The resignation of the shōgun was accepted by the emperor, on the
understanding that a conference of the daimyōs was to be called and its
opinion taken in reference to the subsequent conduct of affairs. In the
meantime the ex-shōgun, under the command of the emperor, was to continue
the administration, particularly of those interests which concerned the
foreign powers. But the allied western daimyōs feared the effect of
leaving the administration in the hands of their enemies. The possession
of the person of the emperor was always reckoned an important advantage.
Especially was this the case when the emperor was only a boy, whose
influence in the affairs of the government could have little weight. They
resolved, therefore, to take measures which would definitely ensure the
termination of the shōgun’s power, and secure for themselves the result
for which they had been so long laboring.
On January 3, 1868, by a so-called order of the emperor,(312) but really
by the agreement of the allied daimyōs, the troops of the Aizu clan, who
were in charge of the palace gates, were dismissed from their duty, and
their place assumed by troops of the clans of Satsuma, Tosa, Aki, Owari,
and Echizen. The _kugés_ who surrounded the court and who were favorable
to the Tokugawa party were discharged and forbidden to enter its
precincts. The vacant places were filled by adherents of the new order of
things. The offices of _kwambaku_ and _shōgun_ were by imperial edict
abolished. A provisional plan of administration was adopted and persons of
adequate rank appointed to conduct the several departments. “A decree was
issued announcing that the government of the country was henceforth solely
in the hands of the imperial court.”(313)
One of the first acts of the new government was to recall the daimyō of
Chōshū, who had been expelled from Kyōto, in 1863, and to invite back the
_kugés_ who had been exiled and deprived of their revenues and honors. The
sentence of confiscation which had been pronounced upon them was abrogated
and they were restored to their former privileges. One of them, Sanjo
Saneyoshi, as prime minister spent the remainder of his life in reviving
the ancient and original form of government. The Chōshū troops who had
been driven out of the capital in 1863, were recalled and given a share
with the loyal clans in guarding the palace of the emperor.
This powerful clan,(314) which had suffered such a varied experience, was
destined to take and maintain a leading position in the future development
of the restored empire.
The Aizu and other clans which had been devoted friends of the Tokugawa
shōguns were especially outraged by this conciliatory spirit shown to the
Chōshū troops. They claimed that this clan by resisting the imperial
commands had merited the opprobrious title of rebels (_chōtoki_), and were
no longer fit for the association of loyal clans. But the Chōshū daimyō
had been restored to the favor of his emperor, and moreover was allied
with the clans whose power was paramount at Kyōto, so that the
disapprobation of the Tokugawa adherents had little terror for him.
At the suggestion of his friends the shōgun retired to his castle at
Ōsaka, and the troops attached to his cause also retreated and gathered
under his standard. The situation of affairs was for a time uncertain. The
shōgun had resigned, and his resignation had been accepted, but he had
been asked by the emperor to continue his administration. Subsequently,
under the pressure of the allied clans, the emperor had abolished the
shōgunate and entrusted the administration to a provisional government.
This last action the friends of the ex-shōgun resented as the doings of
revolutionists. It is believed that he himself was averse to further
conflict. Any step which he might take in the vindication of his rights
must involve war with the allied clans, and he was not a man of war.
While these critical events were taking place, the representatives of
foreign powers came down from Yedo to Hyōgo with an impressive array of
men-of-war. By invitation of the ex-shōgun they visited him at Ōsaka. In
reply to the representatives he made an address,(315) complaining of the
arbitrary conduct of those who now had possession of the imperial person,
and notifying them that he was willing and able to protect their rights
under the treaties, and asking them to await the action of a conference to
be summoned. In consequence of the conflict which was now imminent, the
representatives of the treaty powers issued a notice to their citizens
that neutrality must be maintained under all circumstances, and arms and
ammunition must not be sold to either party.
The first armed conflict between the two parties took place during the
closing days of January, 1868. Two of the allied daimyōs, Owari and
Echizen, were sent to Ōsaka to confer with the ex-shōgun, in the hope that
some terms might be agreed upon, by which further difficulty could be
avoided. They were both Tokugawa daimyōs, Owari belonging to one of the
_go-sanké_ families, and Echizen being a descendant of Ieyasu’s son. They
offered to the ex-shōgun an honorable appointment, and if he would come to
Kyōto they assured him a ready audience before the emperor. He promised to
obey the emperor’s command and visit the capital.
After the envoys had gone his friends raised suspicions in his mind
concerning his personal safety. The daimyōs of Aizu and Kuwana offered to
accompany him in case he determined to go. They organized, therefore, a
force of about 10,000 men with which they proposed to escort him. He must
have known that a formidable military escort like this would precipitate a
conflict. However, he set out. The news of the preparations of the
ex-shōgun was brought to Kyōto, and aroused a determination to resist his
invasion of the capital. He had been invited to the palace by the emperor,
but he was to come as a peaceful visitor. If he had determined to come
with a guard composed of the enemies of the empire he must be resisted.
Troops of the Satsuma and Chōshū clans were, therefore, posted to
intercept the march of the ex-shōgun’s escort. It is believed that they
numbered about 1,500(316) men. The fighting took place on the roads
leading from Ōsaka to Kyōto, and lasted during the 28th, 29th, and 30th of
January. It ended in the complete defeat of the rebel army, although it so
far outnumbered its adversaries.
The ex-shōgun being thus disappointed in his plan to enter the capital
with a commanding force retired to his castle at Ōsaka, from which he
proceeded on a steam corvette to Yedo.(317) The castle at Ōsaka was burnt,
and the defeated troops made their way by land to the same rendezvous. The
antipathy existing between the Satsuma clan and the Tokugawa adherents
showed itself in a very pronounced manner in Yedo. The Satsuma _yashiki_,
which was occupied by troops of that clan and by _ronins_ favorable to
them was surrounded by Tokugawa troops and burnt. Collisions between the
two parties were of constant occurrence, which continued until the arrival
of the imperial troops restored order. In Hyōgo too, which with Ōsaka was
opened to foreign trade on the first of January, 1868, there were
difficulties between the foreigners and anti-foreign element in the
population. But these troubles rapidly disappeared, because the new
government took pains at once to make it plain that the treaties with
foreign powers were to be kept, and outrages committed against those who
were in the country under these treaties were not to be tolerated.
On February 8, 1868, the emperor sent to the foreign representatives a
request that they communicate to their governments the fact that hereafter
the administration of both internal and external affairs would be
conducted by him, and that officers would be appointed to conduct the
business which may arise under the foreign treaties.
In token of the sincerity of this communication an invitation was conveyed
to the representatives of the powers then at Hyōgo to present themselves
before the emperor on March 23d. The significance of this event can
scarcely now be conceived. Never before in the history of the empire had
its divine head deigned to admit to his presence the despised foreigner,
or put himself on an equality with the sovereign of the foreigner. The
event created in the ancient capital the utmost excitement. The French and
Dutch ministers had each in turn been conducted to the palace and had been
received in audience. No serious incident had occurred. But during the
progress of Sir Harry Parkes,(318) the British representative, from his
lodgings to the palace, two fanatical _samurai_ rushed upon his escort,
and before they could be overpowered wounded nine of them. One of the
would-be assassins was killed and the other was captured after being
desperately wounded. The party returned at once to the lodgings of the
envoy who fortunately was uninjured.
The court, by whose invitation the ministers had undertaken to present
themselves before the emperor, was overwhelmed with mortification. High
officers at once waited upon Sir Harry and tendered their sympathy and
profound regret. After making every reparation in their power,
arrangements were made to hold the audience on the day following that
originally appointed. It was held accordingly without further incident.
Warned by this alarming occurrence, the government issued an edict, that
as the treaties had now been sanctioned by the emperor, the protection of
foreigners was henceforth his particular care; that if therefore any
_samurai_ were to be guilty of an outrage against them, he should be
degraded from his rank, and denied the honorable privilege of committing
_hara-kiri_; he should suffer the punishment of a common criminal and have
his head exposed in token of dishonor. Miyeda Shigeru, the surviving
culprit, was thus punished.
The scene of the brief contest was now shifted to the east. The ex-shōgun
seemed to vacillate between a complete surrender of his power and a
provisional retention of it until the will of the nation could be taken by
a conference of the daimyōs. On the arrival of the imperial forces in Yedo
the final terms of his future treatment were announced to the ex-shōgun:
That he retire to Mito, and there live in seclusion; that the castle in
Yedo be evacuated; and that the vessels and armaments now in the
possession of the ex-shōgun be surrendered. These terms were accepted, and
he took up his residence in his ancestral province of Mito. Subsequently
he was permitted to remove to the castle of Sumpu at Shizuoka. With him
the dynasty of Tokugawa shōguns vanishes from history.
His adherents, however, still continued to resist the imperial forces. For
months the Aizu troops hovered about Yedo, and at last came to blows with
the imperial troops at the grounds of the Uyeno temple on July 4, 1868. It
was a hard-fought battle, and was at last decided by an Armstrong gun in
the hands of the Hizen troops. The fine old temple was destroyed, and the
rebel forces withdrew to the north.
Further complications arose—fighting at Utsunomiya, etc.,—but at last they
were ended by the surrender of the castle of Wakamatsu, where the daimyō
of Aizu had made a stand. With generous fortitude he took the blame upon
himself and submitted to the clemency of his sovereign.
It is only necessary now in order to bring to a close the account of this
short military contest, to refer to the movements of the fleet lying at
Shinagawa. It will be remembered that by the terms accepted by the
ex-shōgun these vessels were to be surrendered to the imperial forces.
There were seven of them, mounting in all eighty-three guns. They were
under the command of Enomoto Izumi-no-kami, who had learned in Holland the
science of naval war. He did not approve of his master surrendering these
muniments of war. On the morning of the day when the vessels were to be
delivered over to the imperial commander, they had disappeared from their
anchorage. In the night Enomoto had got up steam, crept out through Yedo
bay, and sailed northward to more friendly climes. The imperial fleet
followed, and after some manœuvring at Sendai proceeded to Hakodate. Here
the warlike operations between the rebels and the imperial troops lasted
till July, 1869. Finally, the leaders, Enomoto and Matsudaira Tarō, seeing
that it was hopeless to contend longer against a constantly increasing
enemy, offered to commit _hara-kiri_, in order that their followers might
be saved by a surrender. Their unselfish purpose was not, however,
permitted. Then it was determined that the two leaders should give
themselves up to the besiegers, to save the rest. This was done. The
prisoners were sent to Yedo, and their gallant conduct and heroic devotion
to the cause of their prince were so keenly appreciated that they were all
pardoned.
While these events were transpiring in the east and north, the work of
establishing a system of administration was proceeded with at Kyōto.
A constitution was drawn up, detailing the various departments of the
government, and the duties of the officers in each. These departments
were: 1. Of supreme administration; 2. of the Shintō religion; 3. of home
affairs; 4. of foreign affairs; 5. of war; 6. of finance; 7. of judicial
affairs; 8. of legislative affairs. This scheme underwent several changes,
and for a long time was regarded as only tentative.
The ablest men in the movements which were now in progress were afraid of
the traditions of indulgence and effeminacy which attached to the court at
Kyōto. In order to restore the government to a true and self-respecting
basis, it seemed necessary to cut loose from the centuries of seclusion in
which the emperor had remained, and enter upon the work of governing the
empire as a serious and solemn task. It was in this spirit that Ōkubo
Toshimichi of Satsuma, one of the ablest of the statesmen of the new era,
made in 1868 a novel and startling proposition. It was in a memorial(319)
addressed by him to the emperor. He proposed that the emperor should
abandon the traditions which had grown up respecting his person and his
court, and rule his empire with personal supervision. To do this
successfully, he recommended that the capital be transferred from the
place of its degrading superstitions to a new home. He suggested that
Ōsaka be the place selected.
If the emperor’s court had been under the same influences as had governed
it in past years, such a proposition would have been received with horror.
Perhaps even the bold proposer would have been deemed fit for the ceremony
of _hara-kiri_. But the men who surrounded the emperor belonged to a
different school, and the emperor himself, although he was still an
inexperienced youth, had already begun to breathe the freer air of a new
life. The proposition was welcomed, and led to the great change which
followed. After discussion and consideration it was determined that the
emperor should make his residence not in Ōsaka, which would have been a
great and impressive change, but in Yedo, where for two hundred and fifty
years the family of Ieyasu had wielded the destinies of the empire. By
this change more than any other was emphasized the fact that hereafter the
executive as well as the ultimate power was to be found in the same
imperial hands.
Acting on these principles the emperor followed his victorious army and,
November 26, 1869, arrived at Yedo and took up his residence in the
castle. Reports were made to him of the complete settlement of all
difficulties in the north and the establishment of peace. In token of his
arrival the name of Yedo had been changed to Tōkyō(320) (eastern capital),
by which name it has since been known. As a compensation to the
disappointed and disheartened citizens of Kyōto, their city received the
corresponding designation of Saikyō (western capital). The year-period,
which from January, 1865, had borne the name of Keiō, had been changed to
_Meiji_(321) (Enlightened Peace), and was fixed to begin from January,
1868. Heretofore the year-periods had been changed whenever it seemed
desirable to mark a fortunate epoch. But by the edict establishing the
_Meiji_ year-period, it was settled that hereafter an emperor was to make
but one change in the year-period during his reign.
The emperor returned to the western capital during the spring of 1869 for
a brief visit. The usual etiquette of mourning for his father required his
presence at the imperial tomb. He also availed himself of this visit to
wed the present empress, who was a princess of the house of Ichijō,(322)
one of the ancient families descended from the Fujiwara. He came back
again in April, but there was so much opposition on the part of the
inhabitants of the ancient capital to the complete loss of their emperor,
that it was deemed most prudent for the newly married empress to remain
behind. She did not set out for Tōkyō to join her husband until the
November following, where she arrived without incident.
A surprising reminiscence of the Christianity which was supposed to have
been extinguished in the seventeenth century came to light in 1865.
Several Christian communities in the neighborhood of Nagasaki(323) were
discovered, who had preserved their faith for more than two hundred years.
Without priests, without teachers, almost without any printed instruction,
they had kept alive by tradition through successive generations a
knowledge of the religion which their ancestors had professed. These
communities had no doubt maintained a discreet quiet as to the tenets of
their belief. They had a traditional fear of the persecution to which
their fathers had been subjected and sought by silence to remain
undisturbed. It was the rejoicing at their discovery which directed the
attention of the government to the fire which had been so long
smouldering.
A new edict of the imperial government, displayed upon the public
edict-boards in 1868, first called the notice of the foreign
representatives to the measures which were being taken.(324) It was as
follows: “The evil sect called Christian is strictly prohibited.
Suspicious persons should be reported to the proper officers, and rewards
will be given.” Nearly all the ministers of foreign powers remonstrated
against this proclamation, as throwing discredit on the religions of their
countries. The Japanese officials defended the punishment of Christians by
alleging the national prejudice against them, which had come from the
preceding centuries. They argued that the question was one of purely
domestic concern, of which foreign nations could have no adequate
knowledge, and in which they had no right to interfere.
The Christians chiefly lived in Urakami, a village near Nagasaki. They
were said to number about four thousand. Orders were sent by the
government from Tōkyō in June, 1868, that all the families who would not
recant should be deported and put in the charge of daimyōs in different
provinces. Only a small part of the Christians were thus exiled. The
government probably dealt with greater leniency because they found the
treaty powers so deeply interested. Subsequently the measures taken
against the native Christians were withdrawn. In March, 1872, those who
had been dispersed among the daimyōs were granted permission to return to
their homes, and persecution for religious belief was ended forever.
On April 17, 1869, before his court and an assembly of daimyōs, the
emperor took what has been called the charter oath(325) in five articles,
in substance, as follows:
1. A deliberative assembly shall be formed, and all measures decided by
public opinion.
2. The principles of social and political economics should be diligently
studied by both the superior and inferior classes of our people.
3. Every one in the community shall be assisted to persevere in carrying
out his will for all good purposes.
4. All the absurd usages of former times should be disregarded, and the
impartiality and justice displayed in the workings of nature be adopted as
the basis of action.
5. Wisdom and ability should be sought after in all quarters of the world
for the purpose of firmly establishing the foundations of the empire.
The promise in the first article to establish a deliberative assembly was
watched with the greatest solicitude. And when during the same year the
_kogisho_(326) (parliament) was called together, great hopes were
entertained of its usefulness. It was composed of persons representing
each of the daimiates, who were chosen for the position by the daimyōs. It
was a quiet peaceful debating society,(327) whose function was to give
advice to the imperial government.
That it was a thoroughly conservative body is apparent from the result of
its discussion upon several of the traditional customs of Japan. On the
proposition to recommend the abolition of the privilege of _hara-kiri_ the
vote stood: Ayes 3, noes 200, and not voting 6. On the proposition to
abolish the wearing of swords, which was introduced and advocated by Mori
Arinori, the final vote was unanimously against it in a house of 213.(328)
After a short and uneventful career the _kogisho_ was dissolved in the
autumn of the same year in which it was summoned. It had been a step, but
not a very important step, in the direction of parliamentary government.
We must now give an account of the most remarkable event in the modern
history of Japan. We refer to the termination of feudalism by the
voluntary surrender of their feudal rights on the part of the daimyōs.
This action was a logical consequence of the restoration of the executive
power into the hands of the emperor. It was felt by the statesmen of this
period that in order to secure a government which could grapple
successfully with the many questions which would press upon it, there must
be a centralization of the powers which were now distributed among the
powerful daimyōs of the empire. To bring this about by force was
impossible. To discover among the princes a willingness to give up their
hereditary privileges and come down to the position of a powerless
aristocracy was something for which we have hitherto looked in vain.
[Illustration]
Mori Arinori.
Doubtless the _fainéant_ condition of nearly all the daimyōs at this time
made the accomplishment of this event more easy. With only a few
exceptions, the hereditary princes of the provinces had come to be merely
the formal chiefs of their daimiates. The real power was in the hands of
the energetic and capable _samurai_, who were employed to manage the
affairs. They saw that any scheme for transferring the political authority
of the daimyōs to the central government would render more important their
services. They would become not merely the formal administrative
functionaries, but the real officers to whom responsible duties and trusts
would be confided. Some of this class of subordinates had already in the
new imperial government tasted the savoriness of this kind of service, and
they were ready to carry out a plan which seemed to have patriotism and
practicability in its favor.
The most notable circumstance in this series of events was the
presentation to the emperor of an elaborate memorial signed by the daimyōs
of Chōshū, Satsuma, Tosa, Hizen, Kaga, and others, offering him the lists
of their possessions and men. This memorial(329) appeared in the official
gazette March 5, 1869. Its preparation is attributed to Kido Takayoshi,
and bears supreme evidence to his learning and statesmanship. With lofty
eloquence the memorial exclaims: “The place where we live is the emperor’s
land, and the food which we eat is grown by the emperor’s men. How can we
make it our own? We now reverently offer up the lists of our possessions
and men, with the prayer that the emperor will take good measures for
rewarding those to whom reward is due and taking from those to whom
punishment is due. Let the imperial orders be issued for altering and
remodelling the territories of the various classes.... This is now the
most urgent duty of the emperor, as it is that of his servants and
children.”
The example thus set by the most powerful and influential daimyōs was
followed rapidly by others. Two hundred and forty-one(330) of the daimyōs
united in asking the emperor to take back their hereditary territories.
And in the end only a small number remained who had not so petitioned.
Prince Azuki in his memorial says: “1. Let them restore the territories
which they have received from the emperor and return to a constitutional
and undivided country. 2. Let them abandon their titles and under the name
of _kwazoku_ (persons of honor) receive such properties as may serve for
their wants. 3. Let the officers of the clans abandoning that title, call
themselves officers of the emperor, receiving property equal to that which
they have hitherto held.”
In response to these memorials a decree(331) was issued by the emperor
August 7, 1869, announcing the abolition of the daimiates, and the
restoration of their revenues to the imperial treasury. It was also
decreed that the ranks of court nobles (_kugés_) and of daimyōs be
abolished and the single rank of _kwazoku_ be substituted.
Thus at one stroke the whole institution of feudalism which had flourished
from the time of Yoritomo was cut away. The government made provision for
the administration by creating prefectures (_ken_) to take the place of
daimiates. This was done in 1871. At first the daimyōs were appointed
governors of the prefectures. But it was soon found that these hereditary
princes were as a class utterly unfit for the chief executive offices of
their old provinces. Hence, one by one other competent persons were
appointed to vacancies, until it came to be understood that competence and
fitness were to be the requisite qualifications for such appointments.
The financial questions involved in the suppression of the feudal system
were serious and difficult. When the daimyōs surrendered their fiefs, they
did so with the understanding that they themselves should “receive such
properties as may serve their wants,”(332) and that the emperor should
take “measures for rewarding those to whom reward is due.”(333) It was
decided that each ex-daimyō, and each of the suzerains that were dependent
on him, should receive one tenth of the amount of their income from their
fiefs. The ex-daimyōs received this amount free of any claims upon them
for the support of the non-productive _samurai_, who formed the standing
armies of each clan. The central government assumed all the payments to
the _samurai_ for services of whatever kind. This heavy charge of the
government was met by borrowing $165,000,000,(334) which was added to the
national debt. With this sum they undertook to capitalize the pensions,
which was finally accomplished by a compulsory enactment. Each claimant
received from the government interest-bearing bonds for the amount of his
income reckoned at from five to fourteen years’ purchase according to its
sum. Thus to the great relief of the country the matter of pensions was
disposed of.
To many of the _samurai_ this summary settlement had unfortunate results.
The lump sums which they received were often soon consumed, and they were
left penniless and helpless. The traditions under which they had been
trained led them to look down upon labor and trade with disdain, and
rendered them unfit to enter successfully on the careers of modern life.
In many cases worry and disappointment, and in others poverty and want,
have been the sequels which have closely followed the poor and obsolete
_samurai._
Several minor but noteworthy steps in reform were taken. The ancient
disqualifications of the _eta_ and _heimin_ were removed in 1871, and
these pariahs placed on the same legal footing as the rest of the
population. The first railway in Japan was opened between Yokohama and
Tōkyō in 1872. The European calendar, so far as it regarded the beginning
of the year and the beginning of the months, was adopted in 1873. The year
was still counted from Jimmu Tennō, 1873 of the Christian era
corresponding to 2533 of the Japanese era, and also by the _Meiji_
year-period, the commencement of which was from 1868.
Several international events deserve notice here. A number of Ryūkyū
islanders (vassals of Japan) had been shipwrecked on Formosa and some
killed by the semi-savage inhabitants. To punish this cruelty, and to
insure a more humane treatment in the future, the Japanese government sent
an expedition under General Saigō Tsugumichi. They made short work of the
inhuman tribes and enforced upon them the lesson of civility. China, who
claimed a sovereignty over this island, acknowledged the service Japan had
rendered, and agreed to pay an indemnity for the expenses of the
expedition.
The long-pending dispute between Russia and Japan concerning the boundary
in Saghalien was settled in 1875 by a treaty(335) which exchanged the
Japanese claims in Saghalien for the Kurile islands (Chishima).
An unexpected attack by the Koreans upon a Japanese steamer asking coal
and provisions awakened an intense excitement in Japan. An expedition
after the pattern of Commodore Perry’s, under the command of General
Kuroda Kiyotaka, was despatched in January, 1876, to come to an
understanding with the Koreans. The negotiations were entirely successful,
and a treaty(336) of amity and commerce was concluded, and thus another of
the secluded kingdoms of the East had been brought into the comity of
nations. Then outbreaks of this kind in Saga, in Higo, in Akizuki, and in
Chōshū occurred, but they were all put down without difficulty or delay.
The promptness with which the government dealt with these factions boded
no good to the reactionary movements that were ready to break out in other
places.
Although the Satsuma clan had taken the most prominent part in the
destruction of the shōgunate and in the restoration of an imperial
government, there was in it a greater amount of conservatism and
opposition to modern innovations than was to be found elsewhere. Indeed,
the clan had split into two distinct parties, the one aiding in all the
reforms and changes which the government was attempting to carry out, the
other holding resolutely to the old feudal traditions which they saw
endangered by the present attitude of the emperor’s counsellors. The
latter party had for its leaders Shimazu Saburō and Saigō Takamori, both
of whom had played conspicuous parts in the recent history of their
country. The government had tried to conciliate these two influential men
and to secure their co-operation in the administration. But both had
retired from Tōkyō, and declined longer to share the responsibility of a
course which they could not approve.
Saigō, who was the idol of the _samurai_, after his retirement established
near Kagoshima a military school, where the young men of that class were
drilled in the duties of the army. Branch schools on the same model were
also carried on in several other places in the province. In all it was
said that not less than 20,000 young _samurai_ were receiving a training
in these dangerous schools. They were filled with the most violent
antipathy to the government and were with difficulty restrained, even by
their leaders, from outbreaks in sympathy with the uprisings which
elsewhere were taking place.
The government was naturally solicitous concerning these collections of
inflammable material. A collision with the students over the removal of
some stores of arms and ammunition, revealed their readiness to break into
rebellion. It is not improbable that designing conspirators took advantage
of the open and chivalric character of Saigō to push him into the
initiation of hostilities. Admiral Kawamura, himself a Satsuma man and a
connection of Saigō, was sent down to hold an interview with him and if
possible to make a peaceful settlement. But the interview was declined.
The rebellious elements were at once gathered together, and Saigō, at the
head of a force of 14,000 men, started about the middle of February, 1877,
on his march up the west coast of Kyūshū, on his way to Tōkyō. The
conspirators estimated that a force of 30,000 troops could be counted on
to take part in the expedition.
The first impediment in their march was the castle of Kumamoto,(337) where
the government had a garrison of 2,000 to 3,000 men under General Tani.
Saigō determined to reduce it before making further progress. He spent
several weeks in this vain attempt. This was a precious delay for the
government, which it spent in organizing and sending forward troops for
opposing the advance of the rebels. All available forces were collected
and put in motion to the seat of war. Prince Arisugawa-no-miya was
appointed commander-in-chief and established his headquarters at Fukuoka.
The equipment of troops at the seat of government was under the
supervision of General Saigō Tsugumichi, a younger brother of the rebel
leader. Loyal as he was to his emperor, it was a painful task for him to
organize war against his brother. With native delicacy he left to others
the duty of fighting on the field, and confined himself to the less
conspicuous part of gathering and sending troops as they were needed.
The rebels had besieged Kumamoto and had already reduced it to great
straits. But the imperial forces came in time to its relief. There was
desperate fighting, but at last the besiegers were compelled to withdraw.
They retreated toward the east coast with the apparent purpose of seeking
a way to the north by Hyūga and Bungo. Promptly they were followed and
confined to a defensive attitude. The most desperate battles were fought
in this part of the campaign. Though disappointed and outnumbered, the
rebels fought with consummate bravery. They were almost in the shadow of
the mountains where their celestial ancestor was fabled to have descended
upon the Japanese islands.(338) Their last stand was at Nobeoka in the
northeast corner of Hyūga. Their leaders realized that to continue the
contest would only cause unnecessary and hopeless slaughter.
Under these circumstances Saigō saw that to end the fighting and save his
followers he must leave them. Accordingly with about two hundred of those
who were personally devoted to him, he broke through the imperial line and
escaped to Kagoshima. The army, finding they were forsaken, surrendered,
August 19, 1877. Saigō, with his little band, entrenched himself on the
summit of the hill Shiroyama overlooking Kagoshima. Here he was surrounded
by the imperial forces and bombarded night and day. The veteran leader was
at last wounded in the thigh, and seeing that all hope of escape was gone,
he requested one of his lieutenants to perform for him the friendly office
of severing his head from his body. After the capture of the stronghold,
the bodies of Saigō and his comrades were discovered. Admiral Kawamura
himself with tender hands washed the bloody head of his dead friend, and
saw that the bodies of all were decently buried. Thus, on September 24,
1877, the last and most serious of the attempts which have been made to
disturb the empire in its new career came to an end.
There was, however, one mournful sequel to this rebellion. Ōkubo
Toshimichi, a statesman and patriot of the purest type, had from the
beginning resisted the reactionary movements of his clan. At the time of
the rebellion he was minister of Home Affairs and put forth all his
exertions to suppress it. A baseless slander that he had sent to Satsuma
hired assassins to take Saigō’s life, had been used by the reckless
conspirators to force the rebel leader to an outbreak. This was believed
by many of the _samurai_, not only in Satsuma but in other provinces. On
May 14, 1878, Tōkyō was startled by the news that Ōkubo, while driving
through a secluded spot in the old castle grounds, on his way to the
emperor’s palace, had been murdered. The assassins were from the province
of Kaga, and gave as the reason for their crime their desire to avenge the
death of Saigō. Japan could ill afford to spare at this time her most
clear-headed statesman and her noblest and most unflinching patriot.
[Illustration]
Okubo Toshimichi.
What followed these important events must be told in a summary manner.
There was a powerful and growing party in the empire, who looked forward
to a modification of the absolute form of government to which they had
returned in 1868. This party was particularly aggressive in the province
of Tosa. They recalled to themselves and others the solemn pledge which
the emperor had given to his people in his charter oath,(339) when he
announced that “a deliberative assembly shall be formed, and all measures
decided by public opinion.”
The ruling minds in the government feared that the people were too
inexperienced and too unaccustomed to deciding and acting for themselves
to be entrusted with the grave duty of constitutional government. As a
preparation for so important a step local assemblies were authorized and
established in 1878. Matters referring to the government of each _fu_ and
_ken_ were to be discussed, and to a certain extent decided in these
assemblies. It was believed that the experience gained in such bodies
would go far towards preparing men for service in an imperial legislative
body. The expectations founded on these local assemblies were realized and
in a fair degree they continued to fulfil their purpose.
In further pursuance of the plan of constitutional government, the
emperor, on February 11, 1889, at his palace, promulgated a
constitution(340) for his people. In the presence of his cabinet and court
he took a solemn oath to govern under its limitations and powers. This
constitution contains seven chapters consisting of one hundred and eleven
articles: Chapter I. The Emperor; II. Rights and Duties of Subjects; III.
The Imperial Diet; IV. The Ministers of State and Privy Council; V. The
Judicature; VI. Finance; VII. Supplementary Rules. The emperor also
announced that the imperial diet would be convoked in the twenty-third
year of _Meiji_ (1890), and that the constitution would go into effect at
the date of its assembling.
[Illustration]
Ito Hirobumi.
It would seem that no great advance can be secured in Japan without the
sacrifice of a valuable life. As Ii Kamon-no-kami was murdered in 1860,
and as Ōkubo fell by the assassin’s hand at the close of the Satsuma
rebellion, so now on the very day when the emperor was to promulgate this
liberal constitution, Viscount Mori Arinori fell a victim to the fanatical
hatred of one who looked with distrust upon the progress which his country
was making. No one could look, or did look, on this progress with more
interest than Mori. He had so long and so earnestly advocated a liberal
and tolerant policy in the councils of his country, and had been a leader
in all that was high and noble, that we cannot regard, except with
profound regret, his untimely death.
APPENDIX I. LIST OF EMPERORS.
(The list here printed is the official list issued by the government, and
has been revised by Mr. Tateno, the Japanese Minister at Washington.)
Name. Date of Date of Age at
Access. Death. Death.
1. Jimmu 660 B.C. 585 B.C. 127
2. Suizei 581 549 84
3. Annei 548 511 57
4. Itoku 510 477 77
5. Kōshō 475 393 114
6. Kōan 392 291 137
7. Kōrei 290 215 128
8. Kōgen 214 158 116
9. Kaikwa 157 98 111
10. Sūjin 97 30 A.D. 119
11. Suinin 29 A.D. 70 141
12. Keikō 71 130 143
13. Seimu 131 190 108
14. Chūai 192 200 52
Jingō (Empress Regent)(341) 201 269 100
15. Ōjin 270 310 110
16. Nintoku 313 399 110
17. Richū 400 405 67
18. Hanzei 406 411 60
19. Inkyō 412 453 80
20. Ankō 454 456 56
21. Yūriyaku 457 479 ——
22. Seinei 480 484 41
23. Kenzō 485 487 ——
24. Ninken 488 498 50
25. Muretsu 499 506 18
26. Keitai 507 531 82
27. Ankan 534 535 70
28. Senkwa 536 539 73
29. Kimmei 540 571 63
30. Bidatsu 572 585 48
31. Yōmei 586 587 69
32. Sujun 588 592 73
33. Suiko (Empress) 593 628 75
34. Jomei 629 641 49
35. Kōkyoku (Empress) 642 —— ——
36. Kōtoku 645 654 59
37. Saimei (re-accession of 655 661 68
Kōkyoku
38. Tenji 668 671 58
39. Kōbun 672 672 25
40. Temmu 673 686 65
41. Jitō (Empress) 690 702 58
42. Mommu 697 707 25
43. Gemmyō (Empress) 708 721 61
44. Genshō (Empress) 715 748 69
45. Shōmu 724 756 56
46. Kōken (Empress) 749 —— ——
47. Junnin 759 765 33
48. Kōken (re-enthroned) 765 770 53
49. Kōnin 770 781 73
50. Kwammu 782 806 70
51. Heijō 806 824 51
52. Saga 810 842 57
53. Ninna 824 840 55
54. Nimmyō 834 850 41
55. Montoku 851 858 32
56. Seiwa 859 880 31
57. Yōzei 877 949 82
58. Kōko 885 887 58
59. Uda 888 931 65
60. Daigo 898 930 46
61. Shujaku 931 952 30
62. Muragami 947 967 42
63. Reizei 968 1011 62
64. Enyū 970 991 33
65. Kwazan 985 1008 41
66. Ichiyō 987 1011 32
67. Sanjō 1012 1017 42
68. Go-Ichijō 1017 1028 29
69. Go-Shujaku 1037 1045 37
70. Go-Reizei 1047 1068 44
71. Go-Sanjō 1069 1073 40
72. Shirakawa 1073 1129 77
73. Horikawa 1087 1107 29
74. Toba 1108 1156 54
75. Shutoku 1124 1164 46
76. Konoye 1142 1155 17
77. Go-Shirakawa 1156 1192 66
78. Nijō 1159 1165 23
79. Rokujō 1166 1176 13
80. Takakura 1169 1181 21
81. Antoku 1181 1185 15
82. Go-Toba 1186 1239 60
83. Tsuchi-mikado 1199 1231 37
84. Juntoku 1211 1242 46
85. Chūkyō 1222 1234 17
86. Go-Horikawa 1221 1234 23
87. Yojō 1232 1242 12
88. Go-Saga 1242 1272 53
89. Go Fukakusa 1246 1304 62
90. Kameyama 1259 1305 57
91. Go-Uda 1274 1324 58
92. Fushimi 1288 1317 53
93. Go-Fushimi 1298 1336 49
94. Go-Nijyō 1301 1308 24
95. Hanazono 1308 1348 52
96. Go-Daigo 1318 1339 52
97. Go-Murakami 1339 1368 41
98. Go-Kameyama 1373 1424 78
99. Go-Komatsu 1382 1433 57
100. Shōkō 1414 1428 28
101. Go-Hanazono 1429 1470 52
102. Go-Tsuchi-mikado 1465 1500 59
103. Go-Kashiwabara 1521 1526 63
104. Go-Nara 1536 1557 62
105. Ōgimachi 1560 1593 77
106. Go-Yojō 1586 1617 47
107. Go-Mizuo 1611 1680 85
108. Myōshō (Empress) 1630 1696 74
109. Go-Kōmyō 1643 1654 22
110. Go-Nishio 1656 1685 49
111. Reigen 1663 1732 79
112. Higashiyama 1687 1709 35
113. Naka-mikado 1710 1737 37
114. Sakuramachi 1720 1750 31
115. Momozono 1747 1762 22
116. Go-Sakuramachi (Empress) 1763 1813 74
117. Go-Momozono 1771 1779 22
118. Kōkaku 1780 1840 70
119. Jinkō 1817 1846 47
120. Kōmei 1847 1867 37
121. Mutsuhito (reigning 1868
emperor)
APPENDIX II. LIST OF YEAR PERIODS.(342)
Name. Japanese Era. Christian Era.
Taikwa 1305 645
Hakuchi 1310 650
Saimei 1315 655
Tenji 1322 662
Sujaku 1332 672
Hakuhō 1333 673
Suchō 1346 686
Jitō 1347 687
Momm 1357 697
Daihō 1361 701
Keiun 1364 704
Wadō 1368 708
Reiki 1375 715
Yōrō 1377 717
Jinki 1384 724
Tembiō 1389 729
Tembiō shōhō 1409 749
Tembiō hōji 1417 757
Tembiō jingo 1425 765
Jingo keiun 1427 767
Hōki 1430 770
Tenō 1441 781
Enriaku 1442 782
Daidō 1466 806
Kōnin 1470 810
Tenchō 1484 824
Jōwa 1494 834
Kajō 1508 848
Ninju 1511 851
Saikō 1514 854
Tenan 1517 857
Jōgwan 1519 859
Gwangiō 1537 877
Ninna 1545 885
Kwampei 1549 889
Shōtai 1558 898
Engi 1561 901
Enchō 1583 923
Jōhei 1591 931
Tengiō 1598 938
Tenriaku 1607 947
Tentoku 1617 957
Ōwa 1621 961
Kōhō 1624 964
Anna 1628 968
Tenroku 1630 970
Ten-en 1633 973
Jōgen 1636 976
Tengen 1638 978
Eikwan 1643 983
Kwanna 1645 985
Ei-en 1647 987
Eiso 1649 989
Shōriaku 1650 990
Chōtoku 1655 995
Chōhō 1659 999
Kwankō 1664 1004
Chōwa 1672 1012
Kwannin 1677 1017
Ji-an 1681 1021
Manju 1684 1024
Chōgen 1688 1028
Chōriaku 1697 1037
Chōkiū 1700 1040
Kwantoku 1704 1044
Eijō 1706 1046
Tengi 1713 1053
Kōhei 1718 1058
Jiriaku 1725 1065
Enkiū 1729 1069
Jōhō 1734 1074
Jōriaku 1737 1077
Eihō 1741 1081
Ōtoku 1744 1084
Kwanji 1747 1087
Kahō 1754 1094
Eichō 1756 1096
Jōtoku 1757 1097
Kowa 1759 1099
Chōji 1764 1104
Kajō 1766 1106
Tennin 1768 1108
Tenei 1770 1110
Eikiū 1773 1113
Genei 1778 1118
Hō-an 1780 1120
Tenji 1784 1124
Daiji 1786 1126
Tenjō 1791 1131
Chōjō 1792 1132
Hō-en 1795 1135
Eiji 1801 1141
Kōji 1802 1142
Tenyō 1804 1144
Kiū-an 1805 1145
Nimbiō 1811 1151
Kiūju 1814 1154
Hōgen 1816 1156
Heiji 1819 1159
Eiriaku 1820 1160
Ōhō 1821 1161
Chōkwan 1823 1163
Eiman 1825 1165
Ninan 1826 1166
Ka-ō 1829 1169
Jō-an 1831 1171
Angen 1835 1175
Jishō 1837 1177
Yōwa 1841 1181
Ju-ei 1842 1182
Genriaku 1844 1184
Bunji 1845 1185
Kenkiū 1850 1190
Shōji 1859 1199
Kennin 1861 1201
Genkiū 1864 1204
Kenei 1866 1206
Jōgen 1867 1207
Kenriaku 1871 1211
Kempō 1873 1213
Jōkiū 1879 1219
Jō-ō 1882 1222
Gennin 1884 1224
Karoku 1885 1225
Antei 1887 1227
Kwangi 1889 1229
Jō-ei 1892 1232
Tempuku 1893 1233
Bunriaku 1894 1234
Katei 1895 1235
Riakunin 1898 1238
En-ō 1899 1239
Ninji 1900 1240
Kwangen 1903 1243
Hōji 1907 1247
Kenchō 1909 1249
Kōgen 1916 1256
Shōka 1917 1257
Shōgen 1919 1259
Bunō 1920 1260
Kōchō 1921 1261
Bunei 1924 1264
Kenji 1935 1275
Kōan 1938 1278
Shō-ō 1948 1288
Einin 1953 1293
Shōan 1959 1299
Kengen 1962 1302
Kagen 1963 1303
Tokuji 1966 1306
Enkiō 1968 1308
Ōchō 1971 1311
Shōwa 1972 1312
Bumpō 1977 1317
Gen-ō 1979 1319
Genkō 1981 1321
Shōchū 1984 1324
Kariaku 1986 1326
Gentoku 1989 1329
Shōkiō 1992 1331
Kemmu 1994 1334
Engen 1996 1336
Kōkoku 1999 1339
Shōhei 2006 1346
Kentoku 2030 1370
Bunchū 2032 1372
Tenju 2035 1375
Kōwa 2041 1381
Genchū 2044 1384
Meitoku 2050 1390
Ō-ei 2054 1394
Shōchō 2088 1428
Eikiō 2089 1429
Kakitsu 2101 1441
Bunan 2104 1444
Hōtoku 2109 1449
Kōtoku 2112 1452
Kōshō 2115 1455
Chōroku 2117 1457
Kwanshō 2120 1460
Bunshō 2126 1466
Ōnin 2127 1467
Bummei 2129 1469
Chōkō 2147 1487
Entoku 2149 1489
Mei-ō 2152 1492
Bunki 2161 1501
Eishō 2164 1504
Dai-ei 2181 1521
Kōroku 2188 1528
Tembun 2192 1532
Kōji 2215 1555
Eiroku 2218 1558
Genki 2230 1570
Tenshō 2233 1573
Bunroku 2252 1592
Keichō 2256 1596
Genna 2275 1615
Kwanei 2284 1624
Shōhō 2304 1644
Kei-an 2308 1648
Jō-ō 2312 1652
Meireki 2315 1655
Manji 2318 1658
Kwambun 2321 1661
Empō 2333 1673
Tenna 2341 1681
Jōkiō 2344 1684
Genroku 2348 1688
Hō-ei 2364 1704
Shōtoku 2371 1711
Kiōhō 2376 1716
Gembun 2396 1736
Kwampō 2401 1741
Enkiō 2404 1744
Kwanen 2408 1748
Hōreki 2411 1751
Meiwa 2424 1764
Anei 2432 1772
Temmei 2441 1781
Kwansei 2449 1789
Kiōwa 2461 1801
Bunkwa 2464 1804
Bunsei 2478 1818
Tempō 2490 1830
Kōkwa 2504 1844
Ka-ei 2508 1848
Ansei 2514 1854
Manen 2520 1860
Bunkiū 2521 1861
Genji 2524 1864
Kei-ō 2525 1865
Meiji 2528 1868
APPENDIX III. LIST OF SHŌGUNS.(343)
_I.—The Dynasty of Minamoto. 1186-1219._
1. Minamoto Yoritomo, 1186-1199, died; received his appointment as shōgun
in 1192.
NOTE.—In this as in the later cases, the dates will be cited which
correspond to the attainment of power and its general recognition, but
which do not, in many cases, correspond to the grant of the title, which
frequently was much later.
2. Minamoto Yori-iye, 1199-1203, son of the preceding, first deposed by
his grandfather, Hōjō Tokimasa, and banished to Izu, there was murdered in
1204.
3. Minamoto Sanetomo, 1203-1219, eleven years old, brother of the
preceding, murdered by his nephew Kokio, the son of Yori-iye.
_The Time of the Shadow Shōguns. 1220-1338._
The shōguns of this period, taken partly from the Fujiwara family, partly
from the princes of the imperial house, were mostly children, and in every
instance the weak agents of the Hōjō family, whose chiefs, as regents
(_shiken_), had the power in their hands, although the nominal bearers of
the same were likewise principally only children.
4. Fujiwara Yoritsune, 1220-1243, nine years old, dethroned by Hōjō
Tsunetoki, died 1256.
5. Fujiwara Yoritsugu, 1244-1251, son of the preceding, seven years old,
deposed by H. Tokeyori, died 1256.
6. Munetaka Shino, 1252-1265, eleven, according to others thirteen, years
old, deposed by H. Tokimune, died 1274.
7. Koreyasu Shino, 1266-1289, son of the preceding, three years old,
deposed by H. Sadatoki, died 1325 (1326?).
8. Hisa-akira Shino, or, as he was called, Kumei Shino, 1289-1307, sixteen
years old, deposed by H. Sadatoki, died 1328.
9. Morikuni Shino, 1308-1333, son of the preceding, seven years old,
dethroned by Nitsuda Yoshisada, died in the same year.
10. Moriyoshi Shino, 1333-1334, son of the reigning Emperor Go-Daigo,
dethroned by Taka-uji, murdered, in 1335, by Minamoto Nao-yoshi.
11. Nari-Yoshi Shino, 1334-1338, dethroned and murdered by Taka-uji.
_II.—The Regents of the Hōjō Family._
Hōjō Tokimasa, died 1215, did not have the title of regent (_shiken_).
Hōjō Yoshitoki, 1205-1224, from 1205 regent (_shiken_), murdered.
Hōjō Yasutoki, 1225-1242, died.
Hōjō Tsunetoki, 1243-1246, grandson of the preceding, retired in favor of
his younger brother, Tokiyori, and died thirty-three years old.
Hōjō Tokiyori, 1246-1256, retired in favor of his son, Tokimune, and died
1263, thirty-seven years old.
Hōjō Tokimune, 1257-1284, seven years old, under the guardianship of H.
Nagatoki and H. Masamura, died.
Hōjō Sadatoki, 1284-1300, adopted son of the preceding, retired in favor
of Morotoki, the grandson of Tokiyori, but continued to exercise a potent
influence over the regency, died 1311.
Hōjō Morotoki, 1300-1311, died.
Hōjō Takatoki, 1312-1326, the son of Sadatoki, nine years old, under the
guardianship of Hirotoki and Mune-nobu, retired in favor of his younger
brother, Yasuye, who likewise soon withdrew.
Until the fall of the Hōjō family Takatoki really conducted the regency,
although others held the title. After the taking of Kamakura by Nitta
Yoshisada in 1333, he killed himself.
_III.—The Dynasty of Ashikaga. 1334-1573._
12. Ashikaga Taka-uji, 1334-1358, died fifty-three years old.
13. Ashikaga Yoshimori, 1359-1367, retired in favor of his son Yoshimitsu,
died 1408, fifty-one years old.
14. Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, 1368-1393, retired in favor of his son,
Yoshimochi, at the age of thirty-seven years, died 1409.
15. Ashikaga Yoshimochi, 1394-1422, retired in favor of his son,
Yoshikatsu.
16. Ashikaga Yoshikatsu, 1423-1425, died nineteen years old. Ashikaga
Yoshimochi, 1425-1428, the fifteenth shōgun, took the power again, and
died forty-three years old.
17. Ashikaga Yoshinobu, 1428-1441, murdered by Akamatsu Mitsusuke,
forty-eight years old. From 1429 called Yoshinori.
18. Ashikaga Yoshikatsu, 1441-1443, son of the preceding, eight years old,
died.
19. Ashikaga Yoshinari, called Yoshimasa, 1443-1473, brother of the
preceding, eight years old, retired, and died in 1490.
20. Ashikaga Yoshinao, 1473-1489, died twenty-five years old; from 1488,
called Yoshihiro.
21. Ashikaga Yoshimura, 1490-1493, nephew of Yoshimasa, twenty-five years
old, taken prisoner and dethroned by Hosokawa Motomoto.
22. Ashikaga Yoshimitsi, 1493-1508, had to flee, died 1511; from 1449
called Yoshitaku, and from 1502 Yoshisumi; Yoshitada, 1508-1521, is
Yoshimura, who from the year 1501 bore the name, and since that time was
the shōgun of the enemy at war with Yoshisumi, had to flee, was deposed,
and died, 1523.
23. Ashikaga Yoshinaru, 1521-1546, son of Yoshisumi, retired in favor of
his son, Yoshifushi, died 1550, forty years old.
24. Ashikaga Yoshifushi, 1547-1565, eleven years old, killed himself in
his palace, having been confined there by the rebels.
25. Ashikaga Yoshigi-ei or Yoshinaga, 1568 died, important as opposition
shōgun.
26. Ashikaga Yoshi-aki, 1568-1573, deposed by Nobunaga, died 1597.
_IV.—The Time of the Usurpation. 1573-1603._
27. Taira-no-Nobunaga, 1573-1582, killed himself, having been forced to do
so by Akechi Mitsuhide.
Akechi Mitsuhide, who usurped the title of shōgun, ruled only twelve days,
and fell conquered by Hideyoshi 28. Samboshi, 1582-1586, grandson of
Nobunaga.
29. Toyotomi Hideyoshi, 1586-1598, was never shōgun, but kwambaku; (on his
retirement called Taikō-sama).
30. Hidetsugu, 1591-1595, nephew of the preceding, killed himself, was
also kwambaku.
31. Hideyori, 1600-1615, son of Hideyoshi, killed himself, conquered by
Ieyasu. According to other accounts, he escaped and fled to Satsuma; was
Naifu (Minister of the Interior) from 1603.
_V.—The Dynasty of the Tokugawa. 1603-1868._
32. Ieyasu, 1603-1605, died 1616; 1603 appointed shōgun (posthumous title
Gongensama). The shōguns of this dynasty frequently retired, as soon as
their successors grew up, but in spite of this fact they continued to lead
the regency.
33. Hidetada, 1605-1623, died 1632, son of the preceding.
34. Iemitsu, 1623-1651, died 1652, son of the preceding.
35. Ietsuna, 1651-1680, died, son of the preceding.
36. Tsunayoshi, 1681-1709, son of Iemitsu, killed by his wife.
37. Ienobu, 1709-1712, grandson of Iemitsu, died.
38. Ietsugu (Ietsubo according to Klaproth), 1713-1715, died, son of the
preceding.
39. Yoshimune, 1716-1745, retired, died 1751, formerly fifth Prince of
Kii.
40. Ieshige, 1745-1760 (according to others 1761 or 1762), son of the
preceding, died.
41. Ieharu, 1760-1786, son of the preceding, died.
42. Ienari, 1787-1836, died 1841, son of the preceding.
43. Ieyoshi, 1837-1852, son of the preceding.
44. Iesada, 1853-1857, son of the preceding.
45. Iemochi, 1858-1866, died, formerly thirteenth Prince of Kii.
46. Yoshihisa (Yoshinobu according to Adams, vol. ii. p. 37), 1867-1868,
son of the Prince of Mito, Nari-akira, adopted by the Prince of
Hitotsubashi, retired at the fall of shōgunate in 1867.
APPENDIX IV. LAWS OF SHŌTOKU TAISHI.(344)
[From _Dai Nihonshi_, vol. xii., folio 28 to 31.]
I.—Harmony shall be esteemed and obedience shall be held in regard.
Because dissensions prevail, therefore men are often unfaithful to their
prince and disobedient to their fathers. Let adjoining districts be left
in peace, thus harmony between superior and inferior shall be cultivated
and co-operation in matters of state shall be promoted, and thus the right
reason of all things may be reached and the right thing accomplished.
II.—Let bountiful honor be always paid to the three precious elements of
Buddhism, that is, to its priests, its ritual, and its founder. It is the
highest religion in the universe, and all people in all generations must
pay becoming reverence to its doctrines. Do not harshly censure men’s
wickedness but teach them faithfully until they yield obedience. Unless
men rely upon Buddhism there is no way to convert them from the wrong to
the right.
III.—To the commands of the Emperor men must be duly obedient. The prince
must be looked upon as the heaven and his subjects as the earth. The earth
contains all things and the heaven stretches over it. The four seasons
pass orderly along and the spirit of the universe is harmonious. If the
earth were to cover the heaven the effect would be distraction. Hence the
prince must command and the subject obey; superiors must act and inferiors
yield. Men ought therefore to pay due heed to the orders of the Emperor;
if not they will bring ruin on themselves.
IV.—Politeness must be the chief rule of conduct for all officers and
their colleagues in the court. The first principle governing subjects must
be politeness. When superiors are not polite then inferiors will not keep
in the right; when inferiors are not polite their conduct degenerates into
crime. When both prince and subjects are polite, then social order is
never disturbed and the state is kept in a condition of tranquillity.
V.—Covetousness and rapacity must be expelled from the hearts of officers,
and they must adjudicate with just discrimination in all suits that come
before them. Even in a single day there are thousands of such suits, and
in the course of years how great must be the accumulation! If the suit is
won through bribery, then the poor man can obtain no justice but only the
rich. The poor man will have no sure place of dependence, and subjects
will be driven to abandon their duty.
VI.—To punish vice and to encourage virtue is the rule in good ancient
law. The virtuous man must therefore be promoted, and the vicious man must
be surely punished. The man who is untruthful is a powerful instrument to
endanger the state and a keen weapon to destroy the nation. The flatterer
loves to tell the faults of the inferior to the superior, and also to
disclose the errors of the superior to the inferior. Such men are alike
unfaithful to the prince and unfriendly to fellow citizens, and in the end
fail not to stir up social disorder.
VII.—The duty of men in the government must be assigned according to their
capacity. When intelligent men take service the applause of the people
follows, but when bad men are in office calamities ensue. If wise officers
are put on duty the matters of state are well managed, and the community
is free from danger and prosperity prevails. Therefore in ancient times
the wise king never selected the office for the man, but always selected
the man to suit the office.
VIII.—Too often officers and their colleagues come early to their offices
and retire soon; so that the public work accomplished in a single day is
small. It is incumbent on them to devote sufficient time to their tasks;
if not, then the work of the government cannot be done.
IX.—Everything must be faithfully done, because fidelity is the origin of
justice. The distinction between good and bad, between success and
failure, depends on fidelity. When both prince and subjects are faithful
then there are no duties which cannot be accomplished, but when both are
unfaithful nothing can be done.
X.—Give up all thoughts of indignation and be not angered with others on
account of a disagreement of opinion. Each one may have a different point
of view and may therefore come to a different conclusion. If the one side
be right then the other must be wrong, or the cases may be just reversed.
It would be unjust to set down one man as surely wise and another as
positively stupid; because men cannot attain perfection in their
characters. It is impossible to decide either side to be perfectly right
or perfectly wrong. While you are angry with another who has a different
view from you, you cannot be sure lest you be in the wrong. Therefore
though you may think yourself in the right, it is safer to follow the
opinions of the many.
XI.—Let merit and demerit be carefully considered, and let rewards and
punishments be meted out accordingly. In times past this has often failed
to be justly done. It is incumbent on all who are entrusted with the
direction of public affairs and on all officers of the government to look
carefully after the distribution of rewards and punishments.
XII.—Governors of provinces and their deputies must be careful not to
impose too heavy duties on their subjects. One state never has more than
one prince, and in like manner the subjects cannot have more than one
master. The prince is the head of all his dominions and of all his
subjects. The officers of government are also the subjects of the prince;
and there is no reason why they should dare to lay undue burdens upon
others who are subjects of the same prince.
XIII.—Each officer of the government has his appointed duty. Sometimes
officers complain of the stagnation of business, which, however, is caused
by their own absence from their appointed duties. They must not make a
pretence of the performance of their duties, and by their neglect
interrupt public affairs.
XIV.—Subjects and officers must not be jealous of each other. If one
person is envious of another, the second is sure to be envious of the
first. Thus the evils of jealousy never end. If men shall envy each other
on account of their talent and wisdom, no single wise man would ever be
obtained for government service through a thousand years. What a noble
method of governing a state would that be which expelled from its service
all wise men!
XV.—To sacrifice private interests for the public good is the duty of the
subject. When men are selfish there must be ill-will; when ill-will comes,
then with it must come iniquity, which will disturb the public welfare.
Ill-will is sure to bring about the breaking of wholesome rules and the
violation of the laws of the state. It is for this reason that the harmony
between superior and inferior spoken of in the first article is so
important.
XVI.—To select a convenient season in which to employ men for public work
is the rule of good ancient law. Winter is a time of leisure; but during
the season between spring and autumn, in which they are employed on their
farms and in feeding silk-worms, it is not expedient to take men from
their work, or interfere with them in their efforts to supply food and
clothing.
XVII.—Important matters should only be settled after due conference with
many men. Trifling matters may be decided without conference, because they
are not so material in their effects; but weighty matters, on account of
their far-reaching consequences, must be discussed with many councillors.
It is thus that the right way shall be found and pursued.
FOOTNOTES
_ 1 The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian_; translated by Colonel
Henry Yule, C.B. Second edition, London, 1875, vol. ii., p. 235.
2 These islands belonged to Russia until 1875, when by a treaty they
were ceded to Japan in exchange for the rights of possession which
she held in the island of Saghalien.
3 E. M. Satow, _Transactions of the Asiatic Society_, vol. i., p. 30.
4 This word is not a _proper name_ but a descriptive designation, and
must be understood in this way when used by Dr. Griffis in his
_Mikado’s Empire_ and by Dr. Rein in his two works on Japan. In the
successive issues of the _Résumé Statistique_, published by the
Statistical Bureau, the term Nippon is used to designate the
principal island. This name has the advantage of having been used
extensively in foreign books, but its restricted use is contrary to
the custom of Japan. After much consideration we have determined to
designate the principal island by the term “Main island,” which is
the translation of the word _Hondo_.
5 See Satow and Hawes’ _Handbook_, p. 108.
6 See Chamberlain’s _Things Japanese_, second edition, p. 122.
7 One of the most notable of these is that which occurred in 1596 when
Hideyoshi was at Fushimi. In 1854 a series of shocks followed by
tidal waves occurred on the east coast of the Main island. The town
of Shimoda, which had been opened as a port for foreign trade was
almost destroyed, and the Russian frigate _Diana_ which was lying
there was so injured that she had to be abandoned. In 1855 a severe
earthquake occurred at Yedo, which was accompanied by a great fire.
About 16,000 dwelling-houses and other buildings are said to have
been destroyed, and a large number of lives were lost. _Transactions
of Asiatic Society of Japan_, vol. vi., p. 249.
8 Rein’s _Japan_, p. 44. In _Things Japanese_ second edition, p. 122,
Japan is credited with no less than fifty-one active volcanoes.
9 The word _gawa_ (river) takes the form _kawa_ when euphony so
requires.
10 Dr. Rein was the first clearly to apprehend and state the influence
of the northeast monsoon on the climate of Japan. See Rein’s
_Japan_, p. 104.
11 Camellia trees are frequently found from twenty to twenty-five feet
high.
12 Chamberlain, _Asiatic Society Transactions_, vol. xi., p. 162.
13 These details of the population, area, etc., are taken from the
government publication, _Résumé Statistique de l’Empire du Japon_,
1892.