RETIREMENT AND DEATH.
1887-1898.
Well was it for Germany that Bismarck had not allowed her to fall into
the weak and vacillating hands of a Parliamentary government. Peace has
its dangers as well as war, and the rivalry of nations lays upon them a
burden beneath which all but the strongest must succumb. The future was
dark; threatening clouds were gathering in the East and West; the
hostility of Russia increased, and in France the Republic was wavering;
a military adventurer had appeared, who threatened to use the desire for
revenge as a means for his personal advancement. Germany could no longer
disregard French threats; year by year the French army had been
increased, and in 1886 General Boulanger introduced a new law by which
in time of peace over 500,000 men would be under arms. Russia had nearly
550,000 soldiers on her peace establishment, and, against this, Germany
only 430,000. They were no longer safe; the duty of the Government was
clear; in December, 1886, they brought forward a law to raise the army
to 470,000 men and keep it at that figure for seven years. "We have no
desire for war," said Bismarck, in defending the proposal; "we belong
(to use an expression of Prince Metternich's) to the States whose
appetite is satisfied; under no circumstances shall we attack France;
the stronger we are, the more improbable is war; but if France has any
reason to believe that she is more powerful than we, then war is
certain." It was, he said, no good for the House to assure the
Government of their patriotism and their readiness for sacrifice when
the hour of danger arrived; they must be prepared beforehand. "Words are
not soldiers and speeches not battalions."
The House (there was a majority of Catholics, Socialists, and
Progressives) threw out the bill, the Government dissolved, and the
country showed its confidence in Bismarck and Moltke; Conservatives and
National Liberals made a coalition, the Pope himself ordered the
Catholics not to oppose the Government (his support had been purchased
by the partial repeal of a law expelling religious orders from Prussia),
and the Emperor could celebrate his ninetieth birthday, which fell in
March, 1887, hopeful that the beneficent work of peaceful reform would
continue. And yet never was Bismarck's resource so needed as during the
last year in which he was to serve his old master.
First, a French spy was arrested on German soil; the French demanded his
release, maintaining that German officers had violated the frontier.
Unless one side gave way, war was inevitable; the French Government,
insecure as it was, could not venture to do so; Bismarck was strong
enough to be lenient: the spy was released and peace was preserved.
Then, on the other side, the passionate enmity of Russia burst out in
language of unaccustomed violence; the national Press demanded the
dismissal of Bismarck or war; the Czar passed through Germany on his way
to Copenhagen, but ostentatiously avoided meeting the Emperor; the
slight was so open that the worst predictions were justified. In
November, on his return, he spent a few hours in Berlin. Bismarck asked
for an audience, and then he found that despatches had been laid before
the Czar which seemed to shew that he, while avowedly supporting Russia
in Bulgarian affairs, had really been undermining her influence. The
despatches were forged; we do not yet know who it was that hoped to
profit by stirring up a war between the two great nations. We can well
believe that Bismarck, in the excitement of the moment, spoke with an
openness to which the Czar was not accustomed; he succeeded, however, in
bringing about a tolerable understanding. The Czar assured him that he
had no intention of going to war, he only desired peace; Bismarck did
all that human ingenuity could to preserve it. By the Triple Alliance he
had secured Germany against the attack of Russia. He now entered into a
fresh and secret agreement with Russia by which Germany agreed to
protect her against an attack from Austria; he thereby hoped to be able
to prevent the Czar from looking to France for support against the
Triple Alliance. It was a policy of singular daring to enter into a
defensive alliance with Russia against Austria, at the same time that he
had another defensive alliance with Austria against Russia.[13] To shew
that he had no intention of deserting his older ally, he caused the text
of the treaty with Austria to be published. This need no longer be
interpreted as a threat to Russia. Then, that Germany, if all else
failed, might be able to stand on her own resources, another increase of
the army was asked for. By the reorganisation of the reserve, 500,000
men could be added to the army in time of war. This proposal was brought
before the Reichstag, together with one for a loan of twenty-eight
million marks to purchase the munitions of war which would be required,
and in defence of this, Bismarck made the last of his great speeches.
It was not necessary to plead for the bill. He was confident of the
patriotism of the House; his duty was to curb the nervous anxiety which
recent events had produced. These proposals were not for war, but for
peace; but they must indeed be prepared for war, for that was a danger
that was never absent, and by a review of the last forty years he shewed
that scarcely a single year had gone by in which there had not been the
probability of a great European conflict, a war of coalitions in which
all the great States of Europe would be ranged on one side or the other.
This danger was still present, it would never cease; Germany, now, as
before, must always be prepared; for the strength of Germany was the
security of Europe.
"We must make greater exertions than other Powers on account of
our geographical position. We lie in the middle of Europe; we can
be attacked on all sides. God has put us in a situation in which
our neighbours will not allow us to fall into indolence or
apathy. The pike in the European fish-pond prevent us from
becoming carp."
It was not their fault if the old alliance with Russia had broken down;
the alliance with Austria still continued. But, above all, Germany must
depend on her army, and then they could look boldly into the future. "It
will calm our citizens if they think that if we are attacked on two
sides we can put a million good soldiers on the frontier, and in a few
weeks support them by another million." But let them not think that this
terrible engine of war was a danger to the peace of Europe. In words
which represent a profound truth he said: "It is just the strength at
which we aim that makes us peaceful. That sounds paradoxical, but it is
so. With the powerful engine into which we are forming the German army
one undertakes no offensive war." In truth, when the army was the
nation, what statesman was there who would venture on war unless he were
attacked? "If I were to say to you, 'We are threatened by France and
Russia; it is better for us to fight at once; an offensive war is more
advantageous for us,' and ask for a credit of a hundred millions, I do
not know whether you would grant it,--I hope not." And he concluded: "It
is not fear which makes us lovers of peace, but the consciousness of our
own strength. We can be won by love and good-will, but by them alone;
_we Germans fear God and nothing else in the world, and it is the fear
of God which makes us seek peace and ensue it_."
These are words which will not be forgotten so long as the German tongue
is spoken. Well will it be if they are remembered in their entirety.
They were the last message of the older generation to the new Germany
which had arisen since the war; for already the shadow of death lay over
the city; in the far South the Crown Prince was sinking to his grave,
and but a few weeks were to pass before Bismarck stood at the bedside of
the dying Emperor. He died on March 9, 1888, a few days before his
ninety-first birthday, and with him passed the support on which
Bismarck's power rested.
He was not a great man, but he was an honourable, loyal, and courteous
gentleman; he had not always understood the course of Bismarck's policy
or approved the views which his Minister adopted. The restraint he had
imposed had often been inconvenient, and Bismarck had found much
difficulty in overcoming the prejudices of his master; but it had none
the less been a gain for Bismarck that he was compelled to explain and
justify his action to a man whom he never ceased to love and respect.
How beneficial had been the controlling influence of his presence the
world was to learn by the events which followed his death.
That had happened to which for five and twenty years all Bismarck's
enemies had looked forward. The foundation on which his power rested was
taken away; men at once began to speculate on his fall. The noble
presence of the Crown Prince, his cheerful and kindly manners, his known
attachment to liberal ideas, his strong national feeling, the success
with which he had borne himself on the uncongenial field of battle, all
had made him the hope of the generation to which he belonged. Who was so
well suited to solve the difficulties of internal policy with which
Bismarck had struggled so long? Hopes never to be fulfilled! Absent from
his father's deathbed, he returned to Berlin a crippled and dying man,
and when a few weeks later his body was lowered into the grave, there
were buried with him the hopes and aspirations of a whole generation.
His early death was indeed a great misfortune for his country. Not that
he would have fulfilled all the hopes of the party that would have made
him their leader. It is never wise to depend on the liberalism of a
Crown Prince. When young and inexperienced he had been in opposition to
his father's government--but his father before him had, while heir to
the throne, also held a similar position to his own brother. As Crown
Prince, he had desired and had won popularity; he had been even too
sensitive to public opinion. His, however, was a character that required
only responsibility to strengthen it; with the burden of sovereignty he
would, we may suppose, have shewn a fixity of purpose which many of his
admirers would hardly have expected of him, nor would he have been
deficient in those qualities of a ruler which are the traditions of his
family. He was not a man to surrender any of the prerogatives or
authority of the Crown. He had a stronger will than his father, and he
would have made his will felt. His old enmity to Bismarck had almost
ceased. It is not probable that with the new Emperor the Chancellor
would long have held his position, but he would have been able to
transfer the Crown to a man who had learnt wisdom by prolonged
disappointment. How he would have governed is shewn by the only act of
authority which he had time to carry out. He would have done what was
more important than giving a little more power to the Parliament: he
would at once have stopped that old and bad system by which the Prussian
Government has always attempted to schoolmaster the people. During his
short reign he dismissed Herr von Puttkammer, the Minister of the
Interior, a relative of Bismarck's wife, for interfering with the
freedom of election; we may be sure that he would have allowed full
freedom of speech; and that he would not have consented to govern by aid
of the police. Under him there would not have been constant trials for
_Majestätsbeleidigung_ or _Bismarckbeleidigung_. This he could have done
without weakening the power of the Crown or the authority of the
Government; those who know Germany will believe that it was the one
reform which was still required.
The illness of the Emperor made it desirable to avoid points of
conflict; both he and Bismarck knew that it was impossible, during the
few weeks that his life would be spared, to execute so important a
change as the resignation of the Chancellor would have been. On many
points there was a difference of opinion, but Bismarck did not unduly
express his view, nor did he threaten to resign if his advice were not
adopted. When, for instance, the Emperor hesitated to give his assent to
a law prolonging the period of Parliament, Bismarck did not attempt to
control his decision. When Herr Puttkammer was dismissed, Bismarck did
not remonstrate against an act which was almost of the nature of a
personal reprimand to himself. It was, however, different when the
foreign policy of the Empire was affected, for here Bismarck, as before,
considered himself the trustee and guarantor for the security of
Germany. An old project was now revived for bringing about a marriage
between the Princess Victoria of Prussia and Prince Alexander of
Battenberg. This had been suggested some years before, while the Prince
was still ruler of Bulgaria; at Bismarck's advice, the Emperor William
had refused his consent to the marriage, partly for the reason that
according to the family law of the Hohenzollerns a marriage with the
Battenberger family would be a mésalliance. He was, however, even more
strongly influenced by the effect this would have on the political
situation of Europe.
The foundation of Bismarck's policy was the maintenance of friendship
with Russia; this old-established alliance depended, however, on the
personal good-will of the Czar, and not on the wishes of the Russian
nation or any identity of interests between the two Empires. A marriage
between a Prussian princess and a man who was so bitterly hated by the
Czar as was Prince Alexander must have seriously injured the friendly
relations which had existed between the two families since the year
1814. Bismarck believed that the happiness of the Princess must be
sacrificed to the interests of Germany, and the Emperor William, who,
when a young man, had for similar reasons been required by his father to
renounce the hand of the lady to whom he had been devotedly attached,
agreed with him. Now, after the Emperor's death the project was revived;
the Emperor Frederick wavered between his feelings as a father and his
duty as a king. Bismarck suspected that the strong interest which the
Empress displayed in the project was due, not only to maternal
affection, but also to the desire, which in her would be natural enough,
to bring over the German Empire to the side of England in the Eastern
Question, so that England might have a stronger support in her perennial
conflict with Russia. The matter, therefore, appeared to him as a
conflict between the true interests of Germany and those old Court
influences which he so often had had to oppose, by which the family
relationships of the reigning sovereign were made to divert his
attention from the single interests of his own country. He made it a
question of confidence; he threatened to resign, as he so often did
under similar circumstances; he let it be known through the Press what
was the cause, and, in his opinion, the true interpretation, of the
conflict which influenced the Court. In order to support his view, he
called in the help of the Grand Duke of Baden, who, as the Emperor's
brother-in-law, and one of the most experienced of the reigning Princes,
was the proper person to interfere in a matter which concerned both the
private and the public life of the sovereign. The struggle, which
threatened to become serious, was, however, allayed by the visit of the
Queen of England to Germany. She, acting in German affairs with that
strict regard to constitutional principle and that dislike of Court
intrigue that she had always observed in dealings with her own
Ministers, gave her support to Bismarck. The marriage did not take
place.
Frederick's reign lasted but ninety days, and his son ruled in his
place. The new Emperor belonged to the generation which had grown up
since the war; he could not remember the old days of conflict; like all
of his generation, from his earliest years he had been accustomed to
look on Bismarck with gratitude and admiration. In him, warm personal
friendship was added to the general feeling of public regard; he had
himself learnt from Bismarck's own lips the principles of policy and the
lessons of history. It might well seem that he would continue to lean
for support on the old statesman. So he himself believed, but careful
observers who saw his power of will and his restless activity foretold
that he would not allow to Bismarck that complete freedom of action and
almost absolute power which he had obtained during the later years of
the old Emperor. They foretold also that Bismarck would not be content
with a position of less power, and there were many ready to watch for
and foment the differences which must arise.
In the first months of the new reign, some of Bismarck's old enemies
attempted to undermine his influence by spreading reports of his
differences with the Emperor Frederick, and Professor Geffken even went
so far as to publish from the manuscript some of the most confidential
portions of the Emperor's diary in order to shew that but for him
Bismarck would not have created the new Empire. The attempt failed, for,
rightly read, the passages which were to injure Bismarck's reputation
only served to shew how much greater than men thought had been the
difficulties with which he had had to contend and the wisdom with which
he had dealt with them.
From the very beginning there were differences of opinion; the old and
the new did not think or feel alike. Bismarck looked with disapproval on
the constant journeys of the Emperor; he feared that he was compromising
his dignity. Moltke and others of the older generation retired from the
posts they filled; Bismarck, with growing misgivings, stayed on. His
promises to his old master, his love of power, his distrust of the
capacity of others, all made it hard for him to withdraw when he still
might have done so with dignity. We cannot doubt that his presence was
irksome to his master; his influence and authority were too great;
before them, even the majesty of the Throne was dimmed; the Minister was
a greater man than the Sovereign.
If we are to understand what happened we must remember how exceptional
was the position which Bismarck now occupied. He had repeatedly defied
the power of Parliament and shewn that he was superior to the Reichstag;
there were none among his colleagues who could approach him in age or
experience; the Prussian Ministers were as much his nominees as were the
officials of the Empire. He himself was Chancellor, Minister-President,
Foreign Minister, and Minister of Trade; his son was at the head of the
Foreign Office and was used for the more important diplomatic missions;
his cousin was Minister, of the Interior; in the management of the most
critical affairs, he depended upon the assistance of his own family and
secretaries. He had twice been able against the will of his colleagues
to reverse the whole policy of the State. The Government was in his
hands and men had learnt to look to him rather than to the Emperor. Was
it to be expected that a young man, ambitious, full of spirit and
self-confidence, who had learnt from Bismarck himself a high regard for
his monarchical duties, would acquiesce in this system? Nay, more; was
it right that he should?
It was a fitting conclusion to his career that the man who had restored
the monarchical character of the Prussian State should himself shew that
before the will of the King he, as every other subject, must bow.
Bismarck had spent the winter of 1889 at Friedrichsruh. When he returned
to Berlin at the end of January, he found that his influence and
authority had been undermined; not only was the Emperor influenced by
other advisers, but even the Ministry shewed an independence to which he
was not accustomed. The chief causes of difference arose regarding the
prolongation of the law against the Socialists. This expired in 1890,
and it was proposed to bring in a bill making it permanent. Bismarck
wished even more than this to intensify the stringency of its provisions.
Apparently the Emperor did not believe that this was necessary. He hoped
that it would be possible to remove the disaffection of the working men
by remedial measures, and, in order to discuss these, he summoned a
European Congress which would meet in Berlin.
Here, then, there was a fundamental difference of opinion between the
King of Prussia and his Minister; the result was that Bismarck did not
consider himself able to defend the Socialist law before the Reichstag,
for he could not any longer give full expression to his own views; the
Parliament was left without direction from the Government, and
eventually a coalition between the extreme Conservatives, the Radicals,
and the Socialists rejected the bill altogether. A bitterly contested
general election followed in which the name and the new policy of the
Emperor were freely used, and it resulted in a majority opposed to the
parties who were accustomed to support Bismarck. These events made it
obvious that on matters of internal policy a permanent agreement between
the Emperor and the Chancellor was impossible. It seems that Bismarck
therefore offered to resign his post as Minister President, maintaining
only the general control of foreign affairs. But this proposition did
not meet with the approval of the Emperor. There were, however, other
grounds of difference connected even with foreign affairs; the Emperor
was drawing closer to England and thereby separating from Russia.
By the middle of March, matters had come to a crisis. The actual cause
for the final difference was an important matter of constitutional
principle. Bismarck found that the Emperor had on several occasions
discussed questions of administration with some of his colleagues
without informing him; moreover, important projects of law had been
devised without his knowledge. He therefore drew the attention of the
Emperor to the principle of the German and Prussian Constitutions. By
the German Constitution, as we have seen, the Chancellor was responsible
for all acts of the Ministers and Secretaries of State, who held office
as his deputies and subordinates. He therefore claimed that he could
require to be consulted on every matter of any importance which
concerned any of these departments. The same right as regards Prussian
affairs had been explicitly secured to the Minister-President by a
Cabinet order of 1852, which was passed in order to give to the
President that complete control which was necessary if he was to be
responsible for the whole policy of the Government. The Emperor answered
by a command that he should draw up a new order reversing this decree.
This Bismarck refused to do; the Emperor repeated his instructions. It
was a fundamental point on which no compromise was possible; the
Emperor proposed to take away from the Chancellor that supreme position
he had so long enjoyed; to recall into his own hands that immediate
control over all departments which in old days the Kings of Prussia had
exercised and, as Bismarck said, to be his own Prime Minister. In this
degradation of his position Bismarck would not acquiesce; he had no
alternative but to resign.
The final separation between these two men, each so self-willed and
confident in his own strength, was not to be completed by ceremonious
discussions on constitutional forms. It was during an audience at the
castle, that the Emperor had explained his views, Bismarck his
objections; the Emperor insisted that his will must be carried out, if
not by Bismarck, then by another. "Then I am to understand, your
Majesty," said Bismarck, speaking in English; "that I am in your way?"
"Yes," was the answer. This was enough; he took his leave and returned
home to draw up the formal document in which he tendered his
resignation. This, which was to be the conclusion of his public life,
had to be composed with care; he did not intend to be hurried; but the
Emperor was impatient, and his impatience was increased when he was
informed that Windthorst, the leader of the Centre, had called on
Bismarck at his residence. He feared lest there was some intrigue, and
that Bismarck proposed to secure his position by an alliance with the
Parliamentary opposition. He sent an urgent verbal message requiring the
resignation immediately, a command with which Bismarck was not likely
to comply. Early next morning, the Emperor drove round himself to his
house, and Bismarck was summoned from his bed to meet the angry
sovereign. The Emperor asked what had taken place at the interview with
Windthorst, and stated that Ministers were not to enter on political
discussions with Parliamentary leaders without his permission. Bismarck
denied that there had been any political discussion, and answered that
he could not allow any supervision over the guests he chose to receive
in his private house.
"Not if I order it as your sovereign?" asked the Emperor.
"No. The commands of my King cease in my wife's drawing-room," answered
Bismarck. The Emperor had forgotten that Bismarck was a gentleman before
he was a Minister, and that a Prussian nobleman could not be treated
like a Russian _boyar_.[14]
No reconciliation or accommodation was now possible. The Emperor did all
he could to make it appear that the resignation was voluntary and
friendly. He conferred on the retiring Chancellor the highest honours:
he raised him to the rank of Field Marshal and created him Duke of
Lauenburg, and publicly stated his intention of presenting him with a
copy of his own portrait. As a soldier, Bismarck obediently accepted the
military honour; the new title he requested to be allowed not to use; he
had never been asked whether he desired it.
No outward honours could recompense him for the affront he had
received. What profited it him that the Princes and people of Germany
joined in unanimous expression of affection and esteem, that he could
scarcely set foot outside his house for the enthusiastic crowd who
cheered and followed him through the streets of Berlin? For twenty-four
years he had been Prussian Minister and now he was told he was in the
way. His successor was already in office; he was himself driven in haste
from the house which so long had been his home. A final visit to the
Princes of the Royal House, a last audience with the Emperor, a hasty
leave-taking from his friends and colleagues, and then the last
farewell, when in the early morning he drove to Charlottenburg and alone
went down into the mausoleum where his old master slept, to lay a rose
upon his tomb.
The rest he had so often longed for had come, but it was too late. Forty
years he had passed in public life and he could not now take up again
the interests and occupations of his youth. Agriculture had no more
charms for him; he was too infirm for sport; he could not, like his
father, pass his old age in the busy indolence of a country gentleman's
life, nor could he, as some statesmen have done, soothe his declining
years by harmless and amiable literary dilettanteism. His religion was
not of that complexion that he could find in contemplation, and in
preparation for another life, consolation for the trials of this one. At
seventy-five years of age, his intellect was as vigorous and his energy
as unexhausted as they had been twenty years before; his health was
improved, for he had found in Dr. Schweninger a physician who was not
only able to treat his complaints, but could also compel his patient to
obey his orders. He still felt within himself full power to continue his
public work, and now he was relegated to impotence and obscurity.
Whether in Varzin or Friedrichsruh, his eyes were always fixed on
Berlin. He saw the State which he had made, and which he loved as a
father, subjected to the experiment of young and inexperienced control.
He saw overthrown that carefully planned system by which the peace of
Europe was made to depend upon the prosperity of Germany. Changes were
made in the working of that Constitution which it seemed presumption for
anyone but him to touch. His policy was deserted, his old enemies were
taken into favour. Can we wonder that he could not restrain his
impatience? He felt like a man who sees his heir ruling in his own house
during his lifetime, cutting down his woods and dismissing his old
servants, or as if he saw a careless and clumsy rider mounted on his
favourite horse.
From all parts of Germany deputations from towns and newspaper writers
came to visit him. He received them with his customary courtesy, and
spoke with his usual frankness. He did not disguise his chagrin; he had,
he said, not been treated with the consideration which he deserved. He
had never been accustomed to hide his feelings or to disguise his
opinions. Nothing that his successors did seemed to him good. They made
a treaty with England for the arrangement of conflicting questions in
Africa; men looked to Bismarck to hear what he would say before they
formed their opinion; "I would never have signed the treaty," he
declared. He quickly drifted into formal opposition to the Government;
he even made arrangements with one of the Hamburg papers that it should
represent his opinions. He seemed, to have forgotten his own principle
that, in foreign affairs at least, an opposition to the policy of the
Government should not be permitted. He claimed a privilege which as
Minister he would never have allowed to another. He defied the
Government. "They shall not silence me," he said. It seemed as though he
was determined to undo the work of his life. Under the pretext that he
was attacking the policy of the Ministers, he was undermining the
loyalty of the people, for few could doubt that it was the Emperor at
whom the criticisms were aimed.
In his isolation and retirement, the old uncompromising spirit of his
ancestors once more awoke in him. He had been loyal to the Crown--who
more so?--but his loyalty had limits. His long service had been one of
personal and voluntary affection; he was not a valet, that his service
could be handed on from generation to generation among the assets of the
Crown. "After all," he would ask, "who are these Hohenzollerns? My
family is as good as theirs. We have been here longer than they have."
Like his ancestors who stood out against the rule of the Great Elector,
he was putting personal feeling above public duty. Even if the action of
the new Government was not always wise, he himself had made Germany
strong enough to support for a few years a weak Ministry.
More than this, he was attempting to destroy the confidence of the
people in the moral justice and necessity of the measures by which he
had founded the Empire. They had always been taught that in 1870 their
country had been the object of a treacherous and unprovoked attack.
Bismarck, who was always living over again the great scenes in which he
had been the leading actor, boasted that but for him there would never
have been a war with France. He referred to the alteration in the Ems
telegram, which we have already narrated, and the Government was forced
to publish the original documents. The conclusions drawn from these
disclosures and others which followed were exaggerated, but the naïve
and simple belief of the people was irretrievably destroyed. Where they
had been taught to see the will of God, they found only the machinations
of the Minister. In a country where patriotism had already taken the
place of religion, the last illusion had been dispelled; almost the last
barrier was broken down which stood between the nation and moral
scepticism.
Bismarck's criticism was very embarrassing to the Government; by
injuring the reputation of the Ministry he impaired the influence of the
nation. It was difficult to keep silence and ignore the attack, but the
attempts at defence were awkward and unwise. General Caprivi attempted
to defend the treaty with England by reading out confidential minutes,
addressed by Bismarck to the Secretary of the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, in which he had written that the friendship of England and the
support of Lord Salisbury were more important than Zanzibar or the whole
of Africa. He addressed a circular despatch to Prussian envoys to inform
them that the utterances of Prince Bismarck were without any actual
importance, as he was now only a private man. This only made matters
worse; for the substance of the despatch quickly became known (another
instance of the lax control over important State documents which we so
often notice in dealing with German affairs), and only increased the
bitterness of Bismarck, which was shared by his friends and supporters.
For more than two years the miserable quarrel continued; Bismarck was
now the public and avowed enemy of the Court and the Ministry. Moltke
died, and he alone of the great men of the country was absent from the
funeral ceremony, but in his very absence he overshadowed all who were
there. His public popularity only increased. In 1892, he travelled
across Germany to visit Vienna for his son's wedding. His journey was a
triumphal progress, and the welcome was warmest in the States of the
South, in Saxony and Bavaria. The German Government, however, found it
necessary to instruct their ambassador not to be present at the wedding
and to take no notice of the Prince; he was not even granted an audience
by the Austrian Emperor. It was held necessary also to publish the
circular to which I have already referred, and thereby officially to
recognise the enmity.
The scandal of the quarrel became a grave injury to the Government of
the country. A serious illness of Bismarck caused apprehension that he
might die while still unreconciled. The Emperor took the opportunity,
and by a kindly message opened the way to an apparent reconciliation.
Then a change of Ministry took place: General Caprivi was made the
scapegoat for the failures of the new administration, and retired into
private life, too loyal even to attempt to justify or defend the acts
for which he had been made responsible. The new Chancellor, Prince
Hohenlohe, was a friend and former colleague of Bismarck, and had in old
days been leader of the National party in Bavaria. When Bismarck's
eightieth birthday was celebrated, the Emperor was present, and once
more Bismarck went to Berlin to visit his sovereign. We may be allowed
to believe that the reconciliation was not deep. We know that he did not
cease to contrast the new marks of Royal favour with the kindly courtesy
of his old master, who had known so well how to allow the King to be
forgotten in the friend.
As the years went on, he became ever more lonely. His wife was dead, and
his brother. Solitude, the curse of greatness, had fallen on him. He had
no friends, for we cannot call by that name the men, so inferior to
himself, by whom he was surrounded--men who did not scruple to betray
his confidence and make a market of his infirmities. With difficulty
could he bring himself even to systematic work on the memoirs he
proposed to leave. Old age set its mark on him: his beard had become
white; he could no longer, as in former days, ride and walk through the
woods near his house. His interest in public affairs never flagged, and
especially he watched with unceasing vigilance every move in the
diplomatic world; his mind and spirit were still unbroken when a sudden
return of his old malady overtook him, and on the last day of July,
1898, he died at Friedrichsruh.
He lies buried, not among his ancestors and kinsfolk near the old house
at Schoenhausen, nor in the Imperial city where his work had been done;
but in a solitary tomb at Friedrichsruh to which, with scanty state and
hasty ceremony, his body had been borne.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: There seems no authority for the statement that the
Bismarcks had sprung from a noble Bohemian family.]
[Footnote 2: It is to this visit that a well-known anecdote refers;
having landed at Hull one Sunday morning, he was walking along the
streets whistling, when a chance acquaintance of the voyage asked him to
desist. Disgusted, he left the town. The story, as generally told, says
that he went to Edinburgh; we can have no doubt that Scarborough was
meant.]
[Footnote 3: _Life of Herr v. Thadden-Triglaff_, by Eleanor, Princess of
Reuss.]
[Footnote 4: This trait is confirmed by Busch, who in his record of the
conversations of Bismarck observes that with one or two exceptions he
seldom had a good word to say for his colleagues.]
[Footnote 5: I take the metaphor from Gerlach, but the English language
does not allow me to adopt the whole.]
[Footnote 6: Kohl prints a memorandum of this year (1861) which probably
is that sent to Herr von Below; in it the ideas of the letter are
developed at greater length and the language is more cautious; Bismarck
recommends in it a representation of the people at the Diet, but points
out that under present circumstances the consent of the Diet could not
be attained; the plan to which he seems to incline is that of a separate
union between some of the States; exactly the plan which Radowitz had
followed and Bismarck had ten years before so bitterly opposed.]
[Footnote 7: Speech of January 28, 1886.]
[Footnote 8: The complication of offices became most remarkable when
Bismarck in later years undertook the immediate direction of trade. He
became Minister of Finance for Prussia; and we have a long
correspondence which he carries on with himself in his various
capacities of Prussian Minister, Prussian representative in the Council,
and Chancellor of the Empire.]
[Footnote 9: Sybel states that this was not the case.]
[Footnote 10: Some of the more exaggerated statements were contradicted
at the time, apparently by Prince Radziwill, but in the excitement of
the moment no one paid attention to this.]
[Footnote 11: Comte Hérisson d'Hérisson, _Journal d'un officier
d'ordonnance._]
[Footnote 12: The Ghibellines were expelled from Italy in 1267, when
Conradin of Hohenstaufen was beheaded by Charles of Anjou.]
[Footnote 13: Our knowledge of this treaty is still very incomplete;
even the date is not certain, but it seems most probable that it was
executed at this time. Neither Bismarck's own memoirs nor Busch's book
throw any light upon it.]
[Footnote 14: It must be remembered that our knowledge of these events
is imperfect and probably inaccurate; it is at least one-sided. It comes
entirely from the published statements of those who gained their
information directly or indirectly from Bismarck.]
INDEX
A
Alexander, Prince, of Battenberg,
448-450
Army, 295
Arnim, Count, 19-21, 46
Arnim, Oscar von, marries Malvina
von Bismarck, 25
Augustenburg, Frederick, Prince
of, 202-209, 213-224, 227,
228, 230-237, 246
B
Bazaine, Marshal, 361, 373
Benedetti, Count Vincent, 270-272,
275, 277-282, 322, 330-333,
336-338, 340-342
Bennigsen, 392, 394
Berlin, its condition after the
Revolution, 47, 50, 51
Bismarck, the family of, its
origin and history, 1-12
Bismarck, August von, 5
Bismarck, August von, the
Landrath, 8
Bismarck, August Friedrich
von, 9
Bismarck, Bernhard von, 11, 22,
23
Bismarck, Carl Alexander von, 9
Bismarck, Friedrich von, the
"Permutator," 5
Bismarck, Friedrich Wilhelm
von, 9
Bismarck, Herbert von, 347
Bismarck, Herbort von, 2
Bismarck, Karl Wilhelm Friedrich
von, 10; his marriage,
10; moves to Pomerania, 11,
21; to Schoenhausen, 22, 25,
26
Bismarck, Malvina von, 11, 22;
marries Oscar von Arnim, 25
Bismarck, Nicolas (or Claus)
von, 3
Bismarck, Otto Eduard Leopold
von, his birth, 1; ancestry, 1-12;
destined for Diplomatic
Service, 14; at school in Berlin,
14, 15; enters at Göttingen,
15; his personal appearance
and character, 16; enters Corps
of Hanoverians, 16; his university
career, 16-18; leaves
Göttingen, 18; enters at Berlin,
18; takes degree of Doctor
of Law, 19; early official life,
19; appointed Auscultator at
Berlin, 19; transferred to administrative
side and to Aix-la-Chapelle,
19; his life at
Aix, 20; transferred to Potsdam,
21; begins army service
in Jaeger at Potsdam, 21;
transferred to Jaeger at Stettin,
21; settles in Pomerania,
22; his attendance at lectures
in agricultural college near
Greifswald, 22; his successful
management of the Pomeranian
estates, 22, 23; takes
Kniephof on division of estates,
23; his wildness, 23; enters
as lieutenant of Landwehr in
cavalry, 23; saves groom from
drowning, 23; his restlessness
and discontent, 24; travels, to
Paris, London, Hull, Scarborough,
York, Manchester, 24;
his letters from Schoenhausen,
25-27; member of Diets of
Pomerania and of province
containing Schoenhausen, 27;
Referendar at Potsdam, resigns,
28; his hatred of
Prussian bureaucracy, 28, 61;
his interest in his duties as
landed proprietor, 28; Inspector
of Dykes for Jerichow,
29; his intimacy with the religious
coterie at Triglaff, 29,
30; his religious convictions
and their effect on his monarchical
feeling, 31, 32; his
engagement, 32; summoned to
attend meeting of Estates General
in Berlin, 33; enters on
his Parliamentary duties, 38;
opposes action of Liberals,
38-40; his remarks on Prussia
and England, 41; on the Jews
and the Christian State, 41,
42; returns to Pomerania, 43;
his marriage, 43; his wedding
journey, meets the King of
Prussia, returns to Schoenhausen,
43, 44; his sentiments
on the Revolution, writes to
the King, hurries to Berlin,
45, 46; collects signatures for
address of loyalty, 46; at meeting
of Estates General, 46,
47; writes articles, takes part
in calling meeting, and in
founding the _Kreuz Zeitung_,
48, 49; his counsels and aid
to the King, 50, 51; takes
seat in new Assembly, 52;
opposes amnesty, 51, 52; in
new Parliament, opposes Parliamentary
control of taxes,
54, 55; opposes reference to
foreign customs, 55-59; believes
in Parliament for
Prussia, 60-62; his hatred of
Liberalism, 60; on civil marriage
and Christianity, 63, 64;
on the Prussian nobility, 64;
his geniality, 65; his Parliamentary
speeches, 66, 67; his
partial knowledge of the people,
68; sustains the King's
refusal of the German crown,
73, 74; advocates independence
of Prussia, 74-78; in
Parliament of Erfurt, 79, 80;
advises peace with Austria, 81;
defends the Ministry, 82-84;
Ambassador at Frankfort, 84,
85; his characteristics, 86; at
Frankfort, 86; letters to his
wife, 88-91; his opinions of
the diplomatists, 89-91;
entrusted with management
of the Press, 92; his idea
of newspapers, 94; smoking in
the military commission, 95,
96; his defence of Prussian interests,
96, 97; home and social
life in Frankfort, 98; his distaste
for Parliamentary life,
99; duel with Vincke, 99, 100;
member of House of Lords,
100; his power of work, his
despatches, 100, 101; on
special mission to Vienna, 101;
his policy of seeking allies for
Prussia against Austria, 102,
103; his policy as to Russia
and the Western Powers, 104-110;
his policy toward France,
113-120; sent to Paris, meets
Napoleon, 118; his ideal of
foreign policy, 121-125; loss
of popularity at Court, 125,
126; his attitude toward the
new Ministry, 128; recalled
from Frankfort, 129; appointed
Minister to St. Petersburg,
132; his advice as to
Austria, 133, 134; his journeys,
his prolonged illness, and
its effect, 135; supports the
Government, 136; his sentiments
as to France, 137, 138;
returns to Russia, 138; interview
with Prince Regent, 139;
his friendship with Roon, 143;
sent for by Roon, his reply,
145-147; arrives in Berlin, interview
with the King, 147;
his memorandum and letter
on German affairs, 148, 149;
returns to St. Petersburg, 150;
goes to Berlin, 153; offered
post of Minister-President,
appointed Minister to Paris,
154; in Paris, 155; visits London,
meets Disraeli, 156, 157;
his advice to Roon, 158; leave
of absence, 159; summoned to
Berlin, 160; appointed Minister-President,
161; conversation
with the King, 163; his
House speeches on the Budget,
their effect, 163-167; on the
House address to the King,
169; his course on the Polish
question, 171-177; difficulties
of his position, 177-179; conflict
with Chairman of House,
180; disliked by the Crown
Prince, 184, 185; not responsible
for conflict, 190; his
foreign policy, 192; with the
King at Gastein, 193; dissuades
the King from attending
Congress at Frankfort, 193-195;
his course as to Schleswig-Holstein,
195, 199-201, 203,
206-224, 226-238; his satisfaction
with Peace of Vienna,
226; concludes treaty of Gastein,
238; created Count, 239;
visits France, 241; interview
with Napoleon, 241-243; returns
to Berlin, 243; concludes
commercial treaty with Italy,
245; adopts hostile attitude
toward Austria, 246; prepares
for war, 247, 248; fails in
health, 249; concludes treaty
with Italy, 250; influences the
King toward war, 251; desires
war in order to reform German
Confederation, 252-256; attempt
on his life, 257; takes
no part in management of
army, 259; leaves Berlin to
join army, 259; at battle of
Königgrätz, 260, 261; his life
during the campaign, 261, 262;
advises acceptance of French
offer of mediation, 262, 263;
considers terms of peace, 264;
desires control of North Germany,
266; his policy and motives,
267-273; his interview
with Benedetti, 270-272; his
terms of peace, 273-275; his
management of peace preliminaries,
his persuasion of
the King, 275, 276; his treatment
of demands of France,
his interviews with Benedetti,
277-286; his course toward
Russia, 283, 284; has laid
foundation for German union,
284-286; begins to think and
act as a German, 286; secures
Parliamentary majority, 287;
his moderation, 288; voted
donation of money, 289, 290;
his rôle of creative statesman,
291; dictates outlines of new
Federal Constitution, 292; his
plan of Constitution, 293-307;
supports Constitution before
Assembly, 308-212; defends
withholding of money from
King of Hanover, 313, 314;
summons Parliament to consider
tariff, 316; refuses to
admit Grand Duke of Baden
into Federation, 317; refuses
to support Napoleon's acquirement
of Luxemburg, 318; preserves
the peace, visits Paris,
319; interview with Benedetti
as to the Spanish Succession,
322; his efforts to secure acceptance
of Spanish throne by
Prince Leopold of Hohenzolhen,
322-327; his motives,
328, 329; retires to Varzin,
330; goes to Berlin, 333; his
policy, 334; orders Werther
from Paris, sees Lord Loftus,
336; receives telegram from
the King announcing the Benedetti
incident, 338; prepares
statement and causes its publication,
339; his purpose, 340;
meets the King at Brandenburg,
342; announces to Parliament
France's declaration of
war, 343; pardons the Hanoverian
Legion, 345; leaves for
seat of war, 346; his health
during the campaign, 346; at
Gravelotte, 347; at Sedan,
348; refuses to modify terms
of surrender, 349; defers renewal
of hostilities, 350; meets
Napoleon, their interview,
351; accompanies Napoleon
to Belle Vue, 352; willing to
make peace, 352; his circular
notes explaining the German
view, 353, 554; demands territory,
354; his attitude toward
the Provisional Government,
355; his interviews with Jules
Favre, 356-360; his personality,
357, 358; his offer of
terms, 358-361; at Versailles,
362; upholds Germany through
the Press, 362, 363; indignant
at France's use of irregular
troops, 364; affected by delay
before Paris, 364; his tact in
German unification, 366; his
interview with the Crown
Prince, 366; proposes treaties
with southern German States,
367; his agreement with Bavaria,
367, 368; drafts letter
by which King of Bavaria requests
King of Prussia to assume
title of Emperor, 370;
raised to rank of Prince, 370;
interview with Favre on capitulation
of Paris, 370, 371; interview
with Thiers, 371-374;
his part in the negotiations,
374; his views as to Strasburg
and Metz, 374-376; at signature
of Peace of Frankfort,
376; continues in power, 377;
sole master in foreign policy,
378; his success in peace, 379;
refuses support to French monarchical
party, 382; brings
about reconciliation with
Austria, 382, 383; indignant
at report of warlike intentions
toward France, 384; his position
as to internal matters,
385, 386; his party alliances,
386-388; resigns as Minister-President,
389; his depression,
389; his affection for Roon,
390; resumes the Presidency,
390; opposition to him, 390,
391; his dependence on the
National Liberals, 391-394;
supported on army organisation,
393, 394; his part in conflict
with Roman Catholic
Church, 394-403; his resignation
refused by the Emperor,
granted leave of absence, retires
to Varzin, 404; presides
over Congress of Berlin, 406;
effects Triple Alliance, 407; his
efforts against Socialism, 407-411;
his scheme of economic
reform, 411-429; his dislike of
direct taxation, 413, 414; his
proposals for State monopolies,
414-419; introduces system of
Protection, 419-423; his colonial
policy, 423-427; effects
of his measures, 428; refuses
to become a party
leader, 429; his power
checked by Parliament, 430;
complains of conduct of Reichstag.
431; friction with Parliament
as to freedom of debate,
434; his Parliamentary receptions,
435, 436; his recourse
to criminal law against
his adversaries, 436; his lack
of generosity in political struggles,
437; celebration of his
seventieth birthday, 438; presented
with two million marks,
purchases Friedrichsruh, 438;
defends bill for army increase,
441; his release of French spy,
441, 442; his interview with
the Czar, 442; enters into
secret agreement with Russia,
442, 443; proposes army increase,
443; his speech, 443-445;
foundation of his power
removed by death of Emperor
William, 445, 446; his prospects
with Emperor Frederick,
447; opposes marriage of
Princess Victoria of Prussia
to Prince Alexander of Battenberg,
448-450; his differences
with Emperor William II.,
450, 451; his power, 452;
finds his influence and authority
undermined, 452, 453;
chief causes of his differences
with the Emperor, 453, 454;
refuses to acquiesce in degradation
of his position, 455; his
first separation from the Emperor,
455; declines to justify
interview with Windhorst,
456; resigns, created Field
Marshal and Duke of Lauenburg,
456; his leave-takings,
457; his restlessness in leisure,
his energy, 457, 458; receives
deputations, 458; opposes and
defies the Government, 459;
his disclosures, 460; the
avowed enemy of Court and
Ministry, 461; absents himself
from Moltke's funeral, 461; his
triumphal journey to Vienna,
461; his reconciliations with
the Emperor, 462; celebration
of his eighty-fifth birthday,
462; his loneliness and infirmities,
462; his interest in public
affairs, his unbroken mind
and spirit, 463; his death, his
burial at Friedrichsruh, 463
Bismarck, Rudolph von, 5
Bismarck-Bohlen, 9, 19
Blankenburg, Moritz von, 30, 144
Bonin, 109, 140, 141
Boulanger, General, 440
Brandenburg, Count, 51, 81
Brandenburg, the nobility of, 6-8
Bucher, Lothar, 56, 325, 420, 421
Bundesrath, 296
Burnside, General, 361
C
Caprivi, General, 460, 462
Castelnau, General, 349
Cavour, 22, 129-132
Charles Frederick, Prince, 60
Crevisse, 5, 8
D
Delbrück, 365, 412
Diebwitz, Fräulein von, 9
Disraeli, 156, 157
E
Erfurt, Parliament of, 79, 80
F
Favre, Jules, 356-360, 370, 373,
376
Frankfort, 87
Frankfort, Peace of, 376, 377
Frederick, Crown Prince, afterward
Frederick III., 183, 184,
207, 219, 220, 236, 260, 276,
324, 325, 336, 342, 343, 366,
369, 416, 445-450
Frederick William, Elector of
Brandenburg, 6
Frederick William III., 36, 37
Frederick William IV., 29, 30,
37, 38, 44, 50-52, 54, 60, 72,
73, 107-110, 127, 138
Friedrichsruh, 438, 439, 463
G
Gagern, Heinrich von, 72
Gambetta, 364
Garibaldi, 365
Gastein, Treaty of, 238, 240
Gerlach, Leopold von, 30, 49, 50
Gortschakoff, 384, 385
Grammont, Duc de, 275, 330,
331, 335
Gravelotte, battle of, 347
Greifswald, 22
Guizot, 335
H
Hérisson, Comte, 357, 358
Hobel, 408, 411
Hohenzollern, Leopold, Prince
of, 321-326, 331-337
Holstein, 195-238, 240, 246, 258,
265
K
Katte, Fräulein von, 8
Kleist, Hans von, 30, 43, 48, 400
Königgrätz, battle of, 260, 261
_Kreuz Zeitung_, 49, 107, 115,
119, 126, 390, 391
L
Lasker, 392
Lauenburg, 238, 239
Lhuys, Drouyn de, 277, 278
Loftus, Lord Augustus, 336, 342
M
MacMahon, 348
Manteuffel, Otto von, 51
Mars-la-Tour, 347, 348
Mencken, Fräulein, afterward
wife of Karl von Bismarck,
10, 14, 21, 22
Metternich, Prince, 36
Metz, 354 360, 374-476
Moltke, Helmuth Karl Bernard
von, 247-249, 257, 259-261,
338, 339. 348-352, 373, 441,
451, 461
Motley, John Lothop, 17,19, 98,
177
N
Napoleon III., 113-119, 125,
129, 137, 138, 175, 176, 213,
214, 228, 238, 241-245, 248,
254. 257, 262-264, 270-274,
277-286, 294, 315, 318, 319,
343, 344, 348-353, 361
Navy, 295
_New Prussian Gazette_, 49
Nobeling, 408, 411
O
Oldenburg, Duke of, 200, 222
Olmütz, Convention of, 81, 82
P
Pfortden, Baron von der, 284-286
Poland, 171-177
Pomerania, 11-13, 21-24, 29
Press, the, 182, 183, 185
Prim, General, 320, 322, 326,
331
Prokesch-Osten, Herr von, 93,
97
Puttkammer, Fräulein von, afterward
wife of Otto von Bismarck,
32; Herr v., 447
R
Radowitz, Herr von, 74, 75, 81
Reichstag, 296, 298
Richter, 427
Roon, Albrecht Theodor Emil
von, 31, 140, 141, 143-145,
156, 158-161, 180, 181, 234,
252, 256, 260, 261, 287, 304,
324, 338, 339, 369, 387-390
S
Schleinitz, Herr von, 133, 207
Schleswig, 195-238, 246, 265
Schoenhausen, 1, 5, 8-11, 22,
25-27, 29, 44, 46, 438, 463
Schweninger, Doctor, 458
Sedan, 348-352
Sheridan, General, 347
Sourds, M. de, 330
Stahl, 30, 49
Strasburg, 360, 361, 374-376
Sybel, Heinrich von, 172, 323
T
Thadden, Herr von, 29, 43, 47,
391
Thiele, Herr von, 330
Thiers, M., 353, 362, 371
Thun, 89, 91, 95-97
Toul, 360
Triglaff, 29, 30
Triple Alliance, 405, 407, 443,
443
V
Versailles, 362, 365
Victor Emmanuel, 245, 248, 382
Victoria, Princess, of Prussia,
124, 206, 448-450
Vienna, Congress of, 34-36
Vienna, Peace of, 224-226
Vincke, George von, 40, 47, 207
W
Welfenfond, 313
Werther, Herr von, 323, 336
William, Prince Regent, afterward
William I., 127, 131, 139-141,
145, 152-156, 160-163,
169, 170, 177, 181, 184, 187-189,
192-194, 206, 207, 227,
228, 234-239, 246, 248-251,
258-263, 275, 276, 279, 324-326
331-334, 336-343, 346-349,
352, 369, 370, 384. 388-390,
404, 407-409, 416, 441,
445, 446, 449
William II., 450-462
Wimpffen, 348, 350, 351, 353
Windthorst, 396, 416, 455, 456
Heroes of the Nations
A series of biographical studies of the lives and work of a number of
representative historical characters about whom have gathered the great
traditions of the Nations to which they belonged, and who have been
accepted, in many instances, as types of the several National ideals.
With the life of each typical character is presented a picture of the
National conditions surrounding him during his career.
The narratives are the work of writers who are recognized authorities on
their several subjects, and while thoroughly trustworthy as history,
present picturesque and dramatic "stories" of the Men and of the events
connected with them.
To the Life of each "Hero" is given one duodecimo volume, handsomely
printed in large type, provided with maps and adequately illustrated
according to the special requirements of the several subjects.
_For full list of volumes see next page_.
HEROES OF THE NATIONS
NELSON. By W. Clark Russell.
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. By C.R.L. Fletcher.
PERICLES. By Evelyn Abbott.
THEODORIC THE GOTH. By Thomas Hodgkin.
SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. By H.R. Fox-Bourne.
JULIUS CAESAR. By W. Ward Fowler.
WYCLIF. By Lewis Sargeant.
NAPOLEON. By W. O'Connor Morris.
HENRY OF NAVARRE. By P.F. Willert.
CICERO. By J.L. Strachan-Davidson.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By Noah Brooks.
PRINCE HENRY (OF PORTUGAL) THE NAVIGATOR. By C.R. Beazley.
JULIAN THE PHILOSOPHER. By Alice Gardner.
LOUIS XIV. By Arthur Hassall.
CHARLES XII. By R. Nisbet Bain.
LORENZO DE' MEDICI. By Edward Armstrong.
JEANNE D'ARC. By Mrs. Oliphant.
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. By Washington Irving.
ROBERT THE BRUCE. By Sir Herbert Maxwell.
HANNIBAL. By. W. O'Connor Morris.
ULYSSES S. GRANT. By William Conant Church.
ROBERT E. LEE. By Henry Alexander White.
THE CID CAMPEADOR. By H. Butler Clarke.
SALADIN. By Stanley Lane-Poole.
BISMARCK. By J.W. Headlam.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT. By Benjamin I. Wheeler.
CHARLEMAGNE. By H.W.C. Davis.
OLIVER CROMWELL. By Charles Firth.
RICHELIEU. By James B. Perkins.
DANIEL O'CONNELL. By Robert Dunlap.
SAINT LOUIS (Louis IX. of France). By Frederick Perry.
LORD CHATHAM. By Walford David Green.
OWEN GLYNDWR. By Arthur G. Bradley.
HENRY V. By Charles L. Kingsford.
EDWARD I. By Edward Jenks.
AUGUSTUS CAESAR. By J.B. Firth.
FREDERICK THE GREAT. By W.F. Reddaway.
WELLINGTON. By W. O'Connor Morris.
CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. By J.B. Firth.
MOHAMMED. D.S. Margoliouth.
GEORGE WASHINGTON. By J.A. Harrison.
CHARLES THE BOLD. By Ruth Putnam.
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. By F.B. Stanton.
FERNANDO CORTES. By P.A. MacNutt.
WILLIAM THE SILENT. By R. Putnam.
BLÜCHER. By E.F. Henderson.
ROGER THE GREAT. By B. Curtis.
CANUTE THE GREAT. By D.M. Larson
CAVOUR. By Pietro Orsi.
DEMOSTHENES. By A.W. Pickard-Cambridge.
The Story of the Nations
In the story form the current of each National life is distinctly
indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy periods and episodes are
presented for the reader in their philosophical relation to each other
as well as to universal history.
It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to enter into the
real life of the peoples, and to bring them before the reader as they
actually lived, labored, and struggled--as they studied and wrote, and
as they amused themselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, with
which the history of all lands begins, will not be overlooked, though
these will be carefully distinguished from the actual history, so far as
the labors of the accepted historical authorities have resulted in
definite conclusions.
The subjects of the different volumes have been planned to cover
connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive epochs or periods, so
that the set when completed will present in a comprehensive narrative
the chief events in the great STORY OF THE NATIONS; but it is, of
course, not always practicable to issue the several volumes in their
chronological order.
_For list of volumes see next page_.
THE STORY OF THE NATIONS
* * * * *
GREECE. Prof. Jas. A. Harrison.
ROME. Arthur Gilman.
THE JEWS. Prof. James K. Hosmer.
CHALDEA. Z.A. Ragozin.
GERMANY. S. Baring-Gould.
NORWAY. Hjalmar H. Boyesen.
SPAIN. Rev. E.E. and Susan Hale.
HUNGARY. Prof. A. Vámbéry.
CARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J. Church.
THE SARACENS. Arthur Gilman.
THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley Lane-Poole.
THE NORMANS. Sarah Orne Jewett.
PERSIA. S.G.W. Benjamin.
ANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. Geo. Rawlinson.
ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. Prof. J.P. Mahafly.
ASSYRIA. Z.A. Ragozin.
THE GOTHS. Henry Bradley.
IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless.
TURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole.
MEDIA, BABYLON, AND PERSIA. Z.A. Ragozin.
MEDIEVAL FRANCE. Prof. Gustave Masson.
HOLLAND. Prof. J. Thorold Rogers.
MEXICO. Susan Hale.
PHOENICIA. George Rawlinson.
THE HANSA TOWNS. Helen Zimmern.
EARLY BRITAIN. Prof. Alfred J. Church.
THE BARBARY CORSAIRS. Stanley Lane-Poole.
RUSSIA. W.R. Morfill.
THE JEWS UNDER ROME. W.D. Morrison.
SCOTLAND. John Mackintosh.
SWITZERLAND. R. Stead and Mrs. A. Hug.
PORTUGAL. H. Morse-Stephens.
THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. C.W.C. Oman.
SICILY. E.A. Freeman.
THE TUSCAN REPUBLICS. Bella Duffy.
POLAND. W.R. Morfill.
PARTHIA. Geo. Rawlinson.
JAPAN. David Murray.
THE CHRISTIAN RECOVERY OF SPAIN. H.E. Watts.
AUSTRALASIA. Greville Treganthen.
SOUTHERN AFRICA. Geo. M. Theal.
VENICE. Alethea Wiel.
THE CRUSADES. T.S. Archer and C.L. Kingsford.
VEDIC INDIA. Z.A. Ragozin.
BOHEMIA. C.E. Maurice.
CANADA. J.G. Bourinot.
THE BALKAN STATES. William Miller.
BRITISH RULE IN INDIA. R.W. Frazer.
MODERN FRANCE. André Le Bon.
THE BRITISH EMPIRE. Alfred T. Story. Two vols.
THE FRANKS. Lewis Sergeant.
THE WEST INDIES. Amos K. Fiske.
THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. Justin McCarthy, M.P. Two vols.
AUSTRIA. Sidney Whitman.
CHINA. Robt. K. Douglass.
MODERN SPAIN. Major Martin A.S. Hume.
MODERN ITALY. Pietro Orsi.
THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. Helen A. Smith. Two vols.
WALES AND CORNWALL. Owne M. Edwards.
MEDIÆVAL ROME. Wm. Miller.
THE PAPAL MONARCHY. Wm. Barry.
MEDIÆVAL INDIA. Stanley Lane-Poole.
BUDDHIST INDIA. T.W. Rhys-Davids.
THE SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS. Thomas C. Dawson. Two vols.
PARLIAMENTARY ENGLAND. Edward Jenks.
MEDIÆVAL ENGLAND. Mary Bateson.
THE UNITED STATES. Edward Earle Sparks. Two vols.
ENGLAND: THE COMING OF PARLIAMENT. L. Cecil Jane.
GREECE TO A.D. 14. E.S. Shuckburgh.
ROMAN EMPIRE. Stuart Jones.
SWEDEN AND DENMARK, with FINLAND AND ICELAND. Jon Stefansson.