Dante belonged to the scholastic age, and to the Middle Age; but he

stood alone both in his art and his artifice. Poets less serious than

he, poets like Boccaccio and Chaucer, had other cares. As they drew

near the end of their occasionally very light-hearted poems, they began

to think about their own end as well as that of their poesy. Fears of

the Archdeacon and his “Somonour,” fears of a summons still more dread

beset them. The more they had written about pagan antiquity as if

they believed in it, the more necessary it became to make their peace

with Heaven before they had done. _The Canterbury Tales_ were never

finished, so one cannot say whether Chaucer’s wholesale recantation of

the “worldly vanitees” of them, of _Troilus_, and of practically all

that has made him immortal was really designed to fit on to the end of

them or not. It certainly looks as if it was; and one can believe that

The Wife of Bath, mine Host and others of the joyful company may have

required some extenuation before the Recording Angel. So perhaps did

_Troilus and Cresseide_, for which he provides a careful and solemn

ending, following Boccaccio there as elsewhere. He shades off Troilus’

death very artfully by the translation of his “light gooste” to the

eighth sphere of Heaven, from which elevation he was able to look down

at the mourners bewailing his decease. And then the poet is elevated in

his turn and, dropping all his debonair detachment, himself translated,

becomes a pulpiteer of the best. “Such fyn,” he cries:

“Such fyn hath then this Troilus for love!

Such fyn hath all his greté worthinesse!”

It is fierce and powerful pulpit eloquence, mounting up and up until he

reaches a height of scorning what he had previously loved, from which

invective may be poured out like lava from Vesuvius:

“Lo here, of payen’s curséd oldé rights!

Lo here, what all their Goddés may availe!”

which, considering he began his poem by invoking the help of those same

gods, seems ungrateful, not to say ungracious. The last stanza is quite

simply a doxology:

“Thou one, and two, and three, eterne in life,

That reignest aye in three, and two, and one,”

just such an accomplished and charming doxology as might be expected

from Chaucer--but, all the same, a doxology. To such strange uses did

poets lend their muse when they loved paynimry and were horribly afraid

of it too.

Freed from the overshadowing of a wrath to come, Milton was able to

concentrate upon poetic excellence, as indeed he did. You will look far

before you find so serene and beautiful a close to a long poem as that

of _Paradise Lost._ Pity and terror contend in the last paragraph. When

the Archangel with his burning brand, and the attendant Cherubim, faces

in the fire, descend and take possession of Eden, terror holds us; but

then, pity:

“They, looking back, all th’ eastern side beheld

Of Paradise so late their happy seat....”

They were mortal, that pair. Mortals have short memories, but long

hopes. So--

“Some natural tears they dropped, but wiped them soon;

The world was all before them where to choose

Their place of rest, and Providence their guide.

They, hand in hand, with wandering steps and slow,

Through Eden took their solitary way.”

The dream was over. Life began its “search for rest.” Beautiful indeed,

and exactly observed.

I must here leave the Muse with barely a glance at the Victorians,

which suffices nevertheless to reveal that they adopted the rhetorical

device of the peroration. Tennyson uses it in _In Memoriam_ and _Maud_,

Browning in _The Ring and the Book_, Swinburne, very finely, in

_Tristram of Lyonesse_, and very characteristically too with his usual

catchword. I don’t know how many considerable poems there may be of

Swinburne’s which do not end with the word “sea,” but believe that the

fingers of one hand would be too many for them. In _Sordello_ Browning

chose the mediæval colophon, the _Ci falt la geste_, when he shut down

his long enigma with

“Who would has heard Sordello’s story told,”

and laid himself open to the easy retort that it was not at all true.

But the grandest finale of our times remains to be told: Tennyson’s

closing lines of _Idylls of the King_. I do not refer to the Envoy,

which is only a postscript to the Dedication. I mean rather the end of

“The Passing of Arthur”: Sir Bedivere on the shore, “straining his eyes

beneath an arch of hand” to see the barge out of sight, “down that long

water opening on the deep”; to see it go,

“From less to less and vanish into light--”

Then one more line, one more picture:

“And the new sun rose bringing the new year.”

Superb! Nothing in the _Idylls_ became Tennyson like the leaving them.

They do not form an epic; but the end is epical.

And now for prose.

II

You cannot end a book of prose as you can a poem, for the simple reason

that prose does not appeal to the emotions directly, as poetry does,

but by way of the reason. By emotion you can carry off anything that

you may have had the passion to begin and continue; but the reason asks

another satisfaction. You may win emotional assent to a proposition

that two and two make three, or five. In the heat of the moment it

will pass. Reason won’t take it in on the mere statement. If some such

result is to be the outcome of your book--and it is that of many and

many a novel--you must be careful how you conclude; and it will be

seen, I think, that so the novelists have been.

The simplest way of ending a story, you might think, would be to say

That’s all, and get off your tub. It was the way, we saw, of the

rough-and-ready intelligence which carved the _Song of Roland_ out of

some huge rhymed chronicle: _Ci falt la geste que Turoldus declinet_.

It is the way of the colophon. But even the colophon must be meditated

and prepared for; so it is not the real end but only part of it. Sir

Thomas Malory had a long colophon to the _Mort d’Arthur_, including a

bidding prayer on his own account; and then Caxton his printer puts in

a word for himself; but it is led up to by a page which sees Lancelot

and Guinevere dead and buried, the realm of England disposed of, and

the later fortunes of the few knights left alive. It is a deliberate,

not a summary end to a great book--the end “in calm of mind, all

passion spent,” which such a book should have. It is, again, the way

chosen by Gibbon for _The Decline and Fall_. You have a dignified

and sufficient summary of the whole work in a sentence of twelve

co-ordinate clauses, set stately apart by their semicolons. Then comes

a brief reflection of the author’s--“It was among the ruins of the

Capitol that I first conceived the idea of a work which....” And then,

after that momentary tribute to his personal share in it, he makes a

formal submission of it “to the curiosity and candour of the public.”

Mannerly and contained to the last, the good Gibbon. Nobody ever came

down from a tub with more self-respect; yet Boswell came down pretty

well too:

“Such,” he concludes, “was Samuel Johnson, a man whose talents,

acquirements and virtues were so extraordinary, that the more his

character is considered, the more he will be regarded by the present

age, and by posterity, with admiration and reverence.” He was, at

least, sufficiently moved to forget himself altogether--which is very

much to his credit. Yet he does not satisfy like Gibbon.

Carlyle was tired with _Frederick_, and, may be, out of conceit with

it. His conclusion is short, and his colophon barbarous. “Adieu,

good readers; bad also, adieu,” is rather bravado than bravery. More

courteous, more inclusive, serener and braver is the conclusion of

_The French Revolution_. One sniff there is, at the “Citizen King,

frequently shot at, not yet shot,” recollection of a Teufelsdröckian

prophecy, neither here nor there; and then a paragraph of valediction.

“Toilsome was our journeying together; not without offence; but it is

done.... Ill stands it with me if I have spoken falsely; thine also it

was to hear truly. Farewell.” A beautiful colophon.

Carlyle was a scolding philosopher; Montaigne had been a shrugging one.

His last essai, _De l’Expérience_, is very long, but appropriately the

conclusion of a ripe and profitable book. The end of the matter deals

with what, according to him, is the end of life itself, “de scavoir

jouyr loyallement de son estre.” “So much art thou God,” he continues,

“as thou knowest thyself for man.” His bidding prayer is on behalf

of old age, addressed to the God of Health and Wisdom--“mais gaye et

sociale.” It is very French to lay down in terms at once the nature of

your God and your need of him. Compare with it old Burton’s “corollary

and conclusion” of the _Anatomy_:

“Be not alone, be not idle”:

then, as he must always be quoting,

“Hope on, ye wretched,

Beware, ye fortunate”--

encouragement and warning in one.

The novelist, whose aim has been your entertainment, and who has never

lost the habit of the market-place in which he certainly began, had

his own peculiar cares as the time approached for his last words. If

he had earned applause and assent to heights and moments of his tale,

could he make sure of them by a quiet end? Or must he earn them by a

final shock? Should he burst into a bouquet of stars in the upper air,

like a rocket, or come down like its stick? Each way has been chosen.

_The Mill on the Floss_ ends sublimely in the air, or, strictly, the

water; so in its own way--not at all sublimely--does _Tristram Shandy_;

but the majority of novelists have favoured the gentle decline of the

narrative to the marriage or death-bed, and generally speaking, the

longer the novel the quieter the end. Efforts to endear, however, can

always be discerned. The earliest novel of all shows us an expedient

in practice which has remained in use down to the Victorian age, and

only been discarded by the ultra-moderns even now. Daphnis and Chloe in

Longus’s old tale are married at the end of the book. The last picture

in it shows the lovers in each other’s arms; and the last words of it

are these:

“And Daphnis now profited by Lykainion’s lesson; and Chloe then first

knew that those things that were done in the wood were only the sweet

sports of children.”

The shift is very plain. It is to recall to the memory the most moving

or provocative episodes in your tale, in the hope that the thrill they

afforded him once will revive in the reader and lift you over the

end. It is a sound rhetorical device by no means disdained by high

practitioners in the art. Sir Walter used it in _Waverley_, when, on

the last page, he recovered the _poculum potatorium_ for the Baron of

Bradwardine. He had an affection for the Baron, it is obvious; but

he rightly felt him to have been his strongest card, and relied on

him to win him the last trick. Often the novelist may be mistaken and

table the wrong card, as Dickens certainly was when he ended _Nicholas

Nickleby_ with tears upon Smike’s grave, believing that shadow to have

been a trump. He should have led Mrs. Nickleby. How wisely Jane Austen

played out her hand in _Emma_, whose last paragraph is enjewelled with

reflections of Mrs. Elton’s:

“Very little white satin, very few lace veils; a most pitiful business!

Selina would stare when she heard of it!”

Jane Austen was incomparable alike in beginnings and endings.

Instead of recalling with insistence your strongest points, you may

make a last effort to carry off what you doubt have been your weakest.

There is much of that in both Dickens and Thackeray. In _Dombey and

Son_, for example, it is evident that Dickens desired to extenuate what

he felt had been an excess of starch in Mr. Dombey. The last page and a

half of the book deglutinates him with a vengeance. The man of buckram

ends up as a weeping goose. Agnes Wickfield in _Copperfield_ had never

been convincing, nor had Estella in _Great Expectations_. The last

pages of those novels are devoted to the service of the pair of ladies;

but the effort is too plain, and the reader withholds assent. So with

Thackeray, who spends his last drop of ink in _Pendennis_ on Laura,

and in _Esmond_ to pulling off the amazing marriage of a man and his

grandmother. In vain! The end of _Vanity Fair_ is tame, because Dobbin

is tame; the true end of _The Newcomes_ is the _Adsum_ of Colonel

Newcome: very beautiful and not to be bettered. The epilogue, with its

trite exhibition of strings and wires, had been better omitted. It is

on all fours with _Don Quixote_, which really ends with the epitaph of

Samson Carrasco upon the Ingenious Gentleman. The ensuing reflections

of Cid Hamet Benengeli are not to the purpose, but, in fact, counter to

it.

I have left almost to the last that conventional ending to novels

best described as the Wedding Bells ending, or, in the consecrated

fairy-tale phrase, “And they lived happily ever after.” I wonder what

is the attitude of the ordinary novelist to that? Fielding, now. Did

he write the end of _Tom Jones_ and _Amelia_ with a shrug, or did

he really believe that all was going to be for the best for the two

charming women married to a couple of scamps? Moralist and satirist

as he was to the roots, are those cynical endings? I cannot help

suspecting it. No such doubt afflicts you with Anthony Trollope, who

nearly always tied all his knots at the close. But Trollope worked

in sober tones. His heroes and heroines had few rapturous moments,

but loved temperately, hoped moderately, and if they longed, said

little about it. His fondness for carrying over shows us some of his

young people sedately and reasonably jogging along: Mr. and Mrs.

Frank Gresham, Lord and Lady Lufton, Dr. Thorne and his Dunstable. We

see them seated in the mean, contented if not happy. On the whole, I

commend the cradle rather than the altar as a more hopeful ending. It

is charmingly used by M. Anatole France in the most charming of all his

books. M. France does not often incline to the idyll. The French do

not. Consider the last words of Stendhal’s _Chartreuse de Parme_:

“Les prisons de Parme étaient vides, le comte immensément riche, Ernest

V. adoré de ses sujets, qui comparaient son gouvernement à celui des

grands-ducs de Toscane.”

Well may he have added to that the final address, To the happy few! I

should do him wrong if I did not remark that it is on the last page of

the novel that Stendhal mentions, for the first and only time in it,

the Chartreuse de Parme itself.

The French novelists favour irony at the close. It may be that they owe

it to Voltaire:

“Pangloss used to say sometimes to Candide: All the things that happen

to us are linked one to another in this best of all possible worlds;

for indeed if you had not been driven out of a fine castle by kicks

behind for Cunégonde’s sake, if you had not endured the Inquisition,

traversed America on your two feet, driven your sword through the

Baron’s body, lost all your fine sheep of Eldorado, you would not at

this moment be eating lemon preserve and pistachio nuts. It is well

said, replied Candide; but we must go on digging our garden.”

Flaubert adopted that sort of thing for _l’Education Sentimentale_,

whose last is its best page. It is good to have arrived there, anyhow;

and pleasant to depart on a happy thought.

How nearly the latter-day, strictly modern method allies the novel

to the story of Cambuscan bold, I have no space left in which to

tell the strictly modern reader--who also knows more about it than

I do. Aposiopesis has its points, one of which certainly is that as

anything you please has happened already, it can happen again, and may

as well. But it presumes too much upon the immunity afforded by the

printing-press. If the modern story-teller tried that game upon an

auditorium, and proposed to take himself off with his characters left

sitting, it is long odds that he himself would not have anything worth

talking about left to sit upon. The only requital open to the reader,

unfortunately, is to cease to be one; and that is very much what I

understand him to be doing.

BEAUMARCHAIS

I have often wondered what were the feelings of the growing boy

upon whom it slowly dawned that his sponsors had had him christened

Hyacinth, or Achilles. Was he conscious of inspiration or the reverse?

The discovery must have been frequent in France, where the reign of

Louis XV in particular was a flowering time for names. There was an

Anarcharsis Klootz, there was a Maximilien Robespierre. When to the

unremarkable patronym of Caron there were prefixed the resounding

syllables, Pierre-Augustin, to the wearer of them at least the things

became a trumpet. He shrilled himself upon them into the far corners

of Europe. The Empress Catherine chuckled over him in her Winter

Palace; her august neighbour had him read to her, evenings, in Vienna.

Horace Walpole, while declining his acquaintance, wrote of him with

astonishment to Mme. du Deffand; Voltaire at Ferney thought that there

must be something in him. And there was. First and always, impudence.

He would look anyone in the face, and never be discountenanced himself.

Next, good humour: in his worst hours he bore no grudges, and in his

best so few as make no matter. When he had his enemy face to face,

and was really at grips with him, he could always hold back from the

fray to let off a joke or turn an attack by a compliment. There was

a Madame Goëzman with whom he was badly embroiled in civil process.

When they were before the registrar, and she was asked, Did she

know the plaintiff--“I neither know nor desire ever to know him,”

said she. “Neither have I the honour of Madame’s acquaintance,” said

Pierre-Augustin in his turn; “but having seen her, I am constrained to

a desire exactly the opposite of hers.” A happy gallantry which ought

to have touched the court, but did not.

Morally, he was like an india-rubber ball: the harder you hit him the

higher he leapt. The Goëzman pair, husband and wife, in the legal

broil just referred to, thought to crush him out of hand by scorn of

his degree in the world. They more than hinted that his father had

been a watchmaker, that they themselves were “noble.” Pierre-Augustin

saw his chance and took it. He held up the Mémoire in which those

injudicious nods and winks had appeared. “You open your _chef d’œuvre_

by reproaching me with the fortunes of my ancestry. It is too true,

Madame, that the latest of them added to other branches of industry

some celebrity in the art of watchmaking. Forced as I am to suffer

judgment upon that point, I confess with sorrow that nothing can

cleanse me from your just reproach that I am the son of my father....

But there I pause, for I feel that he is behind me at this moment,

looking at what I write, and laughing while he pats my shoulder.”

“You,” he goes on, “who think to shame me through my father, have

little conception of the generosity of his heart. Truly, apart

altogether from watchmaking, I have never found another for which

I would exchange it. But I know too well the worth of time,

which he taught me how to measure, to waste it in picking up such

trifles. It is not everyone who can say with M. Goëzman:

‘Je suis le fils d’un Bailli; oui:

Je ne suis pas Caron; non.’”

And so he left it.

However high he leapt, his aims were not high. I don’t think he ever

failed of his heart’s desire. He wanted a title of nobility, and

obtained one, or indeed, some. He was “Ecuyer, Conseiller-Secrétaire

du Roi, Lieutenant Général des Chasses, Baillage et Capitainerie de la

Varenne du Louvre, Grande Vénerie et Fauconnerie de France,” which can

hardly mean more, and may mean considerably less than it sounds; and

all that, when he had earned a territorial name by marriage, enabled

him to become Pierre-Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais. Next, he wanted

money, and had it, and lost it, many times over. Then he wanted to be

talked about; and for a long time Paris, and for some time Europe,

talked of little else. That was when he was conducting two interminable

lawsuits, one growing out of the other, and not only conducting them

with a vivacity and geniality which nothing could tire, but issuing

from the press bulletins of progress of the kind I have attempted

to sample above. It was those Mémoires which entertained equally

Petersburg and Strawberry Hill. Delightful as they must have been to

read when all the actors were alive and buzzing in the courts or on

the quays, they are difficult to follow now. The original suit, which

was to recover a debt on an estate from an executor, was made complex

by French legal process, but the second (in which the Goëzmans were

involved) was complex in itself. The exceedingly delicate point in it

was that Beaumarchais had attempted to bribe a member of the Court, and

actually got the money as far as his wife, where some of it remained,

though the bulk was restored. To recover by law what was still held it

was necessary for Beaumarchais to reject with vehemence the suggestion

that he had tried to suborn justice, while bringing home the fact that

Madame Goëzman had undoubtedly taken his money. He did not, naturally,

succeed; but he incriminated the Goëzman pair, and with them was

condemned in “infamy and civil degradation.” But in reporting his daily

engagements with them, and his verbal victories, he became simply the

hero of the hour, and ultimately carried his main action against the

Comte de la Blache with damages and costs.

That must be a parenthesis, to show how Beaumarchais climbed to his

point of desire, whatever it was at the moment, serving himself alike

of disaster and success. Many were his affairs of the kind, all pursued

with unflagging _enjouement_--as, a breach of promise in Madrid on

behalf of his sister, a row with the mad Duc de Chaulnes about an

“unfortunate female,” a more than dubious, a not at all dubious, plant

upon Maria-Teresa, underground transactions with the Chevalier d’Eon,

gun-running for the United States of America; and finally that upon

which his present fame rests--two comedies which broke all the records

of the theatre for anticipation and realisation. I would not go so far

as to say that he engineered the repeated delays in their performance

which brought expectation up to hysteria if not delirium, but have no

doubt that he courted them, and deserved, if not earned, the proud

result that more people were crushed to death crowding in to the

_Barbier de Seville_ than had ever been so crushed before, and that it

and its sequel, _Le Mariage de Figaro_, ran longer on end than any such

things had ever done. When they threatened to flag their author was the

man to revive them. He knew as much about advertising as Mr. Selfridge,

and had as little use for modesty as Mr. Bernard Shaw. Like that

salient dramatist, he published his plays, and wrote prefaces to them

which are better reading than the text. The pair still hold the stage,

as they were written, and as opera; and I should not be surprised to

hear that they and their author were as generally known as most of

Molière’s and theirs. After all, the same could be said of Sheridan,

with his pair, at the expense of Shakespeare.

Mr. John Rivers,[1] Beaumarchais’ first English biographer, I believe,

has evidently enjoyed his work, and will be read with enjoyment. He is

right in claiming the Life of his hero as a challenge to fiction. It

is first-rate picaresque, nearly as good as Gil Blas, and much better

than Casanova. But I think he rates him too highly as a dramatist. He

considers that Figaro ranks with “Falstaff or Tartufe.” If he does,

it is thanks to Rossini and Mozart: without their help the claim is

surely preposterous. Luckily, he has taken the trouble to translate

large portions of both plays, and so furnished the best corrective

to exaggerated pretensions that we could wish to have. Taken in such

liberal doses, they don’t march. In their original they are not easy

reading, for Beaumarchais, though a brisk, was not a good writer. One

does not ask for fine writing necessarily of a dramatist, but that he

shall attend to his business. Beaumarchais conceives his to be the

making of points. He is apt to be diffuse in reaching them, and to

clinch them tightly when he has them. In French he is often difficult;

in English he is both dull and difficult. It is like reading bad

handwriting on foreign letter-paper. You never seem to get on with the

thing.

The _Barbier_ is not much more than a Commedia dell’ Arte. It is a play

of manœuvring, intrigue the whole affair. Stock characters will do for

that, and you can manage without humour, if you have a sufficiency

of wit. There is perhaps more effervescence than wit, and what wit

there is not of the best kind. It is not concerned with ludicrous

appositions; rather it is paradox, verbal antithesis, the Gratiano

vein. Here is an example. Figaro is reporting to Rosine that Lindor is

her lover, and asks leave to tell her so:

“_Rosine_: Vous me faites trembler, monsieur Figaro.

“_Figaro_: Fi donc, trembler! mauvais calcul, madame. Quand on

cède à la peur du mal, on ressent déjà le mal de la peur....

“_Rosine_: S’il m’aime, il doit me le prouver en restant

absolument tranquille.

“_Figaro_: Eh! madame! amour et repos peuvent-ils habiter en meme

cœur? La pauvre jeunesse est si malheureux aujourd’hui, qu’elle

n’a que ce terrible choix: amour sans repos, ou repos sans amour.”

Last Essays of Maurice Hewlett · 第 7 / 18 段