The Commonwealth of Virginia
Declaration of Rights
[Sidenote: "_We hold these truths to be self-evident...._"]
The two greatest documents of the Revolution came from the pens of
Virginians George Mason and Thomas Jefferson. Political scientist Clinton
Rossiter notes, "The declaration of rights in 1776 remain America's most
notable contribution to universal political thought. Through these
eloquent statements the rights-of-man political theory became political
reality."[33]
[33] Clinton, Rossiter, Seedtime of the Republic (Harcourt,
Brace: New York, 1953), 401.
As Richard Henry Lee rode north to Philadelphia with the Virginia
resolution for independence, George Mason of Fairfax, sat down with his
committee and drafted the Virginia Declaration of Rights. Presented to
the Convention on May 27, 1776, the Declaration was adopted on June 12,
1776. It reads, in part:
A Declaration of Rights, made by the Representatives of the good
People of Virginia, assembled in full and free Convention, which
rights do pertain to them and their posterity as the basis and
foundation of government.
I. That all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have
certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of
society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their
posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means
of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining
happiness and safety.
II. That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from, the
People; that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all
times amenable to them.
III. That Government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common
benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation or
community;--of all the various modes and forms of government, that is
best which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness
and safety, and is most effectually secured against the danger of
maladministration;--and that, whenever any Government shall be found
inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community
hath an indubitable, unalienable, and indefeasible right to reform,
alter or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive
to the public weal.[34]
[34] Rutland, Mason, I, 287-289.
In 16 articles the Declaration goes on to: prohibit hereditary offices;
separate the legislative, executive, and judicial branches; assure that
elections shall be free; prevent suspending law or executing laws without
consent of the representatives of the people; guarantee due process in
criminal prosecutions; prevent excessive bail and cruel and unusual
punishments; eliminate general warrants for search and seizure; provide
jury trials in property disputes; assert "that the freedom of the press
is one of the great bulwarks of liberty and can never be restrained but
by despotic governments"; provide for a well-regulated militia and warn
against standing armies in peacetime; declare that no government can
exist within the state independent of the government of Virginia; and
grant to all men equally "the free exercise of religion, according to the
dictates of conscience." (While this article granted free expression of
religion, it did not end the establishment of the former Church of
England as the official state church in Virginia. Full separation of
church and state did not occur until the General Assembly passed
Jefferson's famous Statute for Religious Freedom in 1786.)
The most intriguing article is XV, which is not a declaration of a right
as much as it is a reminder that citizens who do not exercise their
rights soon lose them.
XV. That no free government, or the blessing of Liberty, can be
preserved to any people, but by a firm adherence to justice,
moderation, temperance, frugality and virtue, and by a frequent
recurrence to fundamental principles.
Nowhere is the break with England more clear than in the proclamation
that "all men are by nature equally free and independent". No longer were
Virginians claiming rights which were theirs as Englishmen; they now were
claiming rights which were theirs as human beings. These were natural
rights which belong to all persons everywhere and no one, either in the
past or the future could alienate, eliminate, or diminish those rights.
A second vital observation is the Declaration's firm adherence to the
doctrine of popular sovereignty--the power of the government is derived
from the people and can be exercised only with their consent or the
consent of their elected representatives.
A third observation, among many which can be made, is that for the first
time a sovereign state prevented itself and its own legislature from
infringing on the basic liberties of its peoples. The possible assault on
popular rights by an elected legislature had been made all too vivid by
parliament in the 1760's and 1770's.
Edmund Randolph said one aim of the Declaration was to erect "a perpetual
standard". John Adams had warned "we all look up to Virginia for
example". Neither Randolph nor Adams could have been disappointed.
Mason's Declaration of Rights was utilized by Jefferson as he drafted the
Declaration of Independence, written into the bills of rights of numerous
other states, and finally in 1791 was incorporated into the Federal
Constitution as the Bill of Rights.
Declaration of Independence
In Philadelphia, Lee introduced the Virginia independence resolution on
June 7, 1776. On that day only seven colonies were prepared to vote
"aye". Therefore, congress put off a full vote until July 1, hoping by
that date for all states to have received instructions from home. In the
meantime congress appointed John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman
of Connecticut, Robert R. Livingston of New York, and Thomas Jefferson to
draft a declaration. For nearly two weeks Jefferson, with the advice of
Adams and Franklin, wrote and rewrote the draft, seeking just the right
phrase, the right concept. On June 28 the committee laid its draft before
the chamber. On July 4 the Congress completed its revisions. The changes
were few when one considers the normal way legislative bodies amend and
rewrite the very best of prose. Still the changes were too many for the
red-haired delegate from Albemarle County, Virginia, who possessed an
ample store of pride in his own words. Jefferson thought his version had
been manhandled; Lee went further and said it had been "mangled".
The preamble to the Declaration of Independence is timeless. There in
clear and unmistakable language is a rationale for revolution, not just
1776, but all revolutions.
When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one
people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with
another, and to assume among the Powers of the earth, the separate
and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and Nature's God
entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires
that they should declare the causes which impel them to the
separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the
pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are
instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of
the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes
destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or
to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation
on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them
shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.
Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established
should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly
all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer,
while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing
the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of
abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a
design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it
is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new
Guards for their future security.--Such has been the patient
sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which
constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The
history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated
injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the
establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove
this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
The last thread which held the colonies to Britain was the king and to
cut that thread Jefferson and the Congress charged him with all the acts
of parliament and the ministries. As Dumas Malone remarks:
The charges in the Declaration were directed, not against the British
people or the British Parliament, but against the King. There was a
definite purpose in this. Jefferson, and the great body of the
Patriots with him, had already repudiated the authority of
Parliament.... Now ... the onus must be put on George III himself.
Such a personification of grievances was unwarranted on strict
historical grounds. This was the language of political controversy,
not that of dispassionate scholarship.[35]
[35] Malone, Jefferson the Virginian, 224.
Parliament, in fact, is not mentioned at all. Jefferson would not even
acknowledge its existence, referring to it instead as "others" who have
joined with the king in these "repeated injuries and usurpations." But
before we worry too much about the king and sympathize with those who
believe "poor George" has suffered unnecessary abuse, let us remember
that we now know the king, while neither vindictive nor a tyrant, was an
adherent to the policies proposed by his ministers which brought disunion
to the empire.
On July 4, 1776, by a vote of 12-0, with New York abstaining, the
colonies voted independence. On July 8 the Declaration was read publicly.
On July 15 New York voted "yes". And on August 2 most delegates signed
the formal Declaration itself. (The last signer did not put his signature
on it until 1781.)
Just as George Washington misjudged himself and history when he remarked,
"Remember, Mr. Henry, what I now tell you: from the day I enter upon the
command of the American armies, I date my fall, and the ruin of my
reputation," so Jefferson thought little of his composition. He was much
more interested in and concerned about the Virginia Constitution. At
first he was not identified as the author of the Declaration, for the
names of all those who signed were not revealed until January 1777. He
was wrong, of course, as the judgment of time has confirmed. The
Declaration is the greatest political statement written by an American.
To the citizens of the United States it was, and has remained, the most
popular and beloved of all their public documents.
The Virginia Constitution, June 29, 1776
One mark of the revolutionary generation's greatness is seen in this
series of simultaneous events taking place in June 1776. One Virginian,
George Washington, was assembling an army to defend the new nation; two
Virginians, Richard Henry Lee and Thomas Jefferson, were leading the
congress to independence; and a third group, George Mason and the
Virginia Convention were constructing a new government for Virginia. Just
as Virginia was the first colony to declare independence, she was also
the first state to draft a new form of government.
The convention had charged Mason and his committee with writing "such a
plan as will most likely maintain peace and order in this colony, and
secure substantial and equal liberty to the people". Within two weeks
Mason had completed his task. It was not, however, a work of haste, for
Mason had contemplated for a long time the proper form of government. To
Mason and most Virginians the constitution must: 1) give life to the
liberties set forth in the Declaration of Rights; 2) prevent those
tyrannies of government which had undermined the once ideal English
constitution; and 3) preserve those elements which had been the strengths
of the old colonial government. The Constitution of 1776 achieved these
ends.
Virginia was made a commonwealth. As Robert Rutland tells us, "Mason's
choice of the word 'commonwealth' was no happenstance. Mason knew
passages of John Locke's Second Treatise on Government verbatim.
None struck Mason more forcefully than Locke's notion that a commonwealth
was a form of government wherein the legislature was supreme." There was
a consensus within the convention that there should be a separation of
powers between executive, legislative, and judicial functions, but no
equality of powers. The legislative function was to be supreme.
The residual power in the Constitution of 1776 is vested in the people
and exercised through the General Assembly. Within the General Assembly
the House of Delegates was to be supreme. The Assembly had two houses:
The House of Delegates, replacing the House of Burgesses, had two members
from each county and one from each town; and the Senate, replacing the
old royally-appointed council, had 24 members chosen from 24 districts
throughout the state. A peculiarity of this constitution was the use of
12 electors, chosen by the voters in each district, to actually choose
the senator from that district. All legislation originated in the House
of Delegates, the Senate being allowed to amend all laws except
appropriation bills, which it had to accept or reject completely.
Mindful of royal authority and disdainful of executive power, the
constitution emasculated the power of the governor, leaving him a "mere
phantom". Elected annually by the combined vote of the General Assembly
for a maximum of three consecutive terms, the governor had no veto power
and virtually no power of executive action. He could not act between
legislative sessions without approval of an eight-man Council of State.
This council was elected by the assembly "to assist in the administration
of government". In truth, the council restrained the executive.
The virtual semi-autonomy of the county courts and the justices of the
peace remained. A system of state courts was provided for, its judges
also elected by the assembly. Property qualifications for voters and for
office holders continued in force. No clergymen were permitted to hold
state office.[36]
[36] Rutland, Mason, I, 295-310.
The constitution, then retained what had worked well in the past--the
General Assembly and the county court system; granted to the House of
Delegates the written powers it had claimed as the colonial House of
Burgesses; eliminated the royally elected council, but retained the idea
of an upper house composed of men of property; and totally restrained the
governor. Thus, if one definition of a commonwealth is a government in
which the legislature is supreme, then Virginia in 1776 was certainly a
commonwealth. This constitution became a model for many other state
governments, although most states benefited from the unfortunate
experiences of governors Henry (1776-1779) and Jefferson (1779-1781) and
gave their executives greater administrative latitude.
Jefferson had hastened back from Philadelphia to try to influence the
writing of the constitution. He arrived too late to have much effect
beyond appending to the constitution a preamble paraphrasing the
Declaration of Independence. But many of his ideas were too
"democratical". He feared the constitution did not have the force of true
law, for it had been written by a convention not elected for that purpose
by the people. Nor had the people voted directly on the constitution.
Jefferson was even more concerned about the remaining vestiges of
feudalism, aristocracy, and privilege. He succeeded in eliminating
primogeniture (the eldest child has greater inheritance rights than the
younger children) and entails (a person could place restrictions on the
use of his property in perpetuity). Both primogeniture and entail smacked
of inequality and alienation of rights by one generation against the
next. Although his Statute on Religious Freedom was not passed until
1786, each session after 1776 saw Jefferson successfully whittle down the
privileges of the once-established Anglican Church. From 1776 until 1778
Jefferson, Wythe, and Pendleton labored on a revision of the state law
code, but only a part of their code was adopted. A revised criminal code
was not fully enacted until the 1790's. Jefferson made little headway on
his plans for public education.
There is no evidence that Virginians were concerned that the convention
had written a constitution without their direct approval. The
Constitution of 1776 remained in effect until 1830. Virginians developed
great pride concerning the work of this revolutionary convention. Here a
group of the richest and best men in the colony had initiated revolution,
articulated a philosophy for revolution, and established a frame of
government which were to be widely imitated throughout the country and
adopted in part in France.
Out of this transformation of the English constitution into a government
for the Commonwealth of Virginia men like Jefferson, Henry, Mason, and
even the more conservative Bland and Pendleton had produced a truly
radical doctrine of popular sovereignty, an appeal to a higher law--the
law of nature and Nature's God, the replacement of virtual representation
with direct representation, and the substitution of a balance of
interests within the Virginia society for the old English theory of a
balanced government comprising crown, nobility, and commons in restraint
of each other.
In the words of historian Bailyn, they had worked "a substantial
alteration in the order of society as it was known" in 1775. They had
unloosened a "contagion of liberty" which could not be restrained.[37]
Ultimately Virginians and Americans came to believe the rhetoric of the
Declaration of Rights and the Declaration of Independence when they read
the words "all men are created equal" to mean "all persons". If it is
something of an anomaly that the men who wrote these words were
slaveholders, it is no anomaly that these words came to be accepted as
"self-evident truths" when later generations applied these truths to the
rights of man, regardless of race, creed, color, religion, or national
origin. But that was a long way off. June-July 1776 was the beginning of
a great experiment, not the finished product.
[37] Bernard Bailyn, Ideological Origins of the American
Revolution, Harvard University Press, 1962, chapter 4.
The British-Americans: The Virginia Loyalists
Jefferson was correct in stating that Virginians moved forward to war
with greater unity and with fewer examples of Torism than any other
colony. Robert Calhoon, historian of loyalism, notes Virginia Loyalists
consisted "of a handful of Anglican clergymen, the members of a moribund
Royal Council, and several hundred Scottish merchants, and were ... not a
very formidable coalition." This confirms the much older view of Isaac
Harrell who characterized Virginia loyalists as small in number, not more
than a few thousand, whose activities after the departure of Governor
Dunmore were limited. Only in the Norfolk area, the Hobbs Hole region of
Middlesex County, in Accomac County on the Eastern Shore, and in the
isolated frontier area along the Monongahela River, claimed jointly by
Pennsylvania and Virginia, were there enough loyalists to even suggest a
majority of the population. "Of the 2,500 claims filed with British
government for loyalist property lost during the Revolution, only 140
were from Virginia." Most of these 140 claims were made by British
natives living in Virginia at the outbreak of the war. Only 13 were
Virginians.
Except for the Dunmore raids in 1775-1776 and an abortive plot in 1776 by
Dr. John Connolly in the Fort Pitt region there were no loyalist military
operations in Virginia. Several hundred loyalists joined the royal army,
a small number in comparison to most colonies. Most loyalists went to
London or Glasgow. Except for William Byrd III and Attorney-General John
Randolph, most native Virginia loyalists, including Richard Corbin, John
Grymes, and Ralph Wormeley stayed quietly on their plantations.[38]
Virginia's only nobleman, aging recluse, Thomas, Sixth Lord Fairfax,
owner of the Northern Neck, 9,000 square miles of land, remained
untouched at his hunting lodge in Frederick County.
[38] Robert M. Calhoon. The Loyalists in Revolutionary America,
1760-1781, (Harcourt, Brace: New York, 1973), 458; Isaac Harrell,
Loyalism in Virginia (Duke University, 1926), 62-65.
In the early years there was a general appreciation of the difficulty
some Virginians had experienced in breaking with England and swearing
allegiance to a new nation. This switch was especially difficult for
members of the governor's council and the Anglican clergy who had taken
personal oaths of allegiance to the king, not a casual act in the 18th
Century. Most of these men and women had been respected leaders in
pre-Revolutionary Virginia, had many friends, brothers, and sons in the
patriot camp, and took no direct action to support the British. Generally
they were well treated.
As the war moved along, however, and the colonists suffered enormous
losses in the winters of 1777 and 1778, sympathy decreased and demands
for public declaration of allegiance to the patriot cause grew. Laws were
passed providing for heavy taxation and then confiscation of loyalist
properties. The fortunes of the war can almost be read in the evolution
of loyalist laws. After the battle of Great Bridge (1775) the convention
allowed those who had borne arms against Virginia to take an oath of
allegiance to the Committee of Safety. Most Norfolk area loyalists did.
But when Dunmore persisted in raiding Virginia that spring, the
convention, in May 1776, changed the law and declared those who aided the
"enemy" subject to imprisonment and their property to seizure. In
December 1776 the new General Assembly voted that those who joined the
enemy or gave aid and comfort were to be arrested for treason. If guilty,
they would be executed. Those guilty of adherence to the authority of the
king (as opposed to those who refused to support the new government) were
subject to heavy fines and imprisonment.
A major turning point occurred in 1777 when general patriot outcries
against those not supporting the Revolutionary cause forced the assembly
to pass a test oath. Washington and Jefferson were especially vocal on
this point. Every male over 16 was required to renounce his allegiance to
the king and to subscribe to a new oath of allegiance to Virginia. In
1778 those who refused to take the oath were subjected to double
taxation; in 1779 the tax was tripled. In 1779 legal procedures for the
sale of sequestered and confiscated property were established and sales
begun, although these sales never brought the income expected to the
financially hard pressed state.
A similar progression from toleration to harshness faced the merchants
who had stayed in the colonies as well as those who had fled. The latter
had much of their property confiscated and their ships seized. Those who
stayed found there was no neutrality. The key issue here was debt
payment. The assembly declared that the new Virginia paper money
circulated was legal tender and must be accepted for both new and pre-war
debts. Many Virginians took advantage of this opportunity to pay their
debts in the inflated money, a move which caused many problems after the
war when attempts were made to straighten out personal British accounts.
There was no sympathy for those who protested the inequity of this
action. Revolutions and civil wars seldom bring equity. The remarkable
thing is that in Virginia the Revolution progressed with so little
internal strife.[39]
[39] Harrell, Loyalism in Virginia, 66-96.
The War at Home, 1776-1780
From the time Dunmore left in July 1776, until the British moved into
Virginia again in 1779, Virginians fought the war for independence on the
soils of the other colonies. Their main contributions were providing the
men and material which all wars demand. When one considers the natural
reluctance of colonials to serve outside their own boundaries,
Virginians' record of men and supplies were good.
The demands on the Virginia economy were great. With much of the natural
granary in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Long Island occupied by British
forces and the middle state ports blockaded, pleas from Washington for
Virginia meat and food supplies were constant. Munitions works at Westham
(Richmond), Fredericksburg, and Fort Chiswell and naval shipyards at
Gosport, South Quay, and Chickahominy River operated at full capacity. A
major munitions magazine opened at Point of Fork on the James River in
Fluvanna County, and small iron furnaces appeared throughout the Piedmont
and in the Valley areas. In 1779 Virginia exports of food and grain
outside the United States were halted and redirected to the needs of
Congress. Everywhere Virginians began to spin and weave their own cloth.
Simpler life styles became the order of the war.
The plainer way of life was not just a patriotic morale-builder. It was a
necessity. The natural trade routes between the Chesapeake and Britain
were closed and the tobacco trade was ruined. To finance the war the
assembly taxed nearly everything which could be taxed. Many taxes were
those which the Virginians had rejected when imposed by parliament,
including legal papers and glass windows. The difference was the
necessity or war and the source of the tax laws--the people's own elected
representatives.
Taxes, alone, however have never financed a major war. As in the French
and Indian War, Virginia issued paper money and floated state loans.
Between 1776-1780 the state debt reached £26,000,000 and in the following
two years nearly doubled. By 1779 loans and taxes were not enough and the
assembly levied taxes on commodities as well as currency. Taxpayers had
to make payments in grain, hemp, or tobacco rather than inflated paper
money alone. Inflation set in. By 1780 coffee, when you could get it,
sold for $20 per pound, shoes were $60 per pair, and better grades of
cloth were bringing $200 a yard. The exchange rate of Virginia money to
hard coins (specie) was 10-1 in 1778, 60-1 in early 1780, and then
spiraled upwards to 150-1 in April 1780, 350-1 in July, and was going out
of sight as Cornwallis' army ravaged the state. It never reached the
ratio of 1,000-1 as did the Continental Congress currency, but the phrase
"not worth a Continental" might equally have applied to Virginia money.
Few of those who served Virginia and the new nation, whether as officers,
footsoldiers, governors, judges, or clerks, did so without suffering
substantial financial losses. In many cases they were never reimbursed
even for actual expenses.[40] Unfortunately there were many who reaped
profits by exploiting the situation.
[40] For a good description of the economic impact of the war on
one dedicated Virginian, read Emory Evans' Thomas Nelson of
Yorktown: Virginia Revolutionary (University Press,
Charlottesville, 1975), 65-123.
There also were thousands who moved across the mountains to new lands in
the Valley, southwestern Virginia, and Kentucky. In fact, Virginia had to
head off an attempt by North Carolinians, headed by Richard Henderson, to
detach Kentucky from Virginia. The state had to watch attempts by other
states to claim Virginia lands in the Ohio country. To forestall these
attempts Virginia took two steps. In 1776 the Assembly divided Fincastle
County into three counties--Kentucky, Montgomery, and Washington and
established local governments there; and she agreed to ratify the new
Articles of Confederation only upon the condition that all other states
agree to give up their claims to the Ohio country and that all new states
created from those territories have the same rights and privileges as the
original states. In so doing, Virginians, under the leadership of
Jefferson, formulated a colonial policy for the western lands which
assured equality for the new states, a most important guarantee that
there would be no superior and inferior states in the new United States.
All states would be equal.
It should be remembered that this was never a total war. Independence
simply demanded that Washington, the Continental Congress, and the states
keep an army in the field and a fleet on the seas until the British
accepted the fact that they could not defeat the Americans or until they
decided victory was not worth the cost. Whenever the call came,
Virginians poured forth in sufficient numbers and with sufficient
supplies in the crucial days of 1777-1778 and 1780-1781 to prevent
defeat. And in 1781 they were there in enough numbers to insure victory
at Yorktown.