BALLADS
BALLADS
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
I. The ballads of the Faroe Islands aroused the interest of Ole Worm
as early as 1639; but the five ballads which he took down are no
longer extant, and we know of them only from a reference by Peder
Syv[1] towards the close of the seventeenth century. In 1673 Lucas
Debes[2] wrote a description of the islands which contained an account
of their dances and songs; but unfortunately he did not transcribe any
of the ballads. Indeed the balladry and songs attracted little general
attention till the close of the eighteenth century, when Jens Kristjan
Svabo devoted himself to a careful study of the language and a
collection of the ballads of his native Islands.
In 1781-2, during a visit to the Faroes, Svabo turned his attention
especially to Faroese folk-songs and made a ms. collection of
fifty-two ballads, which were purchased by the Crown Prince and
presented to the Royal Library at Copenhagen. It is interesting to
note that Svabo, like his contemporary Bishop Percy[3], thought it
necessary to apologise in his preface for making the collection, and
humbly claims for it an interest merely antiquarian. It is clear,
however from his tone throughout the Preface, that Svabo had a far
more scholarly appreciation of the value of his material than had
Percy. Indeed it would be difficult to overestimate the debt which all
succeeding students of Faroese ballads owe to him. Disappointed in his
hopes of public recognition of his work done for the Civil Service,
he retired to the Islands, where, in solitude and poverty, he devoted
himself, till his death in 1829, to the collection and transcription
of ballad material. His personal help and example inspired other
Faroe-islanders to make collections for themselves, some of which,
notably Klemmentsen's _SandoyjarbÛk_, are among our best authorities
for the ballads today. His own ballad collection, still in ms. in the
Royal Library at Copenhagen, has never been published; but Schr¯ter,
Lyngbye and Hammershaimb all owed their incentive and inspiration to
his work. To study the history of Faroese ballad collections without
realising the force of Svabo's personality is to leave Hamlet out of
the play.
In 1817 the Danish botanist, Hans Kristjan Lyngbye visited the Faroes,
where he became acquainted with "the learned Svabo" as he calls him,
and also with Johan Henrik Schr¯ter, a clergyman on Suder¯, himself
a keenly interested ballad collector, and, incidentally, the first to
make a collection of Faroese folk-tales in prose. Partly from these
men, and partly from oral recitations and material supplied by Provost
Hentze, Lyngbye was able to gather together a considerable body of
Faroese ballads which, with the support and encouragement of Bishop
P. E. M¸ller, he published at Copenhagen in 1822, under the title of
_FÊrˆiske KvÊder om Sigurd Fofnersbane og hans ∆t_.
Unfortunately Lyngbye knew no Icelandic and very little Faroese, and
his work necessarily suffers in consequence. Still more unfortunate
was his unscientific handling of material and lack of literary
conscience, which permitted his cutting out, adding and transposing
stanzas--and again we are reminded of the _Reliques_--till the
original form of a ballad is sometimes entirely lost. Fortunately,
however, most of the material that he had at his command is still
preserved. It is to be noted that the qualities which go to make an
ideal _collector_ of ballads do not always imply an ideal editor of
the material collected. The great collector of Jutland ballads and
folk-lore, Evald Tang Kristensen, has started a new and sounder
tradition by a reverent in-gathering of all that formed part of the
common stock of peasant lore in his day[4]. The sifting of material
is wisely left to the trained scholar, and, one hopes, to a later and
less intrepid generation[5].
The tradition started by Svabo and Lyngbye was carried on by V. U.
Hammershaimb, himself a native of the Islands and a great lover of
Faroese folk-lore. During the years 1847-8, and again in 1853, he
visited the Faroes expressly to study the dialects, and to collect
the native ballads and folklore, which he published under the title
of _FÊrˆiske_ _KvÊder_ in the _Nordiske Literatur-Samfund_, the
_Antiquarisk Tidsskrift_, etc.
Like Svabo, Hammershaimb eventually returned and settled on the
Faroes; but unfortunately, owing to the pressure of his administrative
duties, he was never able to spare time for a final revision of his
collection, though urged repeatedly to the work by his friend Svend
Grundtvig. Ultimately, however, when Grundtvig himself undertook to
make an exhaustive critical edition of the Faroese ballads in all
their variant forms, Hammershaimb placed all his material in his
hands.
Svend Grundtvig and his colleague J. Bloch, of the Royal Library
staff, completed in 1876 their great fifteen vol. MS. collection
of Faroese ballads with all their known variants, _F¯royja
KvÊi_--_Corpus Carminum Faeroensium_--_FÊr¯ernes Gamle Folkeviser_.
This was afterwards increased by Bloch to sixteen volumes by the
addition of much new material, some of which was collected by Jakobsen
in his journey to the Faroes in 1887[6]. Before beginning the work
Grundtvig had every available version, whether in public or private
hands, at his disposal, so that he had a magnificent apparatus
criticus. Unfortunately the work has never been published, so that
owing to the difficulties of communication with Denmark (which have
proved to be insuperable) it has been impossible for me to consult
it. The first three volumes, however, which include all the Faroese
ballads translated below, are based on Hammershaimb's collections of
1851-1855. Hammershaimb was himself a genuine scholar with a sensitive
literary conscience and a thorough knowledge of all the Faroese
dialects, and his work is spoken of in the highest terms by Grundtvig
in his article on the _Corpus Carminum Faroensium_[7]. Moreover
Hammershaimb had consulted all the other available versions of
these ballads before printing; so that it is improbable that when a
comparison of the texts can be made much alteration will be required.
II. The Faroe Islands are probably the only place to be found in
Western Europe where ballads are still sung to the accompaniment of
the dance. The dance and song, it must be confessed, are gradually
losing their original character, while the ballads are often long and
unwieldy, sometimes, as in the Ballad of Õvint Herintsson, running to
five divisions (_TÊttir_) and over three hundred and fifty verses. The
verses are frequently chanted in a solemn recitative, while the ballad
tunes tend to be confined chiefly to the refrains. The method of
supplying the melody, however, is subject to almost endless variation.
Sometimes old native folk tunes are attached to special ballads, e.g.
in the case of _Vi hugged mid kaarde_; sometimes native ballads are
sung to Danish folk melodies and refrains as, e.g. _Grindevisen_, sung
to the tune of the Danish _Burmand holder i FjÊldet ut_. Sometimes in
the Faroese repertoire, Norse ballads are found complete with their
own melodies, e.g. _S¯mandsviserne_, or sung to Danish folk-tunes,
e.g. _Zinklars Vise_. Most curious of all is the method not
infrequently resorted to in modern times of singing native ballads,
often of modern origin, to the tunes of the Protestant Psalmody--a
custom which may have had its origin in the common practice of singing
both ballads and psalms on all momentous occasions, such as on the
night of a wedding, or before starting on a big fishing expedition.
The Islanders have little idea of tone or melody and do not sing well;
and eye-witnesses of some of the ballad dances at Thorshaven aver
that the tunes sound less like dance music than melancholy dirges.
In _Folkesangen paa FÊr¯erne_ (_FÊr¯ske Kvadmelodier_), pp. 85-140,
Thuren has published a large number of original ballad tunes. The
characteristic motifs of folk tunes are traceable throughout, as well
as their elusive qualities. Thus we find, side by side with airs based
on the ordinary major and minor scales, others which, like mediaeval
church music, are based on a 'modal' or 'gapped' tonal system.
Indeed traces of the pentatonic scale are not infrequently met with,
especially in the tunes attached to the earlier ballads. The majority
of Faroese melodies, however, have only one gap and have more in
common with the system of notation found in Gregorian music than with
the pentatonic scale of many Hebridean lays. A further characteristic
of folk music which appears in most Faroese airs is the curious form
of close which rarely occurs on the tonic. Not infrequently the theme
ends on the leading note or supertonic which strikes the ear with a
perpetual surprise, the cadence leading one to anticipate a repetition
rather than a conclusion of the air. The reason is that these tunes,
like many folk songs from Somerset, the Appalachians and the Hebrides,
were 'circular,' that is, formed for continuous repetition to suit the
lengthy nature of the songs and ballads.
The ballad however is not a mere historical relic on the Faroes, but
a living literary form. The simplicity of the life, and the absence of
class distinction[8], still constitute an atmosphere in some respects
not unlike that of Mediaeval Denmark, and the ballad is the favourite
form of artistic expression. A whale-hunt, a shipwreck, or the
adventures of fishermen in the far north are still made the subject
of a new ballad, composed by one or more of the community; and if the
result finds general favour it is added to the ballad repertoire along
with the ballads of Sir Tristram or Childe Sigurth[9].
In his description of his travels on the Faroes 1847-8, V. U.
Hammershaimb[10] says that he took down the greater number of his
ballads at Sumb¯ on Suder¯, the most southerly village in the Islands.
He describes the ballad dance as follows:
It is the custom here that the same ballad should not be sung
more than once a year[11] in the 'dancing-chamber,' so that
the repertoire is obviously extensive, seeing that they dance
at wedding feasts, generally for three days and nights without
cessation. In the special dancing season from Yule till Lent,
the ballads are danced not only on Sundays but also on the
so-called 'Feast Days.' (They do not dance again from the
beginning of Lent till the day after Christmas.) The dance at
Sumb¯ has characteristics of its own which differ from those
of the rest of the Faroes. The people here generally sing
well and know how to put expression into the actual dance.
Elsewhere on the Islands this is now for the most part reduced
to a uniform stamp with the feet, marking the melody of the
ballad. Moreover they still continue here in common use both
the 'Walking Verse' (_stigingar stev_) and the more rapid
measure 'Tripping Verse' (_trÛkingar stev_) of the Round
Dance, in which, as a rule, the dancers hold one another by
the hand, forming a circle, dancing backwards while the
verse (_ˆrindi_) is sung, and reversing the movement with
considerable energy during the singing of the refrain
(_vigangur, niurl·g, stev_). This round dance is
characteristic of Sumb¯[12].
For the most part the dance is now performed with the same speed
in both verse and refrain[13], and though little changed since
Hammershaimb wrote, it tends more and more to become a solemn and
joyless function; and there is a curious unanimity today among
eyewitnesses as to the depressing effect it has on them. Hjalmar
Thuren, writing in later times (1908), furnishes some additional
information as to the manner of the ballad dance[14]. The ballads
are danced with special zest on the 29th of July, the day of the
anniversary of the death of Saint Olaf, when all the islanders who
can leave their homes flock to Thorshaven and dance from sunset till
sunrise. Sometimes the ballads are danced in the open air, and it
has been the custom in certain districts from ancient times to hold
assemblies for dancing out in the fields on certain fixed days. On
the 12th Sunday after Trinity people meet in definite places on the
Northern Islands. On the other hand the dance is often the spontaneous
outcome of the desire of the moment, "as much to keep themselves warm
as for the sake of entertainment." Thus after a whale-hunt the men
sometimes dance in their wet, bloody clothes, singing the popular
ballad of the ca'ing whale with the refrain:
To us bold men great joy it is
To slay a whale!
The dance is always accompanied by song, but instrumental music has
never been in use on the Faroes. The time and character of the dance
are indicated at the beginning of the ballad by the precentor. This
post of honour was originally much sought after and some precentors
were famous over the islands for their special rendering of certain
ballads, some of which were family possessions in the old days.
When a ballad is concluded, one of those who are taking part
straightway begins on a new one, the dance frequently continuing
uninterrupted, even when the song is ended. The precentor must have
a strong voice and great powers of endurance as the ballads are often
very long. He is generally of a lively disposition with some dramatic
power, so that by imitating his gesticulations the dancers give
character and individuality to the ballad. Thus in the refrain to the
_Death-Song of Ragnar LobrÛk_:
_We struck with the sword_
the dancers stamp on the floor and clap hands together; but they are
solemn and silent during the singing of a sorrowful ballad such as
Queen Dagmar lies sick, etc.
With the ballad dances of the Faroes it is interesting to compare the
ballad dances of the Ukraine and also the choral dances of a community
so far removed as the Torres Straits. Of these latter Dr Haddon
writes[15]:
The dancing-ground was an oblong space.... The drummer with
the singers generally struck up a song, but sometimes the
dancers sang a refrain or called for a song by name. Each song
seemed to be associated with its own particular dance and
to be _accompanied by some story or incident_ which was
illustrated by the movements of the dancers.
A much closer parallel, however, is furnished by the [Cyrillic:
Khorovod] or choral dance of Little Russia. The [Cyrillic: Khorovod],
according to the account of an eye witness[16], is not only a song
sung to the accompaniment of a dance; but the song is narrative
in form and answers in all respects to the ballad of North Western
Europe. The dancers join hands and dance in a circle from west to
east, in a contrary direction to the sun's movements--_withershins_ as
the Scots peasants have it. Then, because it is considered unlucky to
do anything _withershins_, in the refrain the motion is reversed and
the dancers pass from east to west, to counteract the baleful effects
of the first direction. Here too, however, it is interesting to note,
the dance is sometimes stationary.
III. Into the rise of the ballads on the Faroes and their exact
relation of form and content to the Icelandic _FornkvÊi_[17], and to
the _Viser_ of Norway[18], Sweden[19], and above all of Denmark[20],
it is impossible to enter here. Perhaps the relationship between the
ballads of the various countries of the North will never be fully
understood. The ramifications are too many and too complex, while too
many links in the chain have already been lost in the "scrubby paper
books" such as that with which Bishop Percy found the housemaid
lighting the parlour fire. And those who would too hastily dogmatise
on the 'conveyance', translation, and borrowing of the various
versions receive a wholesome warning from Dr Axel Olrik's analysis[21]
of the ancestry and parallel versions of the Scots, Icelandic,
Swedish, Norwegian and Danish forms of the ballads of Earl Brand (Dan.
_Riboldsvisen_). Moreover it is no easier to generalise about the
sources of the Faroese ballad material than about the Danish. The
motif of the Faroese _Tristrams T·ttur_, also found in the Icelandic
ballad of _Tristram_ comes ultimately (through the Tristram's Saga
one would suppose) from a French romance; that of Nornagest, changed
though it is in form, is surely founded on the Icelandic Saga; _Olufu
KvÊi_ comes no doubt from a Spanish story; and the motif of the
Scots ballad of _Binnorie_ is "found also among the people of Ireland,
Norway, Sweden, Denmark and the Faroes[22]."
It would be pleasant to develop a theory that the purveyors of ballad
material were the sailors and merchants who plied up and down the
great trade routes in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, or even
earlier. It has been suggested by Professor Ker[23] and others that
Shetland _may_ have been "the chief meeting-place or trading station
between the ballads of Scotland and Norway." The Shetland ballad of
_Sir Orfeo_ actually has a refrain in Norn, the Norse dialect spoken
in Shetland and the small neighbouring islands till the eighteenth
century; while the ballad of _Hildina_ taken down by Low[24] on the
Island of Foula off Shetland (cf. p. 217 below) is entirely composed
in Norn. Indeed we know from Low's account[25] that many ballads and
songs must have perished with the language:
Nothing remains but a few names of things and two or three
remnants of songs which one old man can repeat;
and further on he continues:
Most of the fragments they have are _old historical ballads
and romances_.... William Henry, a farmer in Guttorm in Foula
has the most knowledge of any I found; he spoke of three kinds
of poetry used in Norn, and repeated or sung by the old men;
the Ballad (or Romance, I suppose); _the Vysie or vyse, now
commonly sung to dancers_[26]; and the simple song.... Most
of all their tales are relative to the history of Norway;
they seem to know little of the rest of Europe but by names;
Norwegian transactions they have at their fingers' ends.
One would like to have known more about Norn and its 'Vysies,' which
might have formed an interesting and instructive link between some of
the Northern ballads. On the other hand, the Scandinavian colonies in
Ireland, and settlers in English ports such as Bristol, may have done
not a little, through their trade with France and the Mediterranean
countries, to spread the new rhyming four line verse and the romantic
stories of southern and eastern Europe[27].
While this obscurity remains as to the connection between the Faroese
ballads and those of neighbouring countries, notably Denmark, the
questions of the age and origin of many of the Faroese ballads in
their present form are also frought with difficulty. Of the Danish
ballads, which sometimes offer parallels so close as to suggest
translation from one language to the other, the first MS. collection
that can be dated with certainty was written down in 1550. But there
is much evidence, both internal and external, for assigning a much
earlier date to the historical ballads at least. It has been suggested
by Olrik[28], who supports his view by arguments which it would be
extremely difficult to contest, that many of the historical ballads
are practically contemporaneous with the events which they describe,
and some of these took place in the thirteenth century, while others,
e.g. _Riboldsvisen_, are possibly of the twelfth century.
Unfortunately we have fewer data, whether philological or historical,
for assigning dates to the Faroese ballads than we have for the
Danish. There can be little doubt, however, that the ballads
translated below had their origin in the _Fornaldar Sˆgur_ composed
in Iceland during the thirteenth century or in some fourteenth century
_RÌmur_ derived from the sagas. That many of the Faroese ballads were
literary in origin[29], and were based on either Sagas or RÌmur, is
conclusively established by the opening lines of many of the ballads
themselves, notably that of the _Olufu RÌma_:
Ein er rÌman ur Õslandi komin,
SkrÌva Ì bÛk so breia.
("This story is come from Iceland, written in a book so
broad.")
And _Trˆllini Ì Hornalandum_:
Verse 1. Fr¯Ì er komi fr· ÕslandÌ
SkrÌva Ì bÛk so vÌa _etc._
Verse 2. Fr¯i er komi fr· Õslandi
SkrÌva Ì bÛk so breia _etc._
Verse 3. Fr¯i er komi fr· Õslandi
Higar i skald ta tÛk,
Havi tÊr hoyrt um kongin tann,
Õ skrÌvaur stendur Ì bÛk?
("This poem has come from Iceland, brought hither by a
_skald_. Have you heard of the king about whom this book is
written?")
The passages quoted above would seem to point to RÌmur rather than
Sagas as the sources of the ballads. Or had more than one "Book
so broad" come from Iceland? One wonders. Heusler notices[30] the
tendency to divide up the longer ballads into sections or _TÊttir_,
each whole in itself and yet forming a part of the ballad, and
suggests the Icelandic _RÌmur_ as the models for this particular form.
It is even possible that the word _RÌma_ is used advisedly in the
first strophe of _Olufu KvÊi_, instead of the somewhat commoner
_KvÊi_, with some reminiscence of its origin. One of the _Sjurar
KvÊi_ (_Dvˆrgamoy_ III) begins:
Eina veit eg rÌmuna,
Õ inni hevir ligi leingi.
(I know a rhyme (or _RÌma_?) etc.)
and _RÌsin Ì Holmgar_ also begins:
Eg veit eina rÌmuna,
Õ gjˆrd er um Virgar sterka.
Many other instances might be quoted.
But it would be perilous to press too far what may, after all, be a
mere verbal coincidence. And whatever gave rise to our poems as they
now stand, it cannot be too strongly emphasised that they, like the
rest of the _F¯royja KvÊi_, are first and last _Ballads_--rightly
ballads. They have a form of their own, like other ballads, and are
not a degenerate form of _RÌmur_ or a mere versification of some
old Icelandic legends. Indeed what Professor Ker says of the Danish
ballads[31] may with equal truth be applied to the ballads of the
Faroes:
The ballads are not rude, rustic travesties of older more
dignified stories; though some, perhaps many, of the older
stories may survive among the ballads. They are for Denmark in
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries what the older heroic
lays of the Poetic Edda had been before them in the Northern
lands. They take the place of earlier heroic poetry.
Whatever the nature of their connection with the ballads of the
surrounding lands, the Faroese ballads are no isolated growth. They
exhibit all the main characteristics of the ballad type, especially of
the Danish, Norwegian and Icelandic ballads. Crude and inartistic they
often are compared with the best of the Danish and even the Scottish
ballads. The _Ballad of Hjalmar and Angantyr_ has little to recommend
it beyond its simplicity and naÔvetÈ, the 'quaintness' of primitive
literature; the _Ballad of Arngrim's Sons_ exhibits a curious lack of
skill in the manipulation of the theme, and perhaps we are justified
in assuming that two earlier ballads or perhaps _tÊttir_ have been
imperfectly welded. The _Ballad of Nornagest_ is bald to a fault
and lacks inspiration; and all alike show an imperfect artistry in
diction.
Yet despite all these blemishes they are ballads as surely as _Sir
Patrick Spens_ or _Ungen Sveidal_ are ballads. Nor is Professor Ker
quite just to the ballads of the Faroes in saying[32] that because of
their length, and "because they were made out of books, nothing but
the lyrical form and the dancing custom kept them from turning into
ordinary romances." Surely no material could be less promising than
King Heithrek's Riddles; yet in virtue of what has been forgotten
and what has been selected--the telescoping of the riddles and the
elaboration of the setting--the ballad spirit has entered in and
shaped from the unwieldy mass an artistic whole.
Indeed whatever their faults one realises in all these ballads the
truth of Sidgwick's epigram[33]: "You never know what a ballad will
say next, though you _do_ know how it is going to say it!" For it is
even less similarity of theme than similarity of form that links
the ballads of the Faroes with those of Denmark and the North. The
invariable accompaniment of the refrain; the fluctuation between
assonance and rhyme, the disregard of alliteration, and the general
verse form; the love of repetition and ballad formulae,--especially
of repetition of whole phrases or verses with the alteration of merely
the words that rhyme, or of repetition with inversion of word order;
the balladist's love of colour, of the material and the concrete, of
glitter and shine; the large element of dialogue; the abrupt dramatic
openings; the condensation and concentration of narrative and the
strict exclusion of the irrelevant or superfluous; the infallible
feeling for a 'situation'; the atmosphere of the tragic or the
critical; the "echo, without comment, of the clash of man and
fate[34]." All these are the elements that make the ballad a form of
literature distinct from other lyric or epic forms; all these are the
elements that go to make the Faroese ballads what they are--part of
what Ker calls the "Platonic Idea, a Ballad in itself, unchangeable
and one, of which the phenomenal multitude of ballads are
'partakers[35].'"
[Footnote 1: Cf. S. Grundtvig, _Meddelelse AngÂende FÊr¯ernes
Litteratur og sprog_, in _Aarb¯ger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed_,
published by the Royal Norse Early Text Society (Copenhagen),
1882, p. 358.]
[Footnote 2: _FÊroa Reserata_ (Copenhagen, 1673), pp. 251 and
308 (tr. John Sterpin, London, 1676).]
[Footnote 3: _Reliques_, Vol. I, _Epistle to the Countess of
Northumberland_.]
[Footnote 4: Cf. W. A. Craigie, _Evald Tang Kristensen,
A Danish Folk-lorist_, in _Folklore_, Vol. IX, 1898, pp.
194-220.]
[Footnote 5: Cf. C. J. Sharp, _English Folk Songs from the
Southern Appalachians_ (London, 1917), p. xxii.]
[Footnote 6: Axel Olrik, _Om Svend Grundtvigs og Jˆrgen
Blochs F¯royjakvÊi og fÊr¯ske ordbog_, in _Arkiv fˆr Nordisk
Filologi_ (Lund, 1890), p. 249.]
[Footnote 7: Sv. Grundtvig, _FÊr¯ernes Litteratur og Sprog_,
in _Aarb¯g for Nord. Oldk._, 1882, p. 364.]
[Footnote 8: Cf. N. Annandale, _The Faroes and Iceland_
(Oxford, 1905), p. 42.]
[Footnote 9: For interesting accounts of the composition
of new ballads, cf. Lyngbye's article in the _Skandinavske
Litteraturselskabs Skrifter_, 12th and 13th Annual, p. 234
ff.; also P. E. M¸ller, Introduction to Lyngbye's _FÊr. Kv._,
pp. 14, 15. The _TrawlaravÌsur_ and other ballads, besides
the dances and tunes of the Faroe Islands of today, have been
investigated by Thuren who published several studies on this
most interesting subject, e.g. _Dans og Kvaddigtning
paa FÊr¯erne, med et Musikbilag_, 1901. _Folkesangen paa
FÊr¯erne_, 1908, etc., (cf. especially _Nyere Danseviser_, pp.
273-282), etc.]
[Footnote 10: _Antiq. Tidsk._, 1846-1848, pp. 258-267.]
[Footnote 11: According to H. Thuren, _Dansen paa FÊr¯erne_
(Copenhagen, 1908), p. 9, a certain fixed number of songs are
now sung on Suder¯; a great many have been quite forgotten
since Hammershaimb wrote.]
[Footnote 12: It is also occasionally danced in Andefjord,
but only very rarely nowadays (cf. H. Thuren, _Dansen paa
FÊr¯erne_, p. 8).]
[Footnote 13: _Ib._ p. 8.]
[Footnote 14: _Ib._, pp. 4-10.]
[Footnote 15: _Dances and Dance Paraphernalia_, in _Expedition
to the Torres Straits_ (Cambridge, 1904), Vol. IV, p. 292.]
[Footnote 16: Miss Aline Brylinska, who has kindly supplied me
with this information.]
[Footnote 17: S. Grundtvig and JÛn Sigursson, _Islenzk
FornkvÊi_, in _Nordiske Oldskrifter_ (Copenhagen, 1854-85).]
[Footnote 18: Landstad, _Norske Folkeviser_ (Christiania,
1853); S. Bugge, 1858.]
[Footnote 19: Geijer and Afzelius, 1814-1816, 1880; Arwidsson,
1834-1842.]
[Footnote 20: S. Grundtvig, _Danmarks Gamle Folkeviser_,
1853-1890. S. Grundtvig and A. Olrik, _Danske Ridderviser_,
1895-1919.]
[Footnote 21: _Riboldsvisen_ (a review of von der Recke's
_Nogle Folkeviseredaktioner_) in _Danske Studier_, 1906, p.
175 ff.]
[Footnote 22: Landstad, _Norske Folkeviser_, note to _Dei Tvo
Systar_, p. 867.]
[Footnote 23: _On the Danish Ballads_ (_Scottish Historical
Review_, Vol. I, No. 4, July, 1904), p. 362.]
[Footnote 24: _A Tour through Orkney and Schetland in 1774_,
Kirkwall, 1879. Cf. also Preface to _Sˆrla Th·ttr_, p. 39 ff.
above.]
[Footnote 25: _Ib._, p. 105 ff.]
[Footnote 26: The _Vyse_, be it observed, is the Danish
word most commonly used to denote a ballad. The Faroese use
_KvÊi_, and less frequently _RÌma_.]
[Footnote 27: For an account of the Scandinavian settlements
on the Bristol Channel, cf. A. Bugge, _Contributions to the
History of the Norsemen in Ireland_, No. III, published in
_Videnskabsselskabet i Christiania, Historisk-filosofisk
Klasse_, 11, 1900.]
[Footnote 28: Axel Olrik, Introduction to _Danske Folkeviser Ì
Udvalg_, 3rd ed. (Copenhagen and Christiania, 1913), p. 40 ff.
Cf. also Steenstrup, _Vore Folkeviser_ (Copenhagen, 1891), ch.
VII.]
[Footnote 29: On the literary sources of the Faroese ballads,
cf. Steenstrup, _op. cit._ Introduction.]
[Footnote 30: _Lied und Epos_ (Dortmund, 1915), p. 19.]
[Footnote 31: _On the History of the Ballads, 1100-1500_,
published in _Proceedings of the British Academy_ for
1902-1910, p. 202.]
[Footnote 32: _On the History of the Ballads_, etc., p. 202.]
[Footnote 33: Frank Sidgwick, _The Ballad_, London (Arts and
Crafts of Letters Series), p. 61.]
[Footnote 34: Gummere, _The Popular Ballad_ (London, 1907), p.
340.]
[Footnote 35: _On the History of the Ballads_, etc., p. 204.]
INTRODUCTION TO GRÕPLUR I
In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in Iceland, many of the
Sagas or portions of them were turned into rhyming verse known
as _RÌmur_. Sagas of almost every class were subjected to this
treatment--_Õslendinga Sˆgur_, _Fornaldar Sˆgur_, _Fornmanna Sˆgur_
and others. It is supposed that in the first place these rhymed
versions (_RÌmur_) were made for the purpose of recitation at social
gatherings. There is ground for believing that the _RÌmur_ were
sometimes recited, as an accompaniment of dances in Iceland[1]; but
this is not believed to have been the purpose for which they were
originally composed[2].
According to both JÛnsson[3] and Mogk[4], the _RÌmur_ and other forms
of rhyming verse in early Norse poetry originated in the Mediaeval
Latin Church Hymns introduced into Iceland in the thirteenth century.
The similarity between the rhyming metres of the Latin and many
(though not all) of the forms of verse used in the _RÌmur_ is very
striking. Whether the influence of Latin hymns in Iceland was directly
responsible for the change, however, as JÛnsson and Mogk believe, or
whether the Latin hymns only influenced Norse verse indirectly
through the medium of French poetry, is problematical. Perhaps these
compositions owe their origin to the fashion of turning all kinds of
material, likely and unlikely, into rhyming verse--a fashion which
originated in France, and from the latter part of the twelfth century
onwards gradually made its way over most of the West and North of
Europe. The rhyming chronicles of the fourteenth century in England
may be mentioned as one instance of this fashion, and the rhyming
paraphrases of the splendid prose of Iceland are an outcome of the
same movement.
The _GrÌplur_, some twenty stanzas of which are given below, represent
this stage in the development of Icelandic literature. It may be
observed that, like other _RÌmur_, they are the work of educated
people--a fact which makes the wretched quality of much of the verse
all the more striking, especially when they are contrasted with
the ballads, which are, at least in most cases, the work of the
unlettered. Unattractive however as they appear to the modern mind, it
has been thought advisable to include a short extract from them here
because it seems possible that in some cases the Faroese ballads may
have derived their material from Iceland through the intermediate
stage of the _RÌmur_ rather than from the Saga direct.
Reference is made to the exploits of Hromund in other _RÌmur_ besides
the _GrÌplur_, notably in the _M·lsh·ttakvÊi_, the _SkÌa-RÌma_[5]
(which is interesting as being based, in all probability, on an
earlier poem than the _GrÌplur_) and in the _Klerka-RÌma_[6]. And he
and Thrain the Berserk still live in the popular songs of the North.
He is the _Ungen Ranild_[7] of the Danish ballad; and in the Norwegian
ballad _Ramund den Unge_[8], Ramund (Hromund) and Hˆlgi (Helgi) appear
as rivals for the hand of Svanhvit (who, however, is not mentioned by
name). Like some of the Faroese ballads on the _Hervarar Saga_, these
later versions are far removed from the story as we know it from early
Icelandic sources[9]. They are of interest only to those who care
for folk song and ballad for their freshness and their naÔve
simplicity[10].
[Footnote 1: Cf. Finnur JÛnsson, _Oldnorske og Oldislandske
Litteraturs Historie_, Vol. III, p. 35.]
[Footnote 2: Cf. F. JÛnsson, _op. cit._, Vol. III, p. 36; also
Eugen Mogk, _Geschichte der Norwegisch-Isl‰ndischen Literatur_
(Strasburg, 1904), p. 722.]
[Footnote 3: _Op. cit._, III, p. 26 ff.]
[Footnote 4: _Op. cit._, p. 722 ff.]
[Footnote 5: Ed. by K. Maurer, Munich, 1869; F. JÛnsson,
_Carmina Scaldica_ (Copenhagen, 1913).]
[Footnote 6: Codex A.M. 604 H.]
[Footnote 7: S. Grundtvig, _Danmarks Gamle Folkeviser_, Vol.
I, p. 367 ff.]
[Footnote 8: M. B. Landstad, _Norske Folkeviser_ (Christiania,
1853), p. 189 ff.]
[Footnote 9: Cf. Kˆlbing, _Beitr‰ge zur Vergleichenden
Geschichte der Romantischen Poesie und Prosa des
Mittelalters_, pp. 185-187.]
[Footnote 10: For further ballads on the story of Hromund
Greipsson, cf. Andrews, _Studies in the Fornaldarsˆgur
Northrlanda_, in _Modern Philology_, 1911, 1912.]
GRÕPLUR I
9. Olaf was a mighty Prince
Who governed Hˆrthaland.
The brave folk dwelling along the coast
He guarded with his hand.
10. Gnˆthar-Asmund, the Prince's father,
A peerless man was he;
By many a battle he reft from Kings
Their land and territory.
11. In the stern of the King's ship Kari stood,
And of heroes many another;
In strength of limb had he never a peer;
And ÷rnulf was his brother.
12. The King and his warriors reddened their swords
In the blood of wicked men;
But no man travelling with merchandise
Got any hurt from them.
13. The Prince brought joy to his followers' hearts,
With Draupnir's beautiful blood.
A franklin who better were named a burgess
Beside the princes stood.
14. Grip was a man who stirred up strife,
Eager with blade for slaughter.
This hero's wife was a good woman:
Of Hrok the Black was she daughter.
15. Grip and Gunnlˆth, his good wife,
They had nine sons in all:
(Clever verses are made about them)
And _Hrˆk_ did they every one call!
16. Hromund was a son of Grip,
Eldest of the brothers was he;
His heart knew never aught of fear,
Nor faltered his valiancy.
17. Hrolf must I add, Hˆgni, Haki and Gaut,
And Thrˆst with the other five;
Angantyr and Helgi whose lot it was
In the fortunes of war to thrive.
18. Logi was youngest (a tiny lad)
Of the sons of the worthy pair;
Hromund alone sallied forth to fight in battle,
And the rest stayed at home where they were.
19. The hero feared neither fire nor sword
When shields clashed in the fray;
His shoulders were broad, and shining his hair.
And kindly and keen was his eye.
20. He never fled or deserted the host,
But poured forth darts on the shield;--
Faithful and true in courage was he
As a hero should be in the field.
21. His wicked foe did he slay with might--
He knew no fear of pain;
And all his noble courage and valour
From his kinsman Hrˆk did he gain.
22. Two villains were there with the King,
Deep-versed in magic arts.
I swear those brothers Bild and Vali
Both had evil hearts!
23. The King of Vali council takes,
And a sad mistake made he;
A name had he gained for courtesy and valour,
But he never donned byrnie.
24. Less trusty warrior in the field
I never look to find;--
False he was and treacherous,--
Full of deceit his mind.
25. The Prince's troop, the Niflung men,
Along Norway's coast did sail,
Until they came to the Skerries of the Elf,--
Nor did their courage fail.
26. The troop had prepared for a mighty battle,
And against a promontory
Olaf's men in their warships there
Lay at anchor in the bay.
27. "Over the Island do ye go,"--
Thus to Kari spoke he,--
"To see if ye come on the vikings' ships,
And if they are like to fight fiercely."
28. Kari and Ornulf, clothed and armed,
With shield and polished blade
Examine the coast, and hastily
A search through the island made.
29. Six tall warships soon they see,
Under the sea-cliffs lay they;
And a '_Dragon_' carved in wondrous wise
Beside the warships lay.
INTRODUCTION TO THE FAROESE BALLAD OF NORNAGEST
The _Ballad of Nornagest_ was published for the first time by Lyngbye
in 1822 in _FÊrˆiske KvÊder om Sigurd Fofnersbane_ etc. In his visit
to the Faroes in 1847-8, Hammershaimb took down the ballad from oral
recitation at Sumb¯. He afterwards collated his version carefully
with those of Svabo, Schr¯ter and Lyngbye, and published the result
in _FÊrˆiske KvÊder_, Vol. I, Copenhagen, 1851. This is the version of
the ballad translated below.
Lyngbye points out that Nornagest has become a well-known character
in modern Faroese legend. We certainly note his popularity in the
ballads, which is no doubt due to his association with Sigurth in the
original story. In some ballads he appears as a companion in arms of
the latter and even as a great warrior himself. He it is who rides
with Sigurth and Virgar to meet the giant in Holmgarth (cf. _RÌsin Ì
Holmgarum_, v. 33), and in _Ragnarlikkja_ (cf. v. 39 ff.) "the fierce
Nornagest" sails with Sigurth, Brand, and Virgar to slay the King of
Girtland; and so too in other stories.
It will be observed that the framework of the story differs
considerably from that of the Saga, notably in the opening and closing
scenes. The beginning of another story, dealing likewise with an old
man, has been substituted for the original opening. The mention of
the boat in verse 40 is perhaps reminiscent of some folk-tale; and the
story of the leaden casket containing the soul of Nornagest which was
sunk in the lake is an interesting instance of the external soul. I
have no doubt that it is a reference to some folk-tale, but have not
yet been able to identify it. Among many primitive peoples, who can
hardly grasp abstract ideas, the life or soul of a man is regarded
as a concrete thing which can be laid aside, and which, so long as
it remains unharmed, will secure for him immortality. There is, for
example, a Hindoo story of a princess whose soul was believed to be in
her necklace.--One day an astrologer said to her parents: "This is
no common child; the necklace of gold about her neck contains your
daughter's soul; let it therefore be guarded with the utmost care; for
if it were taken off and worn by another person, she would die[1]."
Many similar folk-tales are known from Icelandic and Danish sources as
well as from many parts of Europe and Asia.
The air to which the following ballad is sung will be found on pp.
117, 118 of Thuren's _Folkesangen paa FÊr¯erne_.
[Footnote 1: For many interesting parallels, cf. Frazer,
_Golden Bough_ (London, 1911-1915), "Balder the Beautiful,"
ch. II.]
_Nornagests Rima_
Taken down by A. P. BERGGEEN.
[Illustration: Music]
[Lyric:
EÌtt er fr¯i um | Nor-na gest, | Lat tÊr r·-a |
ra-ger Ì | van-da. | Ti likum gÛum | gekk hann nÊst. |
Ox-ar tolv voru | leid-dir · torg, | og so fram · |
fri-u borg. | Gra-ni bar | gul-li af |hei-i. ||]
THE FAROESE BALLAD OF NORNAGEST
1. A Ballad there is of Nornagest,
Refrain:--_Be ready with a plan in trouble!_--
In manly virtues among the best.
Refrain:--_Every lad should do so!_
2. Twelve oxen were led to the market square,
And onward thence to a castle fair.
3. The King he thought to hew them to earth,
And with courage and joy did he sally forth.
4. The King he struck such a mighty blow
That the blood from the wounds did swiftly flow.
5. All the oxen fell down dead,
And the axe sank deep that he brandished.
6. All men praised his princely blow:
The blood from the wounds did swiftly flow.
7. A man there came with crutches twain:
With these he steadied himself amain.
8. The King to the man full mildly spoke:--
"O why, and O why, dost thou praise not my stroke?"
9. "O Sire, thou struckest full manfully;
But I saw a finer stroke in days gone by.
10. "Of Sigurth's deeds hast thou heard the worth,--
The mightiest champion of men on earth!
11. "Leaf and grove did tremble and quake
When Sigurth clove in sunder the snake.
12. "This may you tell of Sigurth the bold:--
'He was mightiest of all men in days of old.'
13. "This can I tell of Sigurth's fame:--
'I know no hero with eyes so keen.'
14. "Leaf and grove did tremble and shake
When Sigurth clove in sunder the snake.
15. "A noble man was Hˆgni, I ween,
Full well did I know his ugly mien.
16. "Rich, brave and gentle was Gunnar enow,
Wise too, and Gunnhild was like him, I trow.
17. "Wise too, and Gunnhild was like him, I trow.
Of heroes like him are there all too few.
18. "My father he had a homestead fair:
Herds of cattle were pastured there.
19. "And horses I tended as I sat in the wood.--
And blithest my heart when the weather was good!
20. "One and all in their saddles they ride,
Childe Sigurth, and Hˆgni, and Gunnar beside.
22. "Over the mire-pit rode all and one.--
I was a lad, and I looked thereon.
23. "First sprang Gunnar's horse forthright.
Gunnar measured his leap aright.
24. "Hˆgni's horse sprang after then.
Fast stuck Grani in the fen.
25. "The last to spring was Sigurth's steed.
Sigurth had given him so heavy a feed!
26. "Grani floundered in the fen:
His saddle girth brake in pieces twain.
27. "Down from their saddles each did glide,--
Childe Sigurth, and Hˆgni, and Gunnar beside.
28. "They dragged at the noble steed amain;
But Sigurth pulled hardest the bridle rein.
29. "'Oft have I leapt o'er the pit aright
By day and eke in the murky night.
30. "'O Guest, a service of thee I pray:--
Wash from my courser the mire away.
31. "'The saddle buckle which broke 'neath me--
The same, O Guest, will I give to thee.'
32. "Forth they rode to a river then.
No-one was there to look to the men.
33. "I washed his poitrail and breast for him,
His thigh, his leg, and each long limb.
34. "The noble courser I made full clean.
Then Sigurth took me for his horse-swain.
35. "So rode we forth to Fafnir's lair.
Like the sun's own beams did the gold shine there.
36. "From Sigurth's steed did I draw a hair,
Of wondrous length and beyond compare.
37. "The hair in the tail of Grani hung,
--Well-nigh a foot and a fathom long.
38. "Well-nigh a foot and a fathom in height.
And it shone and gleamed like silver so bright.
39. "In days gone by, full far have I strayed,
Nor found I my candle and span of days."
40. The King he gave him pole and boat,
And directed the old man on his road.
41. "In the Land of the Franks is a lake broad and wide
Where thy candle and span of days do bide."
42. Long and long dived the courteous man
Before he came his candle upon.
43. Kˆrnar the priest baptised him anon.
When the candle burnt out his life was done.
44. When the light in the lanthorn had burnt away,
Refrain:--_Be ready with a plan in trouble!_--
Then ended too his own life's day.
Refrain:--_Every lad should do so!_
INTRODUCTION TO THE BALLAD OF HJALMAR AND ANGANTYR
The following ballad was taken down by Hammershaimb from oral
recitation in Westmanhavn in 1846, and published at Copenhagen in 1855
in _FÊrˆiske KvÊder_, Vol. II. He took down a second version of the
same ballad, but consisting of only nineteen stanzas, at Sumb¯ in
1847, which he published in the _Antiquarisk Tidsskrift_, 1849-50.
This second version differs slightly from the one given in our text.
In it Arngrim is said to have twelve sons of whom Angantyr was the
youngest. Hjalmar is not expressly stated to have been a brother of
Angantyr, as he is in our version and in the Danish ballad _Angelfyr
and Helmer the Warrior_ (cf. p. 188 ff.). Moreover Angantyr is the
first to learn of the franklin's daughter, and he forthwith builds
a ship and sails away alone; and it is only later that Hjalmar also
hears of her and sets sail, thus reaching the spot when Angantyr has
already landed. More colour is given to the maiden's choice in the
second version by the additional detail that
Hjalmar leapt so lightly to land,
He made no footprint on the sand.
This, however, it is to be noted, is the regular formula by which the
landing of the hero is described in the Faroese ballads. Cf. _Lokka
T·ttur_, v. 78.
It is the opinion of Hammershaimb that this ballad was the original
from which the longer ballad of _Arngrim's Sons_ sprang. This would
seem to be supported by Heusler's contention that _The Long Ballad_
of the _Marsk Stig_ Cycle was composed by welding together several
shorter ballads[1]; and certainly the _Ballad of Arngrim's Sons_
suggests that at least two distinct ballads have been run into one,
especially when we compare the two varying versions of Svabo and
Hammershaimb. Against this, however, we have to place the fact that
something of the same invertebrate impression is given by the _Saga
of Hervˆr and Heithrek_, on which these ballads are ultimately based.
Even if we assume a composite origin for the _Ballad of Arngrim's
Sons_, there is no evidence that any portion of it was based on the
short _Ballad of Hjalmar and Angantyr_, while the difference of metre
diminishes the probability of a connection.
The air and refrain to this ballad are given on p. 124 of Thuren's
_Folkesangen paa FÊr¯erne_.
[Footnote 1: _Lied und Epos_ (Dortmund, 1905), p. 41 ff.]
_The Ballad of Hjalmar and Angantyr_
KIRKJUBÿ.
[Illustration]
[Music quarter note=112]
[Lyric:
BÛndin | undir | eikini | b˝r, || VÊl | bornir |
menn |Eigir hann | ellivu | synir | d˝r! || Arngrims
synir · | Bjarn | londum | ber- | jast vi | Sams | oy. ||]
THE BALLAD OF HJALMAR AND ANGANTYR
1. A man lived up in a high oak-tree,
Refrain:-- _Ye well-born men!_--
Eleven warlike sons had he.
Refrain:-- _Arngrim's Sons from Africa_,
_They fought, they fought on Sams¯._
2. He had eleven sons so dear,--
The champions Hjalmar and Angantyr.
3. A ship, a ship did these warriors man,
And swift 'fore the wind was the course she ran.
4. They hoisted their sail to the mast so high:
They had faith in their strength and their valiancy.
5. Their anchor they cast in the white, white sand.
Hjalmar hastily sprang to the land.
6. Their anchor they cast in the white, white sand.
And Angantyr eagerly sprang on the strand.
7. Angantyr eagerly sprang on the strand.
Up to his knees he sank in the sand.
8. "I drew my hose from my legs so bare
To hide the sand from my lady fair!"
9. In the garden they busked them in cloaks of skin,
And so went up to the franklin sitting there within.
10. "Here sittest thou, franklin, drinking thy wine:
I beg that thy daughter so fair may be mine!"
11. When Hjalmar stood before the board,
Angantyr straight took up the word.--
12. "Here sittest thou, franklin, drinking thy wine:
I beg that thy daughter so fair may be mine!"
13. In sorry plight was the franklin then,
For there at the board stood two mighty men.
14. "No choice so hard will I ever make;
The maiden herself must choose her mate."
15. "No choice so hard shall be made by thee:
The warrior Hjalmar shall wed with me.
16. "With Hjalmar the Brave would I wedded be,
Who is so lovely and fair to see."
17. "O franklin! Lend me a trusty blade,
We two must fight for the hand of the maid."
18. "O franklin! Lend me a sharp penknife:
Each of us surely must lose his life."
19. They fought their way forth of the hall.
They bellowed louder than any troll.
20. Till they reached a river they fought amain,
Down on their knees and then up again.
21. Down on their knees and then up again
Refrain:-- _Ye well-born men!_--
Till stiff and dead lay those champions twain.
Refrain:-- _Arngrim's Sons from Africa_,
_They fought, they fought on Sams¯._
INTRODUCTION TO THE DANISH BALLAD OF ANGELFYR AND HELMER THE WARRIOR
Four different versions of the Danish ballad of _Angelfyr and Helmer
the Warrior_ are given by Grundtvig in _Danmarks Gamle Folkeviser_,
Vol. I, number 19 (Copenhagen, 1853). Two of these, closely allied,
are found in a MS. written in the sixteenth century[1]. The version
which Grundtvig has called _A_ is the one adopted for translation
below.
An interesting study in ballad composition is afforded by a comparison
of this Danish ballad with the Faroese ballads of the _Sons of
Arngrim_. According to Axel Olrik[2] the Danish ballad is founded on
the _Saga of Hervˆr and Heithrek_. That the ultimate source of all the
ballads of the _Sons of Arngrim_ was the Saga there can be no doubt.
But whether the Danish ballad is derived directly from the Saga or
through some intermediate stage, Icelandic, Faroese or Danish, is
problematical. A definite relationship between the Danish and the
Faroese ballads would seem to be shown by several common features of
the story which do not occur in the Saga itself, as well as by some
striking verbal resemblances which have no foundation in the prose
narrative.
Thus on the one hand both in the Danish and in the Faroese ballads
translated above, Hjalmar and Angantyr are described as brothers[3],
whereas in the Saga they are not related. On the other hand the Danish
and the two Faroese ballads are almost identical in their description
of Angantyr and all his kin as "vile trolls," though Version _A_
given by Grundtvig describes him in accordance with the Saga as a
"half-troll" (i.e. on his mother's side).
Other close verbal parallels, surely indicative of cross-relationship
or of a common source, are afforded by a comparison of certain
passages of the Danish ballad and the Faroese _Ballad of Arngrim's
Sons_. Thus _v. 5_ of the Danish is practically identical with _v. 74_
of the Faroese, and we may compare _v. 9_ of the shorter _Ballad of
Hjalmar and Angantyr_. May we also compare _v. 6_ of the Danish with
_v. 79_ of the longer Faroese ballad; _v. 8_ with _v. 81_; _v. 10_
with _v. 84_; _v. 14_ with _v. 79_? Conventional as many of these
phrases are, the identity can hardly be accidental in all cases.
The precise nature of the relationship between the two versions is not
so clear. We may note, however, some of the features contained in the
Danish version of the story which are not found in the Saga. In the
first place neither Arngrim nor Sams¯ are mentioned, the names Offue
and Uthiss-kier being substituted for them[4]; secondly, except in
the refrain there is no mention of the sea or a voyage in the Danish
ballad. Helmer bids them "saddle his steed," and both he and Angelfyr
_ride_ to Upsala. Finally after _v. 11_ of our text, the Danish ballad
differs entirely from the Faroese version of the story and also from
that of the _Saga of Hervˆr and Heithrek_. Offue's revenge is peculiar
to the Danish, and here too no mention is made of Ingibjˆrg's death.
From all these changes, and especially from the transference of names
and places, it is obvious that the Danish version of the story is
considerably more remote from the Saga than either of the two Faroese
versions. At the same time, the absence of any reference to Sams¯
or any other Danish locality renders it highly improbable that its
divergences are due to any (Danish) local tradition independent of the
Saga.
On the whole it would seem that at an early date (fifteenth or early
sixteenth century?) a ballad had been made from this portion of the
Saga, either directly or through the intermediate stage of a lost
rhymed version; and that it was composed in the Faroes themselves
or in Iceland or some other region--the Orkneys and Shetlands are
a possible suggestion--and acquired by the Danes not very long
afterwards.
[Footnote 1: Cf. Grundtvig, _Danmarks Gamle Folkeviser_, Vol.
I, p. 252. Also Axel Olrik, _Danske Folkeviser Ì Udvalg_, Vol.
I, p. 263.]
[Footnote 2: Cf. Olrik, _op. cit._, p. 78. For general
information on the Danish ballads the reader is referred to
Steenstrup, _Vore Folkeviser_ (Copenhagen, 1891), translated
by E. G. Cox (Boston, 1914).]
[Footnote 3: See, however, the Introduction to the _Ballad of
Hjalmar and Angantyr_, p. 182 above.]
[Footnote 4: So MS. _A_; but cf. below _v. 1_ and note.]
ANGELFYR AND HELMER THE WARRIOR
1. Offue he dwelt in Uthiss-kier,
Both rich and bold was he;
And when two sons were born to him,
He vowed they should warriors be.
Refrain: _But the tempest from the North
Lashes dark and troubled billows
On the gleaming waste of sand._[1]
2. It was Young Helmer the Warrior;
He bade them saddle his steed:
"I Ride to Upsala this day,
The King's daughter to wed."
3. Then up and spake Young Angelfyr,
Where he stood in scarlet so red:
"O never shalt thou this eventide
To the lovely maid be wed!"
4. Then up and spake Young Angelfyr:
He bade them saddle his steed:
"I will gallop today to Upsala,
Till the earth is rent with my speed."
5. Out of doors in the castle-court
They busked them in cloaks of skin,
And so went they to the hall gallery,
Where the King of Upsala sat within.
6. In came Young Helmer the Warrior,
And stood before the board;
"O King, I pray thee, give me thy daughter,--
I wait thy friendly word."
7. In there came Young Angelfyr,
And gold shone on his hand:
"O King, I pray thee, give me thy daughter
And quit thee from this thy land."
8. Long and long stood the King of Upsala,
And pondered silently,
How those heroes who stood before him
He might answer fittingly.
9. It was the King of Upsala,
And he spake this word theretil:
"I give my daughter to that man only
Who has won him her goodwill."
10. "I give thee thanks, my father dear,
That the choice thou lay'st on me;
I give myself to Young Helmer the Warrior,
For a noble man is he.
11. "I will not wed me to Angelfyr:
For he is half a troll;--
So is his father, and so his mother,
And so are his kinsfolk all."
12. Then up and spake Young Angelfyr
As he stood and pondered there:
"We both will take us forth to the courtyard,
And fight for the maiden fair."
13. It was the King of Upsala,
And answered he forthright:
"O the swords they be keen, and the lads they be bold,
And may measure them well in a fight."
14. Then up and rose Young Angelfyr
Where he his sword out drew;
And up rose Young Helmer the Warrior,
Whom he to the earth did hew.
15. Offue he stands in Uthiss-kier
And far and wide looks he:
"O somewhere is Helmer suffering pain,
For I feel such woe in the heart of me."
16. Offue he stands in Uthiss-kier
And looks o'er the wide, wide heath:
"O what can be harming my two sons today,
And why are they both so wroth?"
17. It was Offue in Uthiss-kier;
He sprang on his red-roan steed.
And so came he to the King's courtyard,
Ere Helmer was dead indeed.
18. "O hearken, hearken, Young Helmer,
Beloved son of mine:
Thy noble sword from out thy hands
Why didst thou list to tine?"
19. "Eight are the mortal wounds I bear,
They are both deep and sore;
And had I only one of them
I could not live an hour."
20. O it was Offue in Uthiss-kier,
And he his sword out drew;--
And O it was Young Angelfyr
Whom down to the earth he slew.
21. "Lie thou there, Young Angelfyr
And bleed till thou art dead;
So woeful was I in my heart
When I saw how Helmer bled.
22. "Lie thou there, Young Angelfyr,
And lose thy life-blood all.
So woeful was I in my heart
When I saw Young Helmer fall."
Refrain: _But the tempest from the North
Lashes dark and troubled billows
On the gleaming waste of sand._
[Footnote 1: The translation of the refrain is somewhat free;
but cf. Olrik, _D. F. Ì U._, p. 78. Extreme condensation is a
feature of all Faroese and Danish ballad refrains which makes
a literal translation into English practically impossible.]
In MS. _B_ of the _Ballad of Angelfyr_ etc., _vv._ 1-11 correspond
pretty closely to MS. _A_; but _vv._ 12-18 are different:
12. Alff he stood in Odderskier,
And listened over the field;
Then could he hear so far away
Where his sons their swords did wield.
13. Up then rose Alff in Odderskier;
He sprang on his red-roan steed;
And came he so to Upsala
Ere both the warriors were dead.
14. "O hearken, hearken, Young Helmer,
Beloved son of mine:
Why does the life blood from thy head
In streams come running down?"
15. It was Young Helmer the Warrior,
And his father answered he:
"My brother Angelfyr could not have the maid,
And therefore he wrought this ill to me.
16. "My body is pierced with fifteen wounds,
All tainted with poison full sore;
And had I only one of them
I could not live an hour."
17. It was Alff in Odderskier,
And an oak he uprootÈd;
He struck with the oak Young Angelfyr,
Till he lay on the earth stone dead.
18. Now both these warriors are lying dead,
And dead lie they in their grave;
And the King he is ready to give his daughter
To the man whom he himself will have.
INTRODUCTION TO THE FAROESE BALLAD OF ARNGRIM'S SONS
The _Ballad of Arngrim's Sons_ was first taken down by Svabo towards
the close of the eighteenth century. He never published it, but his
MS. (III. 9) is preserved in the Royal Library at Copenhagen. In 1848
V. U. Hammershaimb took the ballad down again from oral recitation
on Sand¯ and published it in the _Antiquarisk TÌdsskrift_, 1849-1851
(Copenhagen, 1852). He had, however, consulted Svabo's version, for he
says in the prefatory note to the ballad:
It is entirely confused in Svabo's version in the Royal
Library. I have therefore kept to the version which I got on
Sand¯, which in the main points agrees with the Saga. Only in
the conclusion and two other passages have I followed Svabo's
version.
By 1855, however, it would seem that his view had changed. In his
prefatory note to the _Ballad of Arngrim's Sons_, published in
_Nordiske Oldskrifter_, vols. 18-19, Part II (Copenhagen, 1855), he
writes:
The version given by Svabo is at variance with the Saga and
has many internal discrepancies arising mainly from the fact
that Hjalmar and Angantyr are here taken to be brothers, as
in the Danish ballad. In the _Antiquarisk TÌdsskrift_ for
1849-1851 I published another version which I took down
in Sand¯ in 1848, and in which I made some use of Svabo's
version. My version corresponds exactly with the _Harvarar
Saga_, but it is open to suspicion from the fact that it here
forms the second part (_th·ttr_) of _Hjalmar's KvÊi_, of
which the first part (_The Th·ttr of ÷rvar-Oddr_) is clearly
of later origin; as is shown not only by the language,
but also by the fact that the whole falls in with Suhm's
story,--"The three friends, Hjalmar, Asbjˆrn and ÷rvarodd,"
etc. Many verses of _Arngrim's Sons_ presuppose a first
_t·ttur_ to the ballad, for example that in which the sick
Asbjˆrn complains that he cannot follow his companion to the
fight on Sams¯[1]. That the language in the second part is
purer and older than in the first part is easily explained
from the fact that the people of Sand¯ have utilised the
older Faroese version which was taken down by Svabo. They only
needed to transpose the verses and to make a very few changes
to get the whole readjusted according to the Saga or Suhm's
story. The verses which the Sand¯ version has in common with
Svabo's could therefore be used for purposes of comparison.
There are thus weighty reasons for giving preference to
Svabo's version, in spite of all its imperfections.
Of the first part of _Hjalmar's KvÊi_ I have unfortunately been
unable to obtain a copy, though it is no doubt accessible at
Copenhagen, as it is mentioned as number 60 ('_Hjalmar's KvÊi_, 2
tÊttir: _a_, ÷rvaroddur, _b_, Arngrim's Sinir') in a list of
Faroese ballads taken down in the Faroes by Hammershaimb for the
archaeological archives of the Royal Old Norse Text Society[2].
Hammershaimb says[3], however, that the first part "deals with
Hjalmar's youth, the counsel given him by his father when he leaves
home, how he is taken into the retinue (_hir_) of the Swedish King,
how he distinguishes himself by his bravery against the vikings, and
how he and Asbjˆrn and ÷rvarodd swear to be foster-brothers."
The translation which follows is made from Hammershaimb's second
edition of the ballad, published in _Nordiske Oldskrifter_, vols. 18
and 19, Part II[4]--which is in fact Svabo's text; but the refrain of
his first version has been adopted.
It will be noticed that the ballad differs in many points from the
_Saga of Hervˆr and Heithrek_. In the first place, according to the
ballad, it is Arngrim and not Angantyr who is buried with the sword
Tyrfing[5]. Secondly, Hervik (the Hervˆr of the Saga) is described
as a daughter of Arngrim and a sister of Angantyr. Hjalmar also is
a brother of Hervik and of Angantyr according to the ballad, and
actually accompanies Hervik on her quest of the sword Tyrfing, which
according to the ballad took place _before_ the fight on Sams¯.
Finally, Arngrim is said to have been killed by ÷rvarodd, and Hervik
accordingly kills ÷rvarodd in retaliation. Another 'Young Odd' appears
later as Hjalmar's companion in the true place of ÷rvarodd.
Thus we see that, as commonly happens in popular poetry, complex
situations have become simplified, and, where simplification has not
taken place, the people and events have become confused[6]. Both
in the shorter Faroese ballad of _Hjalmar and Angantyr_, and in
the Danish ballad of _Angelfyr and Helmer the_ _Warrior_, the
simplification has proceeded even farther, and a still more striking
instance of rigorous simplification is to be found in the _Ballad of
Nornagest_.
No _RÌmur_ dealing with Arngrim's Sons have been published, and I have
not been able to ascertain whether any exist, though a passing mention
is made of them in verse 74 of the satirical poem _SkÌtharÌma_[7],
probably composed in the fifteenth century by Einar or Sigurur
FÛstri. _A priori_ it would seem probable that the ballads are derived
from compositions of this kind rather than from the Saga direct.
But it would be unwise to hazard even a guess as to the balance of
probability without detailed knowledge of the relative circulation,
distribution and popularity of the Sagas and the RÌmur respectively.
The air to which the following ballad is sung on the Faroes has been
transcribed and printed by Thuren in _Folkesangen paa FÊr¯erne_, pp.
132, 133.
[Footnote 1: Cf. also the introduction of ÷rvar-Odd in v.
29 of Hammershaimb's version (_Antiq. TÌdss._, 1849-51, pp.
61-74); also vv. 28, 33, 58.]
[Footnote 2: Cf. _Antiq. TÌdss._, 1849-1851, p. 28.]
[Footnote 3: _Ib._, p. 58.]
[Footnote 4: Copenhagen, 1855.]
[Footnote 5: So Svabo's version; the Sand¯ version of
Hammershaimb's first edition, however, preserves Angantyr
here.]
[Footnote 6: A still more striking instance of the latter
development will be found in the _G·tu RÌma_ (see p. 213 f.
below) especially v. 22.]
[Footnote 7: _Carmina Scaldica_ (_a selection of Norwegian
and Icelandic Scaldic poetry_) by Finnur JÛnsson, Copenhagen,
1913.]
_The Ballad of Arngrim's Sons_
[Illustration] [Music: dotted-quarter note = 116 SANDOY.]
[Lyric:
ArngrÌmur | eigir | eina | borg, hon | stendur · | hˆgum
| fjalli, :||
ellivu | eigir hann | synir | sÊr og | tÛlvti er | riddarin
| snjalli.
(Refrain)
N˙ | fellur | rÌ | man | yvir tann]
breia | fjˆr; | har | liggur ein | bÛn- | di |
deyur Ì | dˆkkari | jˆrd! | N˙ | fellur | rÌ- | man. ||]
_Variations of Refrain of The Ballad of Arngrim's Sons_
(1) I SÿRVAGI.
[Music]
(2)
[Music]
(3) KVALBÿ.
[Music]
(4)
[Music]
THE BALLAD OF ARNGRIM'S SONS.
1. High on a lofty mountain
Does Arngrim his castle hold;
He has eleven noble sons,
And his twelfth is a champion bold.
Refrain: _Noble men are sailing now from Norway,
And a fair breeze bears them o'er the wave._
2. He has eleven noble sons,
Each skilled to wield his brand;
And mightiest of all is Angantyr
Who comes from Bjarnaland.
3. He has eleven noble sons,
Beneath oak-trees live they;
And Angantyr lives with them there
And a warrior bold is he.
4. Arngrim and the Earl's lady,
Children so fine had they--
Their daughter was named Hervik,
Who governed land and fee.
5. This maiden was named Hervik,
'Fore all men I declare,
She tilted in the tourney
When the lads were playing there.
6. She tilted in the tourney
Among the lads so strong.
Then blood was up and blood was shed
Ere she had played her long.
7. Down then sat the lads there;
Angry were they each one.--
"Better than fighting us so fiercely
Go 'venge thy father anon!"
8. Water she cast on her armour;
She list no longer to fight,
But went and stood before her mother,
With cheeks all red and white.
9. "O hearken, hearken my Mother dear,
The truth from thee would I know.--
Was my father slain in battle
Or did he die on straw?"
10. "No truer tale can I tell to thee,
My daughter whom I love:
He fell before the bold ÷rvarodd
To the South in Isan's Grove.
11. "I can tell thee no truer, my daughter dear
Than I tell as here I stand;--
He fell before the bold ÷rvarodd
To the South in Isan's Land."
12. She took her quickly to a chest
Which guarded gold and fee;
She drew a shirt from out the chest,
And flung it on Hervik's knee.
13. She drew a shirt from out the chest,
All bloodstained where it had lain.--
"Here may'st thou see the very same shirt
In which thy father was slain."
14. Up then rose Hervik the Earl's daughter
And manned ship hastily;
Its cables were of shining gold,
All twisted cunningly.
15. Up then rose Hervik the Earl's daughter,
And decked her ship so fine,
And bade them store within the hold
Both ale and costly wine.
16. Tarred were the masts,
And black was the ship in hue;
The masthead was of the red, red gold,
And the sun shone on it too.
17. Tarred were the masts;
The ship it was quite new;
The golden weather-cock spun aloft,
And shone amid Heaven's own blue.
18. Tarred were the masts,
The beams scored wondrously;
Stem and stern were of red, red gold,
And so was the sail on high.
19. All in the middle of the ship's deck
The colour shone so fair
Where Hervik, the Earl's daughter,
Sat on the platform there.
20. She hoists aloft her silken sail,
Striped gold on a scarlet ground,
Nor ever once does she strike it again
Till she comes to Isan's Land.
21. She hoists aloft her silken sail,
(The like will scarce be found)
Nor ever once does she strike it again
Till she comes to Isan's ground.
22. Forth when Hervik's frigate
Touched the fair land,
Cast she forth her anchor
Into the white, white sand.
23. Cast she down her anchor
Into the white, white sand;
And the first was Hervik the Earl's daughter
To spring with her foot to land.