides_, 27; Athenæus, VI, 32

(p. 237, quoting Timokles), and X, 6 (p. 414, quoting Xenophanes);

R. Schoell, Die Speisung im Prytaneion zu Athen, _Hermes_, VI, 1872,

pp. 14 f. (and Athenian inscription, pp. 30 f.) He concludes that

this honor was given to Athenian victors only in the chariot-race

at Olympia, and in gymnic contests at the other great games. Solon

ordained that these meals be frugal, consisting of a barley loaf on

common days and a wheaten one on festival days: see Athenæus, IV, 14

(p. 137 e).

[316] _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965.

[317] Dio Cassius, LII, 30, 5-6.

[318] Suet., _Octav._, 45; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 174-5.

[319] P., VI, 13.1; Afr.; Hyde, 110; Foerster, 176-7, 181-2,

187-8.

[320] P., VI, 18.6; Hyde, 186; Foerster, 317, 323.

[321] P., VI, 3.11; Afr.; Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316.

[322] P., VI, 2.6-7; Hyde, 16; Foerster, 309.

[323] P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukyd., V, 49-50; Krause, _Olympia_, p.

144.

[324] P., V, 21.3-4. Eupolos won in Ol. 98 (= 388 B. C.):

Foerster, 313. See Plans A and B.

[325] P., V, 21.5; Kallipos won Ol. 112 (= 332 B. C.):

Foerster, 385.

[326] P., V, 21.8 f.; on Straton, see Foerster, 570-1.

[327] P., V, 21.16-17; see Foerster, 598 (for the Elean boy

wrestler Polyktor, son of Damonikos); P., V, 21.15; Foerster 684 (for

the boxer Didas and his antagonist Sarapammon, both Egyptians). On

cases of bribery at Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 134-5 and 174; Krause,

_Olympia_, pp. 144 f.

[328] P., V, 21.18.

[329] P., V, 21.12-14.

[330] Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,^2 II,

689; Cavvadias (Kabbadias), _Fouilles d’Épidaure_, I, 1891, p. 77, no.

238.

[331] Ph., 45. He says that victories were bought and sold

in his day and that the practice was encouraged by trainers. _Cf._

Gardiner, p. 219.

[332] Lucian, _Nero_, 9. _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 218-219

[333] See Gardiner, p. 77.

[334] Diod., XIII, 82; Foerster, 271 and 276. Suetonius says

that Nero, on arriving in Naples after his tour of Greece, made his

entrance in a chariot drawn by white horses through a breach in the

city wall “according to the practice of victors at the Greek games,”

and that he entered Rome in the triumphal chariot of Augustus dressed

in a purple tunic and a gold-embroidered cloak through a breach in

the wall of the Circus Maximus: _Nero_, 25. Though Plutarch says that

victors could tear down part of the city walls (_Quaest. conviv._, II,

5.2), such extravagances seem to have been introduced late and not to

have belonged to the great days of Greek athletics.

[335] _Cf._ Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, 1880, pp. 198-9.

[336] Hdt., V, 47; _cf._ Eustath. on Hom., Iliad, III, p. 383,

43; Foerster, 138.

[337] P., VI, 6.4 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.

[338] P., VI, 6.7-11; Strabo, VI, 1.5 (C. 255); Ael., _Var.

Hist._, VIII, 18.

[339] So Kallimachos _apud_ Plin., _H. N._, VII, 152 (= _S.

Q._, 494); he also states that two of his statues, one at Lokroi, the

other at Olympia, were struck by lightning on the same day.

[340] P., VI, 11.8-9; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191,

196.

[341] P., VI, 11.2.

[342] P., VI, 9.8; _cf._ Suidas, _s. v._ Κλεομήδης; Foerster,

162; _cf._ Hyde, 90a (though there was no statue at Olympia).

[343] VI, 9.6-8.

[344] Thus P., VI, 11.9, says that statues of Theagenes were

erected within and beyond Greece and could heal sickness. Lucian

says that in his day the statues of both Theagenes on Thasos and of

Polydamas of Skotoussa at Olympia cured fevers: _Deorum Concilium_, 12.

Polydamas won the pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.): Afr.; his statue

by Lysippos was set up later: P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279.

Gardiner has recently called attention to the fact that the evidence

for the canonization of the five victors mentioned is mostly late, and

he therefore doubts if it had anything to do with their victories at

Olympia: _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 96, 97.

[345] Ll. 1161 f.

[346] _De Rep._, V, 465 D. E.

[347] _De Rep._, 620 B.; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 129-130.

[348] Xen., _Hell._, I, 5.19; P., VI, 7.4 f.; Hyde, 61;

Foerster, 258, 260, 262.

[349] Damagetos won in boxing (?) in Ol. 56 (= 556 B. C):

Hermipp., _fr._ 14 (= _F. H. G._ III, p. 39); _A. G._, VII, 88; Pl.,

_H. N._, VII, 119; Foerster, 108.

[350] _Hbk._, pp. 215-216.

[351] _Ap._ Athenæum, X, 6 (pp. 413-14); Gardiner, p. 79, has

given a translation of his protest.

[352] _Ap._ Athen., X, 5 (p. 413).

[353] _De Rep._, 404 A.; 410 D. (_cf._ 535 D.).

[354] Προτρεπτικὸς λόγος ἐπὶ τὰς τέχνας. For translation, see

Gardiner, p. 188.

[355] See Secchi, _Mosaico Antoniniano_, and Baum., I, p. 223,

fig. 174.

[356] VI, 1.1: ποιήσασθαι καὶ ἵππων ἀγωνιστῶν μνήμην καὶ

ἀνδρῶν ἀθλητῶν.

[357] See Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 239.

[358] Pp. 272-3.

[359] P., VI, 10.8; Hyde, 99 b and p. 44; Foerster, 77-9.

[360] _Inschr. v. 0l._, 236; Foerster, 686. It was the custom

also at Delphi to dedicate chariots; thus we have already mentioned

that Arkesilas IV of Kyrene dedicated his chariot there after a

Pythian victory in Ol. 78.3 (= 462 B. C.): Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34

f. An inscription tells us of a bronze wheel being dedicated to the

Dioskouroi: _I. G. A._, p. 173, 43a.

[361] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 142 (Pantares); 160

(Kyniska).

[362] _E. g._, _ibid._, 143 (Gelo); 178 (Glaukon); 190 (son of

Aristotle); 191 (Agilochos); 194 (son of Nikodromos); 197 (Antigenes);

217 (Lykomedes); 222 (Gnaios Markios); 233 (Kasia Mnasithea).

[363] Thus _ibid._, 142, 143, 236.

[364] _Ibid._, 178, 190 (supplied), 191 (supplied), 194, 197,

217, 227, 233 (supplied).

[365] _Ibid._, 160.

[366] _Ibid._, 177.

[367] V, 21.1.

[368] V, 25.1.

[369] _A. M._, V, 1880, p. 29.

[370] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144; here in the renewed inscription

occurs also the word ἀνέθηκεν; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.

[371] _L. c._, p. 31, n. 1; here he gives a list of the

metrical exceptions of the fifth century B. C.; from inscriptions,

that of Aineas, _A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 38, no. 86; Foerster, 244 (an

inscription not appearing in _Inschr. v. Ol._), and Tellon, _A. Z._,

_ibid._, p. 190, no. 91, and XXXVIII, 1880, p. 70 (= _Inschr. v. Ol._,

147-8); from Pausanias, that of Kleosthenes (wrongly Kleisthenes), VI,

10.6, and Damarchos, VI, 8.2. The list should he corrected as follows.

From inscriptions: Tellon, boy boxer of Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy.

Pap._; P., VI, 10.9; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237;

Kyniskos, boy boxer of Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. C.): P., VI, 4.11; _Inschr.

v. Ol._, 149; Hyde, 45; Foerster, 255; Charmides, boy boxer of Ol.

(?) 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 156 (renewed);

Hyde, 58; Foerster, 763 (undated); ...krates, boy runner, Ol. (?) 93

(= 408 B. C.): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 157; Foerster, 280. From Pausanias:

Damarchos, boxer, who won before Ol. 75 (= 480 B. C.) or after Ol. 83

(= 448 B. C.): VI, 8.2; Hyde, 74 and p. 38; Foerster, 452.

[372] _E. g._, the Cretan Philonides, courier of Alexander the

Great, dedicated his portrait statue to the god: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 276;

P., VI, 16.5; Hyde, 154 a.

[373] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144.

[374] So Dittenberger, and Furtwaengler (_l. c._, p. 30,

n. 2), following Roehl, _I. G. A._, on no. 388; Roehl believed that

originally the word Lokroi or the name of the victor’s father appeared

as the dedicator, and later, because the victor wished to remove the

expense from his city or because his father died, Euthymos himself

restored it; see discussion of Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, pp.

249-520. The original inscription has ἔστησε.

[375] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 264; Roehl, _I. G. A._, 589.

[376] So Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 241, and no. 213;

_I. G. B._, 72; Foerster, following the earlier dating of Dittenberger

(_A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 42, nos. 49-50), dates the two victories

later, in Ols. (?) 200, 203 (= 21 and 33 A. D.); nos. 614 and 619.

[377] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 225, 228, 229-30, 231, 232.

[378] _Op. cit._, pp. 240-1.

[379] Furtwaengler, _l. c._, p. 30; Reisch, p. 37; Rouse, p.

167; Frazer, III, p. 624. Against the view that victor statues were

first called votive in Roman days, see Purgold, _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881,

p. 89, on no. 390 (= inscription of Glaukon = _Inschr. v. Ol._, 178;

however, he was a victor in chariot-racing).

[380] _E. g._, by Scherer, p. 5; Kuhnert, _Jahrb. fuer cl.

Phil._, Supplbd., XIV, 1885, p. 257, n. 7; Flasch, in Baum., II, p.

1096; _cf._ Dittenberger-Purgold, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 240; Frazer, III,

pp. 623-4.

[381] _E. g._, Ziemann, _de Anathematis Graecis_, 1885, p. 54.

[382] _Hermes_, XIII, 1878, p. 437, n. 2.

[383] Pp. 35 f.; followed by M. K. Welsh, _B. S. A._, XI,

1904-5, pp. 33-4.

[384] _E. g._, Pythokles, who won the pentathlon in Ol. 82 (=

452 B. C.), does not mention his contest on the base (_Inschr. v. Ol._,

162-3), nor does Pausanias give it (VI, 7.10); we learn it only from

the _Oxy. Pap._: see Robert _O. S._, p. 185; Hyde, 70; Foerster, 295.

[385] On p. 36, n. 1, he points out that at Athens the usual

dedication formula was omitted; _e. g._, in the inscription of the

Isthmian victor Diophanes, _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1301, and in that of

a Panathenaic victor, _ibid._, 1302. The presence of the word in an

Athenian inscription referring to the Olympic victor Kallias rests on

an uncertain restoration; _ibid._, I, 419; he won Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.):

P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.

[386] Pp. 167 f.

[387] Both Reisch, p. 36, and Dittenberger, _op. cit._, p.

240, agree also in opposing Furtwaengler’s _Versnoth_ explanation.

[388] Thus Pausanias mentions the “chariot, horses, charioteer and

Kyniska herself”: VI, 1.6. Again he speaks of the “chariot and statue

of Gelo”: VI, 9.4-5; in referring to the chariot of Kleosthenes by

Hagelaïdas he says: “Along with the statue of the chariot and horses,

he [Kleosthenes] dedicated statues of himself and the charioteer,” and

even adds the names of the horses: VI, 10.6. In VI, 18.1, he mentions

the group of Kratisthenes as “the chariot, Nike mounting it, and

Kratisthenes”; in VI, 16.6 he speaks of “a small chariot and figure

of the father of Polypeithes, the wrestler Kalliteles”; etc. _Cf._

Dittenberger, _op. cit._, pp. 239-40.

[389] He won in Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.): Foerster, 739: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 241.

[390] No dedication, however, is inscribed on it: _I. G. A._, 160;

_Bronz. v. Ol._, on no. 1101, p. 180.

[391] Chionis, a famous runner from Sparta, had a tablet, which listed

his victories, set up beside his statue at Olympia: P., VI, 13.2; he

won in Ols. 28-31 (= 668-656 B. C.): Hyde, 111; Foerster, 39, 41-46.

His statue was erected long after his death, in Ol. 77 or 78, and

so probably the stele also: Hyde, p. 48. Deinosthenes, who won the

stade-race in Ol. 116 (= 316 B. C.), had a slab set up beside his

statue at Olympia, on which was inscribed the distance between it and a

similar one in Sparta: P., VI, 16.8; Afr.; Hyde, 163; Foerster, 403.

[392] He won the chariot-race in Ol. 33 (= 648 B. C.): Foerster, 51.

[393] P., VI, 19.2; on the mistake of Pausanias, see Flasch, in Baum.,

II, p. 1104 B.

[394] _Or._, XXXI, 596 R (= 328 M).

[395] _H. N._, XXXIV, 17.

[396] _H. N._, XXXIV, 23-4. The subject of portrait honorary statues

at Athens has been treated by L. B. Stenessen, _de Historia variisque

Generibus statuarum iconicarum apud Athenienses_, Christiania, 1877;

for all Greece by M. K. Welsh, Honorary Statues in Ancient Greece, _B.

S. A._, XI, 1904-5, pp. 32-49.

[397] See list in Hyde, _Index_ on p. V.

[398] King Hiero of Syracuse had five: Hyde, 147 a (= three) and 105a

(= two); Antigonos Monophthalmos had three: Hyde, 103 d, 147 f, 151 b.

[399] Archidamas III, son of Agesilaos: P., VI, 4.9; Hyde, 42 a; VI,

15.7; Hyde, 147 c; Areus, son of Akrotatos, P., VI, 12.5; Hyde, 105 b;

VI, 15.9; Hyde, 148 a: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 308.

[400] Demetrios Poliorketes, P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 e; _Inschr. v.

Ol._, 304; VI, 16.3; Hyde, 152 b.

[401] Pyrrhos: P., VI, 14.9; Hyde, 128 a.

[402] Hiero II: P., VI, 12.2 f. (two statues set up by his sons:

Hyde, 105 a); VI, 15.6 (three statues, one set up by sons, two by

fellow-citizens: Hyde, 147 a).

[403] Philip II, son of Amyntas; Alexander the Great; Seleukos Nikator,

son of Antiochos; Antigonos, son of Philip, surnamed Monophthalmos;

these four princes had statues together: P., VI, 11.1; Hyde, 103 a, b,

c, d. Antigonos had also other statues in different parts of the Altis:

P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 f; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 305; VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151

b. Antigonos Doson and Philip III had statues together: P., VI, 16.3;

Hyde, 152 a. The Syrian king Seleukos Nikator had another statue at

Olympia: P., VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 c. Three of the Egyptian dynasty had

statues: Ptolemy Lagi, P., VI, 15.10; Hyde, 149 a; Philadelphus, P.,

VI, 17.3; Hyde, 173 a; and another whose name is uncertain, P., VI,

16.9; Hyde, 166 a.

[404] P., VI, 4.8; Hyde, 41 b.

[405] P., VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184 a; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 293.

[406] P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 d.

[407] P., VI, 14.9-10; Hyde, 128 b.

[408] P., VI, 14.11 Hyde, 128 c in Ol. (?) 127 (= 272 B. C.)

[409] P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134 a; erected between Ols. (?) 103 and 115

(= 368 and 320 B. C.).

[410] P., VI, 16.5; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 276, 277; Hyde, 154 a.

[411] P., VI, 14.9-10.

[412] P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 b.

[413] P., VI, 15.2; Hyde, 143 a.

[414] VI, 12.5. The date of his victory is unknown, but fell probably

in Ol. 134 or 135 (= 244 or 240 B. C.): Hyde, 105 c and pp. 44-5;

Foerster, 463.

[415] He won some time between Ols. (?) 99 and 102 (= 384 and 372 B.

C.): P., VI, 3.2-3; Hyde, 23 and pp. 30-1; Foerster, 335.

[416] On the ancient custom of carrying off votive offerings and images

from vanquished foes, see P., VIII, 46.2-4. He shows that Augustus

only followed a long-established precedent. Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV,

36, in speaking of the great number of statues plundered from Greece

by Mummius and the Luculli, quotes G. Licinius Mucianus (three times

consul), who died before 77 B. C., to the effect that 73,000 statues

were still to be seen at Rhodes in his time, and that supposably as

many more were yet to be found in Athens, Olympia, and Delphi.

[417] At the beginning of his description of Elis (V, 1.2), Pausanias

says that 217 years had passed since the restoration of Corinth. As

that event fell in 44 B. C., he was writing his fifth book in 174 A.

D., _i. e._, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. With this date other

chronological references in his work agree. That the fifth book was

written before the sixth is deduced from a comparison of V, 14.6

with VI, 22.8 f. Though the sixth book, therefore, can not have been

composed earlier than 174 A. D., it may, of course, have been written

much later. On the dates of the various books, see Frazer, I, pp. xv

f. On the great importance of Pausanias for the whole history of Greek

art, see C. Robert, _Pausanias als Schriftsteller_, 1909, p. 1.

[418] _Historia naturalis_, Bks. XXXIV-XXXVI (ed. Jex-Blake).

[419] This process has never been carried further nor with greater

insight than in Furtwaengler’s great work, _Meisterwerke der griech.

Plastik_, 1893.

[420] In his _Handbuch der Archaeologie der Kunst_, 3d ed., 1848, by F.

G. Welcker, p. 740.

[421] Chapter VII, _infra_, pp. 321 f.

[422] _Cf._ Furtwaengler-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler griech. und roem.

Skulptur_ (Handausgabe^3), 1911, p. 101.

[423] _Pro. Imag._, 11, pp. 490 f.: Ἀκούω ... μήδ’ Ὀλυμπίασιν ἐξεῖναι

τοῖς νικῶσι μείζους τῶν σωμάτων ἀνεστάναι τοὺς ἀνδριάντας, κ. τ. λ.;

Scherer, pp. 10 f.; _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 250.

[424] VI, 5.1. On the statue, see E. Preuner, _Ein delphisches

Weihgeschenck_, p. 26; for the recovered sculptured base, see _Bildw.

v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 209 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LV. 1-3. Polydamas won the

pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.), but his statue was set up long

after, in the time of Lysippos: Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279.

[425] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 146; _cf._ Scherer, pp. 10-11. He won in Ol. 77

(= 472 B. C.): P., VI, 6.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.

[426] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 159 (renewed); _I. G. B._, 86. Eukles won in

Ols. (?) 90-93, (= 420-408 B. C.): P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297.

[427] The lost work of Aristotle is mentioned by Diogenes Laertios, V,

26. For the scholiast, see Boeckh, p. 158; and _F. H. G._, II, p. 183

(= Aristotle, fragm. 264), IV., p. 307 (= Apollas, fragm. 7).

[428] Pollux, _Onomastikon_, II, 158, says that the cubit (πῆχυς)

contains 24 δάκτυλοι or 6 παλασταί; it was therefore 18.25 inches and

the finger 0.7 inch long. The Solonian cubit of 444 mm. gives 17.53

inches, the finger .73 inch, which makes Diagoros’ statue 6 feet 1.75

inches tall.Though the cubit was later lengthened to about 2 feet,

the old size was retained for measuring wood and stone: _cf._ Boeckh,

_Metrologische Untersuchungen_, 1838, p. 212.

[429] Scherer, p. 11, gave its height as 6 feet and 5 inches.

[430] Diagoras won in Ol. 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 59;

Foerster, 220; _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, 151 (renewed); Damagetos in Ols.

82-3 (= 452-448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 62; Foerster,

253; _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, 152.

[431] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 165 (renewed); he won Ol. 82 (= 452 B. C.):

_Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376.

[432] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 147-8, Tellon, who won the boys’

boxing match in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 10.9; Hyde,

102; Foerster, 237; _ibid._, 155 (renewed), Hellanikos, boy boxer, who

won in Ol. 89 (= 424 B. C.): P., VI, 7.8; Hyde, 65; Foerster, 263;

_ibid._, 158, boxer Damoxenidas, who won some time between Ols. 95

and 100 (= 400 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 6.3; Hyde, 54; Foerster, 319;

_ibid._, 164, Xenokles, boy wrestler, who won some time between Ols.

(?) 94 and 100 (= 404 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 85; Foerster,

308; _ibid._, 177, Telemachos, chariot victor some time between Ols.

(?) 115 and 130 (= 320 and 260 B. C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122;

Foerster, 513.

[433] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 182, Thrasonides, who won κέλητι

πωλικῷ in the third century B. C.

[434] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 246, fig. 99; _Mw._, p. 447, fig. 69. See p.

155.

[435] See Chapter VI., _infra_, p. 295.

[436] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65.

[437] _Supra_, p. 28 and n. 1; _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 216

f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2-4; _cf._ Furtwaengler, _50stes Berl.

Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890, pp. 147 f.; _cf._ _infra_, Ch. VII, pp.

324-5, _c. d. e._

[438] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 29 f; Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1-4, 9-10;

_cf._ _infra_, pp. 162-3.

[439] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, pp. 234-5; _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp.

10-12; _cf._ _infra_, p. 322 and notes 1-7.

[440] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 10-11; Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2, 2_a_;

F. W., no. 323; etc.

[441] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 12; Tafelbd., Pl. IV, 5, 5a; F. W.,

325.

[442] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler_, p. 104. On nudity and athletics,

see the article by Furtwaengler, Die Bedeutung der Gymnastik in der

griech. Kunst, in _Saemann’s Monatschr. fuer paedagog. Reform._, 1905;

W. Mueller, _Nacktheit und Entbloessung in der alt-orient. und aelteren

griech. Kunst_, Diss. inaug., Leipsic, 1906.

[443] The boxer Euryalos “first put a cincture (ζῶμα) about him,” in

his bout with Epeios: Iliad, XXIII, 683. See also XXIII, 710; Od.,

XVIII, 67 and 76.

[444] _E. g._, wrestlers on a black-figured amphora in the Vatican:

_J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 288, fig. 24; boxers, runners, and a jumper

on a b.-f. stamnos in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris (no. 252):

Gardiner, p. 418, fig. 142, from de Ridder, _Cat. des vases peints_, I,

p. 160.

[445] _H. N._, XXXIV, 18.

[446] Ph., 17. This mantle was called τρίβων—the “worn,” hence was thin

and coarse; Hermann-Bluemner, _Griech. Privatalt._, p. 175; etc.

[447] P., I, 44.1; Eustath., on Iliad, XXIII, 683, p. 1324, 12 f.

Dionys. Hal., _Antiq. Rom._, VII, 72, says that it was the Spartan

Akanthos, who won in a running race, _i. e._, δόλιχος, in Ol. 16; so

also Afr.; see P., V, 8.6; Foerster, 17. Orsippos won the stade-race

in Ol. 15: Afr.; Eustath., _l. c._; Dionys., _l. c._ Foerster, 16. But

Didymos, schol. on Iliad, XXIII, 683, says that Orsippos won in Ol.

32 (= 652 B. C.); similarly _Etym. magn._, p. 242, _s. v._ γυμνάσια;

however, Boeckh, _Kleine Schriften_, IV, p. 173, has shown that Ol.

15 is right. Isidoros, in a confused passage, _Orig._, XVIII, 17.2,

says that athletes were early girded and dropped the loin-cloth in

consequence of a runner getting weary, whence a decree of the time of

the archon Hippomenes at Athens (Ol. 14.2) allowed athletes to contend

nude; the same story is told in the _Schol. Venet._ on the Iliad,

XXIII, 683; see Foerster, 16.

[448] _A. G._, App. 272; Cougny, _Anth. Pal._, 1890, III (_App. nov._),

p. 4, no. 24; P., I, 44.1, says that his tomb was near that of Koroibos.

[449] _C. I. G._, I, 1050 (with Boeckh’s commentary on the loin-cloth);

_C. I. G. G. S._, 52; Kaibel, _Epigr. Gr., ex lapid. conl._, 1878, no.

843; Frazer, II, p. 538. The schol. on Thukyd., I, 6, quotes four lines

of it. The name was spelled Orrippos in the Megarian dialect.

[450] Ph., 17. The story is told also by P., V, 6.7-8. Peisirhodos won

in Ol. (?) 88 (= 428 B. C.): P., VI, 7.2; Hyde, 63; Foerster, 314.

This brings the change near the end of the fifth century B. C. For the

spelling of the name of the victor, see Foerster, _l. c._

[451] I. 6. Here the historian is speaking of athletes in general;

Dionysios, VII, 72 and P., I, 44.1, speak only of runners.

Scherer, p. 20, n. 1 (following Krause, I, pp. 405 and 501, n. 18)

thought that the words of Thukydides (τὸ δὲ πάλαι) referred to the

time antedating Ol. 15, and not later, and concluded that in wrestling

(introduced in Ol. 18 = 708 B. C.) and boxing (introduced in Ol. 23 =

688 B. C.) the contestants were always nude. Boeckh, however, rightly

concluded that the historian meant that in Ol. 15 only the runners laid

off the loin-cloth, while other athletes did so just before his day:

_C. I. G._, I, p. 554.

[452] _De Rep._, 452 D. He says that the custom of nudity was

introduced first by the Cretans and then by the Spartans.

[453] Thus von Mach says (p. 240): “They were dedicatory statues

representing events that had taken place in honor of the gods,” and

adds that on such occasions persons were draped, except where such

drapery would cause inconvenience, _i. e._, in gymnastic contests.

[454] See Gardiner, p. 465, fig. 172.

[455] _E. g._, the statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome:

Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, no. 973 (fig. 29, p. 557, restored); _Guide_,

597 (fig. 28); Joubin, p. 134, fig. 40; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 536.6;

_B. Com. Rom._, XVI, 1888, Pls. XV, XVI, 1, 2, (two views) and XVIII

(restored), pp. 335-365 (G. Ghirardini).

[456] Pollux, III, 155, wrongly states that runners wore soft leathern

boots (ἐνδρομίδες); these never appear on vases, as Krause, I, p. 362

and n. 5, and Gardiner, p. 273, point out, and were the usual footwear

of messengers. _Cf._ Mueller, _Arch. d. Kunst_, §363, 6.

[457] At Ephesos in Thukydides’ day: III, 104; earlier on Delos:

Thukyd., _ibid._, and Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, 146 f. Maidens

and youths wrestled in the gymnasia on Chios: Athenæus, XIII, 20 (p.

566 e.); _cf._ Boeckh, _C. I. G._, II, text to no. 2214.

[458] On athletic contests for women in Sparta, see Plutarch,

_Lykourgos_, 14; Xen., _de Rep. lac._, I, 4. Aristoph., _Lysistr._, 80

f., says that the beauty and color of the Lakonian woman Lampito came

from gymnastic exercises.

[459] P., V, 6.7. He says that those who broke the Elean rule were

thrown from Mount Typaion (a rock south of the river). Their exclusion

was doubtless due to a religious taboo and not to modesty; Gardiner, p.

47. P., VI, 20.9, says that the restriction did not include maidens.

As there is no other reference about unmarried girls at Olympia, it is

probable that girls were not admitted; _cf._ Krause, _Olympia_, p. 54

and n. 9.

[460] _E. g._, Kyniska, P., VI, 1.6, and other Spartan victresses, III,

8.1; Euryleonis, who won in a two-horse chariot-race in Ol. (?) 103

(= 368 B. C.): P., III, 17.6; Foerster, 344; Belistiche, mistress of

Ptolemy Philadelphus, was the first to win συνωρίδι πώλων in Ol. 129 (=

264 B. C.): P., V, 8.11; Foerster, 443; Theodota, daughter of the Elean

Antiphanes, won ἅρματι πωλικῷ in the first century B. C.: _Inschr. v.

Ol._, 203; Foerster, 547.

[461] P., VI, 20.9. The inscribed marble base of a statue of one of

these priestesses has been found at Olympia: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 485.

[462] See P., V, 6.7-8.

[463] However, we do not know if they were held in the same year as

that of the Olympic festival, or at what time of the year. See L.

Weniger, _Klio, Beitraege zur alten Geschichte_, V, 1905, pp. 22 f.

[464] P., V, 162-4. These πίνακες were probably iconic (portrait)

paintings. Holes have been found on columns of the Heraion to which

they may have been attached. On the girls’ race, see B. B., text to no.

521 (Arndt).

[465] It is a marble copy of an original bronze which is generally

dated about 470 B. C., because of archaic reminiscences in the head.

It represents a girl of about 14 years. See Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I,

no. 364; _Guide_, 378, and references; F. W., 213; Bulle, pp. 304 f.

Overbeck, II, p. 475, refers it to the school of Pasiteles. It is

pictured in B. B., no. 521; Bulle, 142; Baum., III, p. 2111, fig. 2362;

Springer-Michaelis, p. 224, fig. 412; von Mach, 73; Amelung, _Museums

of Rome_, I, fig. 74; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 527.6; Clarac, Pl. 864, 2199.

A similar statue is the torso in Berlin: _Beschr. der Skulpt._, no.

229; and _cf._ Kekulé, _Annali_, XXXVI, 1865, p. 66 (who points out the

resemblance of the head of the Vatican statue to that of the figure by

Stephanos, Pl. 12); Clarac, Pl. 864, 2200. The height of the Vatican

statue is given by Bulle as 1.56 meters. _Cf._ also a statuette of a

similar girl runner from Dodona: Rayet, I, Pl. 17, 3.

[466] However, B. Schroeder believes that it is merely a victorious

danseuse, and gives several examples of dancers from vase-paintings and

the lesser arts: _R. M._, XXIV, 1909, pp. 109 ff. (figs. 1-3). In all

of these lively motion is expressed and the free foot is raised high

from the ground. When the curious little plat under the statue’s right

foot (perhaps intended to represent the starting-stone at the stadion)

is removed, the position of the statue does not fit the dance; see

Bulle, p. 304, for discussion of this starting-stone.

[467] VIII, 48.2; _cf._ Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, VIII, 4, I, (p. 982).

[468] Bulle compares it with the Tuebingen hoplite-runner (Fig. 42)

ready to start, though the quieter pose of the Vatican statue befits a

girl rather than the impetuous energy of the man.

[469] On the Διονυσίαδες, see P., III, 13.7; Hesychios, _s. v._; _cf._

Theokr., XVIII, 22; Plut., _Lycurgus_, 14; Pauly-Wissowa, _s. v._

_agones_, I, p. 847; Reisch, p. 46, n. 4. Pauly-Wissowa, _s. v._ χιτών

(III, 2, p. 2314) shows that the use of the chiton closed on one side

was a Dorian, and especially a Spartan, custom.

[470] On the running race at Kyrene, _cf._ Boeckh, _Explic. ad Pind._,

_Pyth._, IX, p. 328. Plato, in his _de Leg._, VIII, 833, D, E, ordained

for girls the three running races (στάδιον, δίαυλος, and δόλιχος); the

youngest girls should run nude, the others (from 13 to 18) suitably

dressed.

[471] Suet., _Domitian_, 4; Dio Cassius, LXVII, 8.

[472] Arndt believes it is Myronian in character: B. B., text to 521.

[473] See Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, 1880, pp. 170 f. On the style of

wearing the hair in Greece, see the following works: K. O. Mueller,

_Handbuch d. Archaeol. d. Kunst_^3, pp. 474 f; Bluemner, _Leben u.

Sitten der Griechen_, I, pp. 76 f.; _Home Life of the Ancient Greeks_

(transl. of preceding, by A. Zimmern), 1893, pp. 64 f; Dar.-Sagl., _s.

v._ _coma_ (Pottier), I, 2, pp. 1355 f.; Pauly-Wissowa, VII, 2, pp.

2109 ff. (Bremer); Baum., I, pp. 615 f; Guhl-Koner-Engelmann, _Das

Leben d. Gr. u. Roem._^6, 1893, pp. 297 f; Amelung, _Gewandung d. Gr.

u. Roem._, 1903; Helbig, _Atti della R. Accad. dei Lincei_, Ser. III,

vol. V., pp. 1 f. (for the Homeric age).

[474] _Cf._ the recurring epithet of Homer, κάρη κομόωντες Ἀχαῖοι;

Helbig, _Das homerische Epos_^2, p. 236, n. 3; for examples of long

hair in the epic, _ibid._, pp. 236 f. That the Homeric hair fell free

over the shoulders and not in any conventional order has been proved

against Helbig by H. Hofmann, _Jb. f. cl. Philol._, Supplbd., XXVI,

1900, pp. 182 f.

[475] Eurip., _Bacchae_, 455; Aristotle, _de Physiogn._, 3, p. 38;

pseudo-Phokylides, 212.

[476] Aristoph., _Equit._, 580 and _cf._ 1121; _Nubes_, 14; _Lysistrata_,

561; etc.

[477] Od., IV, 198; Euripides, _Alkestis_, 818-19; Aristoph., _Plut._,

572; Plato, _Phaedo_, 89 C; Athenæus, XV, 16 (p. 675 a); Hdt., I, 82;

etc.

[478] Aristoph., _Aves_, 911.

[479] Ph., _Imag._, II, 32; Lucian, _Dial. meretr._, V, 3 (p. 290); etc.

[480] Xen., _de Rep. lac._, Ch. XI, 3; _cf._ Plut., _Apothegm. reg. et

imperat._, p. 754; and see Aristotle, _Rhet._, I, 9, p. 1397 a, 28;

Plut., _Lysandros_, I; _Lykourgos_, 22; etc.

[481] Hdt., VII, 208.

[482] Aristoph., _Aves_, 1281-2: Lysias, XVI, 18; Lucian, _Auctio

vitarum_, 2 (Pythagoreans).

[483] Pollux, VI, 3.22; VIII, 9.107; Athenæus, XI, 88 (p. 494 f.):

Hesychios, _s. v._ κουρεῶτις and οἰνιστήρια; Photius, _Lex._, p. 321.

[484] Aischyl., _Choeph._, 6; P., I, 37.3; at Delphi, Dio Chrys.,

_Or._, XXXV, p. 67 R.

[485] Eurip., _Bacchae_, 455.

[486] Κρωβύλος and κόρυμβος are etymologically the same word: see

Prellwitz, _Etymolog. Woerterbuch d. griech. Sprache_. It used to be

assumed that κόρυμβος referred to the similar coiffure of young girls.

On the κρωβύλος, see the following: K. O. Mueller, _op. cit._^3, p.

476, 5; _id._, _Die Dorier_, II, 266; Conze, _Nuove memorie dell’

instituto archeol._, pp. 408 f.; Helbig, _Comment. philolog. in honorem

Mommseni_, 1877, pp. 616 f., and _Rhein. Mus._, XXXIV, 1879, pp. 484

f.; Schreiber, Der altattische Krobylos, _A. M._, VIII, 1883, pp.

246-273, and Pls. XI., XII.; _id._, IX, 1884, pp. 232-254 and Pls. IX,

X; and after him, Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 644, Collignon, I, p. 363,

and de Villefosse, _Mon. Piot_, I, 1894, p. 62; Klein, _Gesch. d. gr.

Kunst_, I, p. 255; Studniczka, Krobylos und Tettiges, _Jb._, XI, 1896,

pp. 248-291. Pauly-Wissowa, _l. c._, pp. 2120 f.; Dar.-Sagl., I, 2,

pp. 1357-59 and 1571; etc. That the term κρωβύλος represented a way of

wearing the hair and not a part of the hair has been proved by Hauser:

_Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, 1906, Beiblatt, pp. 87 f. On other methods of

dressing the hair, see Pauly-Wissowa, _l. c._, pp. 2112 f.

[487] _Ap._ Athen., XII, 30 (p. 525).

[488] _Ibid._, 5 (p. 512 c).

[489] I, 6; _cf._ Aristophanes, _Nubes_, 984 and schol.; _Equit._, 1331.

[490] See fragm. of Nikolaos of Damascus, (perhaps from the _Lydiaka_

of Xanthos), _F. H. G._, III, p. 395, fragm. 62.

[491] See Krause, p. 541, n. 6.

[492] See _Ant. Denkm._, I, 1886, Pl. VIII, 3 b; etc.

[493] See hero reliefs in _A. M._, II, 1877, Pls. XX-XXV. On early

Corinthian vases, men are represented regularly with long hair.

[494] _E. g._, on the bust of Apollo in the Glyptothek, Munich: von

Mach, 449 (left); on the bearded man (Dionysos?) in the British Museum:

_id._, 450 (right); and on the Apollo of Naples: _id._, 448: On the

latter head the narrow band of the former two examples has become very

broad.

[495] _Cf._ Waldstein, _op. cit._, p. 177.

[496] _Mw._, pp. 67 (on statues of Zeus, hair reaching the shoulders,

a style later becoming typical of that god); p. 407 (the Argive school

gave short hair to heads of Zeus); _Mp._, pp. 42 and 118; _cf._ _Mw._,

p. 273.

[497] _Mw._, p. 249. Furtwaengler gives an example of a short-haired

Apollo of the school of Euphranor, _ibid._, p. 590.

[498] _Mp._, p. 16. _E. g._, the Florentine gem: Furtwaengler, _Antike

Gemmen_, 1900, Pl. XXXIX, no. 29.

[499] Pp. 444 f.

[500] A good example of this is seen on the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8 A).

[501] Bulle, Pl. 225. He dates it in the middle of the sixth century B.

C.

[502] _H. N._, XXXIV, 16 (Jex-Blake’s transl.) The Latin of the last

portion of this passage runs: _Olympiae, ubi omnium qui vicissent

statuas dicari mos erat, eorum vero qui ter ibi superavissent ex

membris ipsorum similitudine expressa, quas iconicas vocant._

[503] Hirt, _Ueber das Bildniss der Alten_, 1814-15, p. 7; Visconti,

_Iconographie grecque_ (1st ed. Paris 1808, Milan, 1824-26), Discours

prelim., p. VIII, n. 4. They argued from Lucian’s _pro Imag._, 11, a

passage already discussed _supra_, p. 45 and n. 3.

[504] Scherer, pp. 9 f., and especially p. 13; Lessing, _Laokoön_, II,

13, made Pliny’s words a text for a famous passage.

[505] For the latest discussion of Pliny’s passage, see _Inschr. v.

Ol._, pp. 236 and 295-6 (the latter in reference to the inscribed base

of the statue of Xenombrotos to be discussed a few lines _infra_).

[506] Klein, quoted by Jex-Blake, p. 14, footnote to line 7, believes

Pliny’s statement apocryphal, an idea escaping all scholars except,

perhaps, Bluemner in his commentary on the _Laokoön_ (p. 503).

Evidently Pliny, or his source, is explaining the discrepancy between

ideal and portrait statues as the result of an improbable rule, since

the ancients applied little historical criticism to art, and hence did

not distinguish between works representing types and those representing

individuals. Dio Chrysostom, in his treatise Περὶ κάλλους (_Orat._,

XXI, 1, p. 501 R), tries to explain the difference between early and

late statues on the ground of physical degeneration in the latter.

[507] _Inschr. v. Ol_, 170. He won in Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.): P.,

VI, 14.12; Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327. This date follows the reasoning

of Robert, _O. S._, pp. 180 f. Pausanias, _l. c._, mentions another

monument of the victor, the inscribed base of which has been found:

_Inschr. v. Ol._, 154, though Dittenberger wrongly refers it to

Damasippos: Foerster, 812; Hyde, pp. 53-4. The same authority refers

no. 170 to the middle of the fourth century B. C., or a couple

of decades later, because of the lettering and orthography. The

monument of no. 170 must, therefore, have been set up long after the

victory—about a century later.

[508] Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 296, compares two other

inscriptions with no. 170, viz, no. 174 (in which the words ὧδε στάς

occur) and _C. I. G. G. S._, I, 2470, l. 3 (where the words τοίας ἐκ

προβολᾶς occur). However, as he says, these two refer to the poses

of the statues of gymnic victors and not to portraits. Pausanias

frequently uses the word εἰκών for ἀνδριάς (_e. g._, III, 18.7) of a

victor, but this seems to be no indication of a portrait statue.

[509] _Cf._ Dittenberger, _op. cit._, p. 296. Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p.

530, think the case of Xenombrotos may simply be exceptional.

[510] VI, 3.11-12; he was three times victor in running races in Ols.

(?) 95, (?) 97, and 99 (= 400, 392, 384 B. C.); the latter date is

attested by Afr.: Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. For the epigram on

the base of one of these statues, see _A. G._, XIII, 15.

[511] VI, 4.1; he was three times victor in the pankration in Ols. 104,

(?) 105, (?) 106 (= 364-356 B. C.): Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359.

[512] VI, 17.2; he was thrice victor in running races in Ols. 129, 130

(= 264, 260 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 173; Foerster, 440-2, 444-5.

[513] VI, 15.9; he was four times victor in the pankration, once in

hoplite running, and once in the δίαυλος, at unknown dates: Hyde, 149;

Foerster, 767-72. We can not say that his victories fell at a date when

iconic statues were in vogue.

[514] VI, 6.6; he won in Ols. 74, 76, 77 (= 484, 476-2 B. C.): _Oxy.

Pap._; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144.

[515] _E. g._, VI, 13.3-4 and 8: Hermogenes, five times victor in

running races in Ols. 215, 216, 217 (= 81-89 A. D.): Afr.; Hyde, 111a;

Foerster, 654-6, 659-660, 662-4; Polites, three times victor in running

races in Ol. 212 (= 69 A. D.): Afr.; Hyde, 111b; Foerster, 648-50;

Leonidas, four times victor in running races in Ols. 154, 155, 156,

157 (= 164-152 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 111c; Foerster, 495-7, 498-500,

502-4, 507-9; Tisandros, four times victor in boxing in Ols. (?) 60-3

(= 540-528 B. C.), at a date too early for portraiture: Hyde, 119a;

Foerster, 115, 119, 123, 124. There are other examples from the early

fifth and the sixth centuries B. C.

[516] _Princ. Gr. Art_, Ch. XI (Portrait Sculpture), pp. 165 f.

[517] Gardner, p. 165, cites Bernouilli, _Griech. Ikonogr._, 1901, as

listing 26 known portraits of Euripides and 32 of Demosthenes, and

calls attention to the fact that 870 plates in the Bruckmann series,

_Griech. und Roem. Portraets_ (ed. Brunn und Arndt), from 1891 on,

are of Roman portraits. On the subject of Græco-Roman portraits, see

also Bernouilli, _Roem. Ikonogr._, 1882-94; Hekler, _Greek and Roman

Portraits_, 1912; and the works of E. Q. Visconti, now antiquated:

_Iconogr. gr._ (Paris, 1808) and _Iconogr. romana_ (Milan, 1818).