RESIGNATION OF WILLIAM OF ORANGE.

Ever since the establishment of the Guesen league, but more perceptibly

since the outbreak of the Iconoclasts, the spirit of rebellion and

disaffection had spread so rapidly among all classes, parties had become

so blended and confused, that the regent had difficulty in

distinguishing her own adherents, and at last hardly knew on whom to

rely. The lines of demarcation between the loyal and the disaffected

had grown gradually fainter, until at last they almost entirely

vanished. The frequent alterations, too, which she had been obliged to

make in the laws, and which were at most the expedients and suggestions

of the moment, had taken from them their precision and binding force,

and had given full scope to the arbitrary will of every individual whose

office it was to interpret them. And at last, amidst the number and

variety of the interpretations, the spirit was lost and the intention of

the lawgiver baffled. The close connection which in many cases

subsisted between Protestants and Roman Catholics, between Gueux and

Royalists, and which not unfrequently gave them a common interest, led

the latter to avail themselves of the loophole which the vagueness of

the laws left open, and in favor of their Protestant friends and

associates evaded by subtle distinctions all severity in the discharge

of their duties. In their minds it was enough not to be a declared

rebel, not one of the Gueux, or at least not a heretic, to be authorized

to mould their duties to their inclinations, and to set the most

arbitrary limits to their obedience to the king. Feeling themselves

irresponsible, the governors of the provinces, the civil functionaries,

both high and low, the municipal officers, and the military commanders

had all become extremely remiss in their duty, and presuming upon this

impunity showed a pernicious indulgence to the rebels and their

adherents which rendered abortive all the regent's measures of coercion.

This general indifference and corruption of so many servants of the

state had further this injurious result, that it led the turbulent to

reckon on far stronger support than in reality they had cause for, and

to count on their own side all who were but lukewarm adherents of the

court. This way of thinking, erroneous as it was, gave them greater

courage and confidence; it had the same effect as if it had been well

founded; and the uncertain vassals of the king became in consequence

almost as injurious to him as his declared enemies, without at the same

time being liable to the same measures of severity. This was especially

the case with the Prince of Orange, Counts Egmont, Bergen, Hogstraten,

Horn, and several others of the higher nobility. The regent felt the

necessity of bringing these doubtful subjects to an explanation, in

order either to deprive the rebels of a fancied support or to unmask the

enemies of the king. And the latter reason was of the more urgent

moment when being obliged to send an army into the field it was of the

utmost importance to entrust the command of the troops to none but those

of whose fidelity she was fully assured. She caused, therefore, an oath

to be drawn up which bound all who took it to advance the Roman Catholic

faith, to pursue and punish the Iconoclasts, and to help by every means

in their power in extirpating all kinds of heresy. It also pledged them

to treat the king's enemies as their own, and to serve without

distinction against all whom the regent in the king's name should point

out. By this oath she did not hope so much to test their sincerity, and

still less to secure them, as rather to gain a pretext for removing the

suspected parties if they declined to take it, and for wresting from

their hands a power which they abused, or a legitimate ground for

punishing them if they took it and broke it. This oath was exacted from

all Knights of the Fleece, all civil functionaries and magistrates, all

officers of the army--from every one in short who held any appointment

in the state. Count Mansfeld was the first who publicly took it in the

council of state at Brussels; his example was followed by the Duke of

Arschot, Counts Egmont, Megen, and Barlaimont. Hogstraten and Horn

endeavored to evade the necessity. The former was offended at a proof

of distrust which shortly before the regent had given him. Under the

pretext that Malines could not safely be left any longer without its

governor, but that the presence of the count was no less necessary in

Antwerp, she had taken from him that province and given it to another

whose fidelity she could better reckon upon. Hostraten expressed his

thanks that she had been pleased to release him from one of his burdens,

adding that she would complete the obligation if she would relieve him

from the other also. True to his determination Count Horn was living

on one of his estates in the strong town of Weerdt, having retired

altogether from public affairs. Having quitted the service of the

state, he owed, he thought, nothing more either to the republic or to

the king, and declined the oath, which in his case appears at last to

have been waived.

The Count of Brederode was left the choice of either taking the

prescribed oath or resigning the command of his squadron of cavalry.

After many fruitless attempts to evade the alternative, on the plea that

he did not hold office in the state, he at last resolved upon the latter

course, and thereby escaped all risk of perjuring himself.

Vain were all the attempts to prevail on the Prince of Orange to take

the oath, who, from the suspicion which had long attached to him,

required more than any other this purification; and from whom the great

power which it had been necessary to place in his hands fully justified

the regent in exacting it. It was not, however, advisable to proceed

against him with the laconic brevity adopted towards Brederode and the

like; on the other hand, the voluntary resignation of all his offices,

which he tendered, did not meet the object of the regent, who foresaw

clearly enough how really dangerous he would become, as soon as he

should feel himself independent, and be no longer checked by any

external considerations of character or duty in the prosecution of his

secret designs. But ever since the consultation in Dendermonde the

Prince of Orange had made up his mind to quit the service of the King of

Spain on the first favorable opportunity, and till better days to leave

the country itself. A very disheartening experience had taught him how

uncertain are hopes built on the multitude, and how quickly their zeal

is cooled by the necessity of fulfilling its lofty promises. An army

was already in the field, and a far stronger one was, he knew, on its

road, under the command of the Duke of Alva. The time for remonstrauces

was past; it was only at the head of an army that an advantageous treaty

could now be concluded with the regent, and by preventing the entrance

of the Spanish general. But now where was he to raise this army, in

want as he was of money, the sinews of warfare, since the Protestants

had retracted their boastful promises and deserted him in this pressing

emergency?

[How valiant the wish, and how sorry the deed was, is proved by the

following instance amongst others. Some friends of the national

liberty, Roman Catholics as well as Protestants, had solemnly

engaged in Amsterdam to subscribe to a common fund the hundredth

penny of their estates, until a sum of eleven thousand florins

should be collected, which was to be devoted to the common cause

and interests. An alms-box, protected by three locks, was prepared

for the reception of these contributions. After the expiration of

the prescribed period it was opened, and a sum was found amounting

to seven hundred florins, which was given to the hostess of the

Count of Brederode, in part payment of his unliquidated score.

Univ. Hist. of the N., vol. 3.]

Religious jealousy and hatred, moreover, separated the two Protestant

churches, and stood in the way of every salutary combination against

the common enemy of their faith. The rejection of the Confession of

Augsburg by the Calvinists had exasperated all the Protestant princes of

Germany, so that no support was to be looked for from the empire. With

Count Egmont the excellent army of Walloons was also lost to the cause,

for they followed with blind devotion the fortunes of their general, who

had taught them at St. Quentin and Gravelines to be invincible. And

again, the outrages which the Iconoclasts had perpetrated on the

churches and convents had estranged from the league the numerous,

wealthy, and powerful class of the established clergy, who, before this

unlucky episode, were already more than half gained over to it; while,

by her intrigues, the regent daily contrived to deprive the league

itself of some one or other of its most influential members.

All these considerations combined induced the prince to postpone to

a more favorable season a project for which the present juncture was

little suited, and to leave a country where his longer stay could not

effect any advantage for it, but must bring certain destruction on

himself. After intelligence gleaned from so many quarters, after so

many proofs of distrust, so many warnings from Madrid, he could be no

longer doubtful of the sentiments of Philip towards him. If even he

had any doubt, his uncertainty would soon have been dispelled by the

formidable armament which was preparing in Spain, and which was to have

for its leader, not the king, as was falsely given out, but, as he was

better informed, the Duke of Alva, his personal enemy, and the very man

he had most cause to fear. The prince had seen too deeply into Philip's

heart to believe in the sincerity of his reconciliation after having

once awakened his fears. He judged his own conduct too justly to

reckon, like his friend Egmont, on reaping a gratitude from the king to

which he had not sown. He could therefore expect nothing but hostility

from him, and prudence counselled him to screen himself by a timely

flight from its actual outbreak. He had hitherto obstinately refused

to take the new oath, and all the written exhortations of the regent

had been fruitless. At last she sent to him at Antwerp her private

secretary, Berti, who was to put the matter emphatically to his

conscience, and forcibly remind him of all the evil consequences which

so sudden a retirement from the royal service would draw upon the

country, as well as the irreparable injury it would do to his own fair

fame. Already, she informed him by her ambassador, his declining the

required oath had cast a shade upon his honor, and imparted to the

general voice, which accused him of an understanding with the rebels, an

appearance of truth which this unconditional resignation would convert

to absolute certainty. It was for the sovereign to discharge his

servants, but it did not become the servant to abandon his sovereign.

The envoy of the regent found the prince in his palace at Antwerp,

already, as it appeared, withdrawn from the public service, and entirely

devoted to his private concerns. The prince told him, in the presence

of Hogstraten, that he had refused to take the required oath because he

could not find that such a proposition had ever before been made to a

governor of a province; because he had already bound himself, once for

all, to the king, and therefore, by taking this new oath, he would

tacitly acknowledge that he had broken the first. He had also refused

because the old oath enjoined him to protect the rights and privileges

of the country, but he could not tell whether this new one might not

impose upon him duties which would contravene the first; because, too,

the clause which bound him to serve, if required, against all without

distinction, did not except even the emperor, his feudal lord, against

whom, however, he, as his vassal, could not conscientiously make war.

He had refused to take this oath because it might impose upon him the

necessity of surrendering his friends and relations, his children, nay,

even his wife, who was a Lutheran, to butchery. According to it,

moreover, he must lend himself to every thing which it should occur to

the king's fancy or passion to demand. But the king might thus exact

from him things which he shuddered even to think of, and even the

severities which were now, and had been all along, exercised upon the

Protestants, were the most revolting to his heart. This oath, in short,

was repugnant to his feelings as a man, and he could not take it. In

conclusion, the name of the Duke of Alva dropped from his lips in a tone

of bitterness, and he became immediately silent.

All these objections were answered, point by point, by Berti. Certainly

such an oath had never been required from a governor before him, because

the provinces had never been similarly circumstanced. It was not

exacted because the governors had broken the first, but in order to

remind them vividly of their former vows, and to freshen their activity

in the present emergency. This oath would not impose upon him anything

which offended against the rights and privileges of the country, for the

king had sworn to observe these as well as the Prince of Orange. The

oath did not, it was true, contain any reference to a war with the

emperor, or any other sovereign to whom the prince might be related; and

if he really had scruples on this point, a distinct clause could easily

be inserted, expressly providing against such a contingency. Care would

be taken to spare him any duties which were repugnant to his feelings as

a man, and no power on earth would compel him to act against his wife or

against his children. Berti was then passing to the last point, which

related to the Duke of Alva, but the prince, who did not wish to have

this part of his discourse canvassed, interrupted him. "The king was

coming to the Netherlands," he said, "and he knew the king. The king

would not endure that one of his servants should have wedded a Lutheran,

and he had therefore resolved to go with his whole family into voluntary

banishment before he was obliged to submit to the same by compulsion.

But," he concluded, "wherever he might be, he would always conduct

himself as a subject of the king." Thus far-fetched were the motives

which the prince adduced to avoid touching upon the single one which

really decided him.

Berti had still a hope of obtaining, through Egmont's eloquence, what by

his own he despaired of effecting. He therefore proposed a meeting with

the latter (1567), which the prince assented to the more willingly as he

himself felt a desire to embrace his friend once more before his

departure, and if possible to snatch the deluded man from certain

destruction. This remarkable meeting, at which the private secretary,

Berti, and the young Count Mansfeld, were also present, was the last

that the two friends ever held, and took place in Villebroeck, a village

on the Rupel, between Brussels and Antwerp. The Calvinists, whose last

hope rested on the issue of this conference, found means to acquaint

themselves of its import by a spy, who concealed himself in the chimney

of the apartment where it was held. All three attempted to shake the

determination of the prince, but their united eloquence was unable to

move him from his purpose. "It will cost you your estates, Orange, if

you persist in this intention," said the Prince of Gaure, as he took him

aside to a window. "And you your life, Egmont, if you change not

yours," replied the former. "To me it will at least be a consolation in

my misfortunes that I desired, in deed as well as in word, to help my

country and my friends in the hour of need; but you, my friend, you are

dragging friends and country with you to destruction." And saying these

words, he once again exhorted him, still more urgently than ever, to

return to the cause of his country, which his arm alone was yet able to

preserve; if not, at least for his own sake to avoid the tempest which

was gathering against him from Spain.

But all the arguments, however lucid, with which a far-discerning

prudence supplied him, and however urgently enforced, with all the ardor

and animation which the tender anxiety of friendship could alone

inspire, did not avail to destroy the fatal confidence which still

fettered Egmont's better reason. The warning of Orange seemed to come

from a sad and dispirited heart; but for Egmont the world still smiled.

To abandon the pomp and affluence in which he had grown up to youth and

manhood; to part with all the thousand conveniences of life which alone

made it valuable to him, and all this to escape an evil which his

buoyant spirit regarded as remote, if not imaginary; no, that was not a

sacrifice which could be asked from Egmont. But had he even been less

given to indulgence than he was, with what heart could he have consigned

a princess, accustomed by uninterrupted prosperity to ease and comfort,

a wife who loved him as dearly as she was beloved, the children on whom

his soul hung in hope and fondness, to privations at the prospect of

which his own courage sank, and which a sublime philosophy alone can

enable sensuality to undergo. "You will never persuade me, Orange,"

said Egmont, "to see things in the gloomy light in which they appear to

thy mournful prudence. When I have succeeded in abolishing the public

preachings, and chastising the Iconoclasts, in crushing the rebels, and

restoring peace and order in the provinces, what can the king lay to my

charge? The king is good and just; I have claims upon his gratitude,

and I must not forget what I owe to myself." "Well, then," cried

Orange, indignantly and with bitter anguish, "trust, if you will, to

this royal gratitude; but a mournful presentiment tells me--and may

Heaven grant that I am deceived!--that you, Egmont, will be the bridge

by which the Spaniards will pass into our country to destroy it." After

these words, he drew him to his bosom, ardently clasping him in his

arms. Long, as though the sight was to serve for the remainder of his

life, did he keep his eyes fixed upon him; the tears fell; they saw each

other no more.

The very next day the Prince of Orange wrote his letter of resignation

to the regent, in which he assured her of his perpetual esteem, and once

again entreated her to put the best interpretation on his present step.

He then set off with his three brothers and his whole family for his own

town of Breda, where he remained only as long as was requisite to

arrange some private affairs. His eldest son, Prince Philip William,

was left behind at the University of Louvain, where he thought him

sufficiently secure under the protection of the privileges of Brabant

and the immunities of the academy; an imprudence which, if it was really

not designed, can hardly be reconciled with the just estimate which, in

so many other cases, he had taken of the character of his adversary. In

Breda the heads of the Calvinists once more consulted him whether there

was still hope for them, or whether all was irretrievably lost. "He had

before advised them," replied the prince, "and must now do so again, to

accede to the Confession of Augsburg; then they might rely upon aid from

Germany. If they would still not consent to this, they must raise six

hundred thousand florins, or more, if they could." "The first," they

answered, "was at variance with their conviction and their conscience;

but means might perhaps be found to raise the money if he would only let

them know for what purpose he would use it." "No!" cried he, with the

utmost displeasure, "if I must tell you that, it is all over with the

use of it." With these words he immediately broke off the conference

and dismissed the deputies.

The Prince of Orange was reproached with having squandered his fortune,

and with favoring the innovations on account of his debts; but he

asserted that he still enjoyed sixty thousand florins yearly rental.

Before his departure he borrowed twenty thousand florins from the states

of Holland on the mortgage of some manors. Men could hardly persuade

themselves that he would have succumbed to necessity so entirely, and

without an effort at resistance given up all his hopes and schemes. But

what he secretly meditated no one knew, no one had read in his heart.

Being asked how he intended to conduct himself towards the King of

Spain, "Quietly," was his answer, "unless he touches my honor or my

estates." He left the Netherlands soon afterwards, and betook himself

in retirement to the town of Dillenburg, in Nassau, at which place he

was born. He was accompanied to Germany by many hundreds, either as his

servants or as volunteers, and was soon followed by Counts Hogstraten,

Kuilemberg, and Bergen, who preferred to share a voluntary exile with

him rather than recklessly involve themselves in an uncertain destiny.

In his departure the nation saw the flight of its guardian angel; many

had adored, all had honored him. With him the last stay of the

Protestants gave way; they, however, had greater hopes from this man

in exile than from all the others together who remained behind. Even

the Roman Catholics could not witness his departure without regret.

Them also had he shielded from tyranny; he had not unfrequently

protected them against the oppression of their own church, and he had

rescued many of them from the sanguinary jealousy of their religious

opponents. A few fanatics among the Calvinists, who were offended with

his proposal of an alliance with their brethren, who avowed the

Confession of Augsburg, solemnized with secret thanksgivings the day on

which the enemy left them. (1567).

History of the Revolt of the Netherlands — Volume 04 · 第 5 / 10 题