Blümner, _Technol._ ii. p. 91.
Footnote 3094:
_Op. cit._ i. p. 381: cf. Blümner, ii. p. 64.
Footnote 3095:
_Roman Art in Cirencester_, p. 77.
Footnote 3096:
Plaut. _Epid._ iii. 2, 35; Pliny, _H.N._ vii. 198.
Footnote 3097:
_Art. Poet._ 21.
Footnote 3098:
_Sat._ ii. 7, 86.
Footnote 3099:
ii. 3, 48.
Footnote 3100:
_Capt._ ii. 3, 9; Persius, iii. 23; Avianus, _Fab._ 41, 9.
Footnote 3101:
Shakespeare, 1 _Henry VI._, Act 1, scene 5, line 19.
Footnote 3102:
Smith, _Dict. of Antiqs._[3312] i. p. 844: see below, p. 480; also
Vol. I. p. 207.
Footnote 3103:
_Vases ornés_, ii. p. 338.
Footnote 3104:
See Brongniart, _Traité_, i. p. 423 ff.; Blümner, _Technol._ ii. p.
106; Von Hefner, in _Oberbayr. Archiv für vaterl. Gesch._ xxii.
(1863), pp. 23, 35; and _Röm. Mitth._ 1897, p. 286.
Footnote 3105:
See Fabroni, _Storia degli vasi aretini_, pl. 5, fig. 4.
Footnote 3106:
_Handbook to Mus._ (1891), p. 111.
Footnote 3107:
Brongniart and Riocreux, _Mus. de Sèvres_, pp. 16, 128. For Cerialis
see p. 536 and _C.I.L._ xiii. 10010, 544; for Cobnertus, _ibid._ 592,
and Déchelette, i. p. 179.
Footnote 3108:
_Oberbayr. Archiv für vaterl. Gesch._ xxii. (1863), pp. 23, 24.
Footnote 3109:
Blümner, _Technologie_, ii. p. 104, fig. 21; _Brit. Arch. Assoc.
Journ._ iv. p. 19. Déchelette states that about fifty in all are
known (_op. cit._ i. p. 337).
Footnote 3110:
Brongniart, _Traité_, i. p. 424, pl. 30; _Mus. de Sèvres_, p. 128,
and pl. 9, fig. 8.
Footnote 3111:
_Oberbayr. Archiv_, 1863, p. 24.
Footnote 3112:
Examples of this technique often occur in Gaul and Britain: see
Déchelette, ii. p. 169 ff., and cf. Roach-Smith, _Ill. Rom. Lond._ p.
91, and a fine vase from Felixstowe in the British Museum. See also
Plate LXIX. fig. 2, and p. 529.
Footnote 3113:
See below, p. 530, and Déchelette, ii. p. 235 ff.
Footnote 3114:
Blümner, _Technol._ ii. p. 112.
Footnote 3115:
_E.g._ Blümner, _Technol._ ii. pp. 106, 107, figs. 22, 23.
Footnote 3116:
_Gaz. Arch._ 1881-82, p. 17; Brongniart, _Traité_, pl. 30, figs. 2-4:
see also Déchelette, i. p. 141 ff., and below, p. 525 ff.
Footnote 3117:
Cf. Déchelette in _Revue des Études Anciens_, v. (1903), p. 42.
Footnote 3118:
Blümner, ii. p. 110, fig. 25: cf. Von Hefner in _Oberbayr. Archiv_,
1863, p. 56; Fabroni, _Storia degli antichi vasi aretini_, pls. 3, 5,
p. 63.
Footnote 3119:
Blümner, ii. p. 111; Daremberg and Saglio, ii. _art._ Figlinum, p.
1130.
Footnote 3120:
Cf. von Hefner in _Oberbayr. Archiv für vaterl. Gesch._ xxii. (1863),
p. 55.
Footnote 3121:
_Vases ornés_, ii. p. 312.
Footnote 3122:
Mau-Kelsey, _Pompeii_, p. 386; _Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1875. p. 192;
_Mon. Antichi_, i. pl. 8, 7, p. 282.
Footnote 3123:
_Oberbayr. Archiv für vaterl. Gesch._ xxii. (1863), p. 56 ff.: see
also Blümner, ii. p. 23 ff., and Daremberg and Saglio, ii. _art._
Figlinum.
Footnote 3124:
_Bullet. Arch._ 1898, p. 18 ff., and _Mélanges Gallo-romaines_, ii.
(1902), p. 93 ff.
Footnote 3125:
Brongniart, i. p. 439.
Footnote 3126:
_Rev. Arch._ xviii. (1868), pl. 23, p. 297.
Footnote 3127:
See for a full account of the last-named Von Hefner in _op. cit._ p.
8 ff., p. 56, pl. 4.
Footnote 3128:
See _Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1882, pl. U, to which the letters in the cut
refer. Other kilns found at Heddernheim are described in
_Westdeutsche Zeitschrift_, xviii. (1899), p. 215 ff.
Footnote 3129:
See Haverfield in _Victoria County Hist. of Northants_, i. pp. 167,
207 ff.
Footnote 3130:
_Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc._ i. p. 1 ff., ii. p. 164: see also Wright,
_Celt, Roman, and Saxon_^1, p. 264 ff.; Roach-Smith, _Coll. Antiq._
iv. p. 81, vi. p. 181 ff.
Footnote 3131:
No. 958, fol. 105; reproduced by Roach-Smith, _Collect. Antiq._ vi.
pl. 37, fig. 4, and _Ill. Rom. Lond._ p. 79; _Proc. Soc. Antiqs._ 2nd
Ser. xvi. p. 42.
Footnote 3132:
_Proc. Soc. Antiqs._ xvii. 1898, p. 262.
Footnote 3133:
_Ibid._ xvi. (1895), p. 40.
Footnote 3134:
_Vict. County Hist. of Norfolk_, i. p. 291, fig. 7: see below, p. 449.
Footnote 3135:
_Op. cit._ i. p. 314.
Footnote 3136:
_Ibid._ p. 322.
Footnote 3137:
_Archaeologia_, xxxv. p. 91; _Vict. County Hist. of Hants_, i. p. 326.
Footnote 3138:
Roach-Smith, _Collect. Antiq._ vi. p. 191 ff.; _Vict. County Hist. of
Hants_, i. p. 306.
Footnote 3139:
Roach-Smith, _op. cit._ ii. p. 38; vii. p. 1 ff., pls. 1-3.
Footnote 3140:
Wright, _Celt, Roman, and Saxon_^1, p. 264 ff., and Haverfield in
_Vict. County Hist. of Northants_, give the most satisfactory
epitomes of Artis’ descriptions.
Footnote 3141:
Cato, _Agricult._ 38.
Footnote 3142:
Cf. Von Hefner, _op. cit._ pl. 4, 28-31: see also _Arch. Journ._ vii.
p. 176, and an example from Switzerland in the British Museum
(Romano-British Collection).
Footnote 3143:
See also Déchelette, ii. p. 341.
Footnote 3144:
See Haverfield in _Vict. County Hist. of Northants_, i. p. 207.
Footnote 3145:
_Traité_, i. p. 426.
Footnote 3146:
_Vict. County Hist. of Northants_, i. p. 209.
Footnote 3147:
See Haverfield, _op. cit._ p. 210, fig. 31.
Footnote 3148:
Haverfield, _ibid._; _Handbook of Pottery in Mus. of Pract. Geol._
1893, p. 71.
Footnote 3149:
_Archaeologia_, xxii. pl. 36, p. 413; _Vict. County Hist._ i. p. 291.
Footnote 3150:
See Brongniart, _Traité_, i. p. 428, pl. 1; Artis, _Durobrivae_, pl.
27, figs. 3 and 6; Daremberg and Saglio _s.v._ Fornax, figs. 3201-02.
Footnote 3151:
Brongniart, i. p. 429.
Footnote 3152:
Von Hefner in _Oberbayr. Archiv_ (1863), p. 58.
Footnote 3153:
Cf. Tibull. i. 1, 38:
“Nec e puris spernere fictilibus.
Fictilia antiquus primum sibi fecit agrestis
Pocula de facili composuitque luto.”
Footnote 3154:
_Sat._ ii. 60.
Footnote 3155:
_Sat._ vi. 342.
Footnote 3156:
_Sat._ iii. 168.
Footnote 3157:
Florus, i. 18, 22.
Footnote 3158:
Pliny, _H.N._ xxxiii. 142.
Footnote 3159:
_Ep._ 95, 72.
Footnote 3160:
_Apud_ Athen. vi. 229 D. He uses the curious expression, κέραμος
ἀργυροῦς, which, as in the use of the word κέραμος for marble tiles
(Vol. I. p. 100), implies the antiquity of the use of fictile ware.
See the next note.
Footnote 3161:
vi. 229 C, where the use of κέραμος or dinner-service is discussed.
Footnote 3162:
iv. 72, 131: cf. Mart. xiii. 81.
Footnote 3163:
Suet. _Vit. Vitell._ 13 (_clypeum Minervae_, αἰγίδα πολιούχου).
Footnote 3164:
Pliny, _H.N._ xxxv. 164.
Footnote 3165:
_Ibid._ 163.
Footnote 3166:
iv. 88.
Footnote 3167:
_Capt._ ii. 2, 41.
Footnote 3168:
Virg. _Georg._ ii. 351.
Footnote 3169:
Orelli, _Inser._ 4544; Gruter 607, 1; and see _C.I.L._ i. p 209.
Footnote 3170:
See above, p. 351; and cf. _Archaeologia_, xxv. p. 1 ff.
Footnote 3171:
_C.I.L._ vii. 1335, 1. The vase is now at Clare College, Cambridge.
Footnote 3172:
_H.N._ xxxv. 160 (_fictilibus soliis_).
Footnote 3173:
_Arch. Journ._ x. (1853), p. 230.
Footnote 3174:
_Archaeologia_, xiv. pl. 6, p. 37 (in B.M.).
Footnote 3175:
_Arch. Journ._, _loc. cit._
Footnote 3176:
_Ill. Rom. Lond._ p. 88, and see p. 550.
Footnote 3177:
v. 5, 8.
Footnote 3178:
_Quaest. Nat._ vi. 19: cf. Arist. _Probl._ xi. 8, and Pliny, _H.N._
xi. 270, _doliis inanibus_.
Footnote 3179:
Krause, _Angeiologie_, pp. 126, 463.
Footnote 3180:
See Middleton, _Remains of Ancient Rome_, ii. p. 56.
Footnote 3181:
Middleton, _loc. cit._
Footnote 3182:
Nissen, _Pompeian. Studien_, p. 64.
Footnote 3183:
Nissen, _ibid._
Footnote 3184:
See _Yorks. Arch. Journ._ iii. p. 1 ff., xv. p. 303; _Trans. Roy.
Inst. of Brit. Architects_, 1881-2, p. 65 ff.; _Journ. Brit. Arch.
Assoc._ xxxv. p. 95, xxxviii. p. 218.
Footnote 3185:
xii. 18.
Footnote 3186:
Brongniart, _Traité_, i. p. 407 ff.
Footnote 3187:
ix. 58.
Footnote 3188:
_Bull. Arch. Nap._ N.S. vii. 1859, p. 84; _C.I.L._ x. 8047, 10, 18.
Footnote 3189:
Capitolinus, _Vit. Anton. Pii_, 3.
Footnote 3190:
Varro _ap._ Non. p. 26; Paul, _ex_ Fest. p. 46 (Müller).
Footnote 3191:
Columella, xii. 28, 1; Plaut. _Capt._ iv. 4, 9 (“preserve-jar”).
Footnote 3192:
Isid. _Etym._ xx. 6.
Footnote 3193:
_Agricult._ 39.
Footnote 3194:
_H.N._ xviii. 236.
Footnote 3195:
_Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1846, p. 34.
Footnote 3196:
Marini, _Inscr. Ant. Doliari_, p. 406, No. 2.
Footnote 3197:
Marini, No. 4.
Footnote 3198:
See Fig. 22, Vol. I. p. 154.
Footnote 3199:
_Formen der röm. Thongef._ p. 16, pls. 1-8.
Footnote 3200:
Cf. Koenen, _Gefässkunde_, pls. 10-12.
Footnote 3201:
_Od._ i. 9, 7.
Footnote 3202:
Pliny, _H.N._ xiv. 135.
Footnote 3203:
Cf. Jahn, _Wandgem. d. Villa Pamph._ pl. 5, p. 42.
Footnote 3204:
See Hultsch, _Metrologie_, p. 113.
Footnote 3205:
_Recueil_, p. 46.
Footnote 3206:
Roach-Smith, _Ill. Rom. Lond._ p. 87; _Collect. Antiq._ ii. p. 26.
Footnote 3207:
General reference may be made to the various volumes of the Latin
_Corpus_, under the headings _Instrumentum Domesticum_, sub-heading
_Vascula_, e.g. vii. 1331 for those found in Britain; for examples
from Spain see _Arch. Journ._ lvi. p. 299.
Footnote 3208:
_C.I.L._ vii. 1331, 22, xiii. 10005, 25; Steiner, _Cod. Inscr. Rom.
Danubii et Rheni_, ii. pp. 271, 287; and see generally _C.I.L._ xiii.
part 3, No. 10002.
Footnote 3209:
_C.I.L._ vii. 1331, 6, 13.
Footnote 3210:
_C.I.L._ x. 8056, 260.
Footnote 3211:
_Ibid._ iv. 2555.
Footnote 3212:
_Ibid._ vii. 1332, 1.
Footnote 3213:
_Ibid._ viii. 10477, 1.
Footnote 3214:
_Ibid._ iv. 2552.
Footnote 3215:
See Vol. I. p. 158.
Footnote 3216:
_C.I.L._ x. 8055, 11; iv. 2584, 2616: cf. Vol. I. p. 158.
Footnote 3217:
_C.I.L._ iv. 2603: cf. Pliny, _H.N._ xiv. 75.
Footnote 3218:
_C.I.L._ iv. 2555.
Footnote 3219:
_Ibid._ 2625.
Footnote 3220:
_Ibid._ 2589-94, 2575 ff. On inscribed amphorae from Pompeii see also
Mau-Kelsey, _Pompeii_, p. 505.
Footnote 3221:
Doni, p. lxxxvi. Found on the Aventine, now in the Museo Kircheriano.
Footnote 3222:
_Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch._ 1857, p. 199.
Footnote 3223:
_C.I.L._ xv. pt. 2, No. 4719.
Footnote 3224:
_Ibid._ iv. 2584.
Footnote 3225:
_Poen._ iv. 2, 14: _literatas fictiles epistolas_; the double play on
the words cannot be expressed in English.
Footnote 3226:
_Rud._ ii. 5, 21.
Footnote 3227:
v. 33.
Footnote 3228:
Cf. also Plaut. _Amph._ i. 1, 273; Virg. _Aen._ i. 195 (for the wine
of Acestes).
Footnote 3229:
_Od._ iv. 11, 2; 12, 17.
Footnote 3230:
i. 19, 2: cf. Juv. vi. 344, and p. 477.
Footnote 3231:
i. 56; iv. 66.
Footnote 3232:
x. 36.
Footnote 3233:
Mart. i. 44, 8; Pliny, _H.N._ xviii. 307.
Footnote 3234:
_H.N._ xv. 82.
Footnote 3235:
Mart. vi. 27, 6.
Footnote 3236:
_H.N._ xiv. 96; Isid. _Etym._ xvi. 26, 13.
Footnote 3237:
Hor. _Sat._ ii. 4, 66; Varro, _R.R._ i. 13, 6; Isid. _Etym._ xx. 6.
Footnote 3238:
As often by Virgil and Ovid, usually in the form _cratera_: cf. Isid.
_Etym._ xx. 5.
Footnote 3239:
_Fasti_, v. 522.
Footnote 3240:
Hor. _Sat._ ii. 8, 39; Cic. _in Verr._ iv. 27, 62.
Footnote 3241:
Cic. _de Fin._ iii. 4, 15; Varro, _R.R._ i. 8, 5.
Footnote 3242:
Hor. _Sat._ i. 6, 109: see also Juv. _Sat._ vi. 426; Persius, v. 140;
Isid. _Etym._ xx. 6.
Footnote 3243:
Cic. _in Vatin._ 14, 34; Lucan, v. 394: cf. Marquardt,
_Privataltert._ vii. p. 629, note 3.
Footnote 3244:
_In Verr._ ii. 51, 127: cf. Plutarch, _Vit. T. Gracch._ 11; also
Isid. _Etym._ xx. 6: _Vasis genus aquatilis_.
Footnote 3245:
See Orelli, 4546, and for _urna_, Suet. _Calig._ 15; Lucan, vii. 819;
Ovid, _passim_.
Footnote 3246:
Plaut. _Cas._ ii. 6, 11; Livy, xxv. 3. 16.
Footnote 3247:
_Etym._ xx. 6.
Footnote 3248:
Cf. Caes. _Bell. Civ._ ii. 11; Lucan, iv. 420.
Footnote 3249:
Paul, _ex_ Fest. _ed._ Müller, p. 63, 12.
Footnote 3250:
Plaut. _Curc._ i. 1, 75; _Rud._ v. 2, 32; and see Virg. _Ecl._ vii.
33; Varro, _L.L._ v. 123.
Footnote 3251:
Plaut. _Stich._ ii. 2, 28; Cato, _Agricult._ 11; Varro, _Re Rust._ i.
22: cf. Juv. v. 47 for _nasus_, applied to a cup.
Footnote 3252:
_Ad Fam._ vii. 29: cf. also Plaut. _Aulul._ iv. 2, 15; Pers. iii. 22.
Footnote 3253:
Plaut. _Amph._ i. 1, 273; Cato, _Agricult._ 81; Varro, _ap._ Non.
546, 23.
Footnote 3254:
Martial, xiv. 106; Juv. iii. 203 (_urceoli sex_); Varro, _R.R._ i.
22; Treb. Poll. _Vit. Claud._ 17; Plaut. _Merc._ v. 2, 86; _id._
_Pers._ i. 3, 43; Cic. _Fin._ iv. 12, 30.
Footnote 3255:
Hor. _A.P._ 97: cf. the ληκύθιον episode in the _Frogs_ (Vol. I. p.
196); also the word _ampullari_.
Footnote 3256:
Plin. _Ep._ iv. 30, 6; Mart. xiv. 110.
Footnote 3257:
_Florida_, ii. 9, 2: cf. the terracotta vessels with reliefs in the
British Museum, D 204-5; also _Mus. Greg._ i. pl. 10; Micali, _Mon.
Ined._ pl. 52. Isidorus derives the word from _ampla bulla_, in
reference to its rotund form (_Etym._ xx. 5).
Footnote 3258:
_Rev. Arch._ xviii. (1868), pl. 22, p. 225.
Footnote 3259:
Mart. vii. 61, 5.
Footnote 3260:
Hor. _Ep._ ii. 2, 134.
Footnote 3261:
Cf. the episode in Petronius, _Sat._ 22.
Footnote 3262:
Pliny, _H.N._ xvi. 128.
Footnote 3263:
Pliny, _Ep._ i. 6: cf. Juv. xii. 60.
Footnote 3264:
Juv. viii. 161.
Footnote 3265:
Hor. _Sat._ ii. 8, 41.
Footnote 3266:
_C.I.L._ xiii. 10008, 4.
Footnote 3267:
Hor. _Od._ iii. 8, 13; 19, 12.
Footnote 3268:
i. 71: cf. viii. 51, 21; ix. 95; xi. 37; Hor. _Od._ iii. 19, 11 ff.
Footnote 3269:
See Varro, _L.L._ v. 122; Isid. _Etym._ xx. 5, where the derivation
from _potare_ is given.
Footnote 3270:
Virg. _Ecl._ vi. 17; Plaut. _Asin._ v. 2, 56; Hor. _Od._ i. 20, 2;
and see Daremberg and Saglio, _s.v._
Footnote 3271:
See Macrob. v. 21.
Footnote 3272:
Hor. _Od._ i. 27, 1; _Epod._ ix. 33; Isid. _Etym._ xx. 6, describes
it as a wash-hand basin.
Footnote 3273:
Plaut. _Stich._ v. 4, 11; Cic. _in Verr._ iv. 17, 37 and 24, 54.
Footnote 3274:
Mart. viii. 6, 2; Isid. _Etym._ xx. 5.
Footnote 3275:
_Od._ ii. 7, 22.
Footnote 3276:
Porphyrion _ad_ Hor. _loc. cit._
Footnote 3277:
Plaut. _Stich._ v. 4, 12.
Footnote 3278:
_Id. Rud._ v. 2, 32.
Footnote 3279:
Cic. _Tusc._ iii. 19, 46.
Footnote 3280:
Isid. _Etym._ xx. 5.
Footnote 3281:
xi. 145.
Footnote 3282:
ix. 60, 22.
Footnote 3283:
Varro, _L.L._ v. 127; Ovid, _Fast._ v. 509.
Footnote 3284:
_Ep._ 119, 3.
Footnote 3285:
Hor. _Sat._ ii. 4, 41; Juv. v. 80.
Footnote 3286:
Hor. _Sat._ i. 3, 80; ii. 2, 95; ii. 8, 43, 55.
Footnote 3287:
Suet. _Vitell._ 17: cf. 13.
Footnote 3288:
Isid. _Etym._ xx. 4: _dispansis patentibusque oris_.
Footnote 3289:
Phaedr. i. 26.
Footnote 3290:
Hor. _Sat._ i. 3, 90; ii. 4, 75; i. 6, 115; _Ep._ i. 5, 2.
Footnote 3291:
Juv. iii. 142; Mart. xi. 28; Alciphr. _Ep._ iii. 20; Isid. _Etym._
xx. 4.
Footnote 3292:
xi. 32, 18: cf. vii. 47, 3. Isidorus, _Etym._ xx. 4, says _gabata_ =
_cavata_.
Footnote 3293:
xiii. 81; v. 79, 7: see Isid. _Etym._ xx. 8.
Footnote 3294:
Hor. _Sat._ ii. 4, 77; Pers. v. 182; Isid. _Etym._ xx. 6. For other
uses see Juv. xi. 108; Pliny, _H.N._ xxxiii. 69. Isidorus says
_catinum_ is a better form.
Footnote 3295:
Isid. _Etym._ xx. 4.
Footnote 3296:
Hor. _Sat._ ii. 4, 75.
Footnote 3297:
Hor. _Od._ ii. 7, 23; _Sat._ i. 3, 14.
Footnote 3298:
Hor. _Sat._ ii. 8, 86.
Footnote 3299:
_Sat._ i. 6, 118.
Footnote 3300:
Juv. iii. 263; xi. 158: cf. Vol. I. pp. 200, 211, 503.
Footnote 3301:
_Collect. Antiq._ v. p. 8.
Footnote 3302:
Catull. 94, 2; Juv. xiv. 171. For examples of _ollae_, see Overbeck,
_Pompeii_, p. 414, Daremberg and Saglio, _s.v._, and Pl. LXIX. fig.
2; see also pp. 389, 456, 550. Isidorus expressly states that it was
used for boiling water (_Etym._ xx. 8).
Footnote 3303:
vi. 430. Isidorus (_Etym._ xx. 6) derives it from _pedes_.
Footnote 3304:
Cato, R.R. 157; Plant. _Pers._ i. 3, 8.
Footnote 3305:
Isid. _Etym._ xx. 8.
Footnote 3306:
Varro _ap._ Non. p. 19, 14.
Footnote 3307:
Cf. _B.M. Cat. of Bronzes_, Nos. 2461-2465; also Déchelette, _Vases
de la Gaule Romaine_, ii. p. 316.
Footnote 3308:
Varro _ap._ Non. 547, 12; Pliny, _H.N._ xxxvii. 18; Livy, x. 7, 10;
Cic. _Rep._ vi. 2, 11; _id._ _Parad._ i. 2, 11.
Footnote 3309:
_De Nat. Deor._ iii. 17, 43.
Footnote 3310:
The word is only given by Festus (p. 248, Müller).
Footnote 3311:
Varro _ap._ Non. 547, 19.
Footnote 3312:
Paul, _ex_ Fest. p. 89, 4, with Müller’s note.
Footnote 3313:
Paul, _ex_ Fest. p. 51, 1.
Footnote 3314:
Varro, _L.L._ v. 124; Paul, _ex_ Fest. p. 337, 10 (non dissimile
cyatho).
Footnote 3315:
Varro _ap._ Non. 544, 23; Cic. _Rep._ vi. 2, 11; Juv. vi. 343.
Footnote 3316:
Cic. _Legg._ iii. 16, 36.
Footnote 3317:
_H.N._ xxxv. 158. An example of a bronze _simpulum_ may be seen in
the Bronze Room of the British Museum (Case E).
Footnote 3318:
Virg. _Georg._ ii. 394.
Footnote 3319:
_Id._ _Aen._ iii. 66; Varro, _L.L._ v. 124.
Footnote 3320:
Varro, _L.L._ v. 122; Virg. _Aen._ i. 729.
Footnote 3321:
See Isid. _Etym._ xx. 5, who suggests a derivation from _patere_,
“quod patentes sunt dispansisque labris.”
Footnote 3322:
Ov. _Fast._ ii. 634; Juv. v. 85: cf. Plaut. _Cist._ ii. 1, 46.
Footnote 3323:
Paul, _ex_ Fest. p. 247, Müll.; Varro, 544, 19 (_ap._ Non.).
Footnote 3324:
Paul, _ex_ Fest. p. 160.
Footnote 3325:
Digest, xxxiv. 2, 19, § 12.
Footnote 3326:
Varro _ap._ Non. 547, 14.
Footnote 3327:
_H.N._ vii. 185; Petron. 42; Colum. xii. 43, 7; Pallad. _Agric._ vii.
7; Cels. 2, 11.
Footnote 3328:
V. 148: see also Tert. _Apol._ 13; Varro _ap._ Non. 146, 8; 545, 2.
Footnote 3329:
Cato, _R.R._ 57; Livy, xxv. 2, 8; Pliny, _H.N._ xiv. 85, 144. For a
bronze _congius_ representing the standard measure see Hultsch,
_Metrologie_, p. 123; also Daremberg and Saglio, _s.v._ On Roman
metrology generally see Krause, _Angeiol._ p. 454, and Hultsch, _op.
cit._ p. 112 ff.
Footnote 3330:
_Die Formen der röm. Thongefässe, diesseits und jenseits der Alpen_
(Stuttgart, 1897). For the forms peculiar to the ornamented wares,
reference should be made to Dragendorff’s article in _Bonner Jahrb._
xcvi. pls. 1-3, and Déchelette, _Vases de la Gaule Romaine_, _passim._
CHAPTER XXII
_ROMAN POTTERY, HISTORICALLY TREATED; ARRETINE WARE_
Roman pottery mentioned by ancient writers—“Samian” ware—Centres of
fabric—The pottery of Arretium—Characteristics—Potters’
stamps—Shapes of Arretine vases—Sources of inspiration for
decoration—“Italian Megarian bowls”—Subjects—Distribution of
Arretine wares.
In the present chapter we propose to discuss the origin and character
of the finer Roman pottery, or red glazed ware with designs in relief,
which is usually known to modern writers under the convenient
designation of _terra sigillata_, a phrase which has already been
explained (p. 434). Not only in clay and glaze but in decoration these
wares are characteristically Roman; but the question as to the actual
centre or centres of their manufacture still admits of some discussion.
Relying principally upon the testimony of Pliny, Martial, and other
ancient writers, archaeologists have been accustomed to classify the
red ware with reliefs, on a rough system of distinction according to
artistic merit, as Arretine, Samian, and “false Samian.” The latter
term “Samian” has indeed acquired such popularity that it has passed
into the language as a conventional term of almost every-day use; but
to the scientific investigator it has long been apparent that in point
of accuracy it almost stands on a level with that of “Etruscan vase.”
That of “false Samian” has usually been applied to a certain class of
provincial wares, technically inferior to the “Samian.” But though both
terms may still retain currency in popular language for the sake of
convenience, it must not be supposed that they are impressed with the
hall-mark of scientific terminology.
Before however we attempt to distinguish the different fabrics on the
basis of recent researches, it may be as well to investigate the
statements of the classical writers and weigh the evidence which they
afford on the various kinds of pottery in use in Italy under the Roman
Empire.
The most valuable information is found in the pages of Pliny,
supplemented by Isidorus of Seville, who, writing in the seventh
century, probably gives merely second-hand information. The
former[3331] says: “The majority of mankind use earthenware vessels.
Samian ware is commended even at the present day for dinner services;
this reputation is also kept up by Arretium in Italy, and for
drinking-cups by Surrentum, Hasta, Pollentia, Saguntum in Spain, and
Pergamum in Asia. Tralles is also a centre for pottery, and Mutina in
Italy ... and exportation from the celebrated potteries goes on all
over the world.” Isidorus, who largely quotes from Pliny, gives the
tradition that Samos was the seat of the original invention of pottery,
“whence too came Samian vases.”[3332] He goes on to say that “Arretine
vases are so called from Arretium, a town in Italy where they are made,
for they are red.” But in regard to “Samian ware” he admits that there
is another explanation of the term, namely that it is a corruption of
Samnia. Herein he is possibly not far from the truth, for we have
already seen that the adjacent region of Campania was in the last few
centuries of the Republic famous as a centre for relief-wares, and it
is possible that the manufacture of such pottery was carried on in the
district, as for instance at Puteoli, long afterwards. We also know
that Allifae in Samnium was a seat of this industry,[3333] and that a
special class of pottery was made at Ocriculum and at Mevania in Umbria
about 200 B.C. (see below, p. 490).
On the other hand there is no doubt that Samos had a reputation for its
pottery for many centuries, as is implied by the tradition which
Isidorus quotes and by the words of Pliny: “even at the present day it
is commended.” In a previous chapter it has been suggested that the
so-called Megarian bowls, which undoubtedly are a prototype of the
Roman wares, represent the Samian pottery of the Hellenistic period;
but whether this is so or not, the most probable conclusion is that the
term “Samian” connotes in the first instance a Greek, not a Roman,
fabric; that this Greek ware was imported into Italy; and that it
became so popular that the term really came into use for native
products, just as now-a-days we are able to speak of “China” which has
travelled no further than from Worcester, Sèvres, or Dresden. It may
thus have become a generic name for table-ware. Plautus mentions Samian
ware more than once (see above, p. 456), usually with reference to its
brittleness, as in the _Menaechmi_,[3334] where Menaechmus says, “Knock
gently!” to which the parasite Peniculus replies: “I suppose you are
afraid the doors are Samian.” Again in the _Bacchides_,[3335] with a
jesting allusion to Samos as the home of one of the two heroines: “Take
care, please, that no one handles her carelessly; you know how easily a
Samian vase gets broken.” In another passage he speaks of a _Samiolum
poterium_.[3336] And Tertullian, speaking of Numa’s times, says that
only Samian vases were as yet in use.[3337]
Pliny also mentions Pergamum and Tralles as centres of fabrics, and
speaks of the _firmitas_ or toughness of that of Kos, but of these we
know nothing further. It has been pointed out by Dragendorff that there
was some manufacture of _terra sigillata_ in Asia Minor under the
Empire,[3338] probably an imitation of the Italian ware, as the
examples known present the same characteristics as the provincial wares
of Central Europe, and the forms are also those of the Arretine vases.
The same writer has shown that there were also manufactures of _terra
sigillata_ in Greece itself, in Egypt, and in Southern Russia, which
were of similar character.
To return to Italy and its local fabrics. It is not to be supposed that
there was any one principal centre, for different towns excelled in
their respective wares, and these were imported from one to the other,
and especially into Rome. This city was of course originally supplied
with earthenware by the Etruscans, whose mantle fell on the town of
Arretium, but it cannot be doubted that the manufacture of pottery must
have been carried on to some extent in Rome itself after the absorption
of the Etruscan people. We read that even in Numa’s time there was a
Guild of Potters (see p. 372), but it never appears to have excelled in
any of the finer wares, and is ignored by Pliny, though we have
evidence from other sources. Thus Martial speaks of _cadi
Vaticani_,[3339] and Juvenal of fragile dishes from the Vatican
hill.[3340] Cato says _dolia_ are best bought in Rome, tiles at
Venafrum.[3341] And the evidence of a pottery in the third and second
centuries B.C. on the Esquiline which is given by the find of lamps
described in Chapter XX. is supported by Festus.[3342]
Pliny, as we have seen, mentions Arretium, Hasta and Pollentia, Mutina
and Surrentum with commendation; he also couples the pottery of Hadria
with that of Kos for _firmitas_.[3343] He further implies that Arretium
kept up the old pre-eminence of the Samian ware, and this is borne out,
not only by what we gather from Martial and other writers, but still
more by modern discoveries, of which we shall shortly speak in detail.
Of the other potteries less is known, but remains have been found at
Hasta and Pollentia (Asti and Pollenza in Piedmont)[3344] and the
_figlinae_ of Velleia in the same region were also well known in
antiquity.[3345] At Mutina (Modena) remains of a pottery were found
(see Vol. I. p. 71), together with vases of Arretine type, and the
potter Fortis, whose name so often occurs on lamps (p. 426), appears to
have had his workshop here.[3346] His stamps are also found on tiles
and on pottery of all kinds, even Arretine. Here, too, were found vases
of black ware, of “Graeco-Campanian” style, sometimes with stamps
impressed from gems, and unglazed red plates stamped with small
palmettes like the Greek black-glazed wares (Vol. I. p. 212). Livy
mentions that in 176 B.C. a great destruction took place here of “all
kinds of vases, made more for use than for ornament.”[3347] In their
general results the pottery-finds are instructive as showing the
transition from black to red wares, which may also be observed in the
vases of Popilius and the early Arretine fabrics (see below).[3348]
Campania in general seems to have maintained the traditions of the
Calene and Etrusco-Campanian fabrics of the third century (Chapter
XI.), and there is evidence of manufacture and export in the first
century B.C. Horace’s table was supplied with _Campana supellex_.[3349]
Surrentum ware is mentioned by Martial[3350] as well as Pliny, and, as
indicated in the preceding chapter (p. 462), supplied amphorae of local
wine to Pompeii.[3351] The pottery of Cumae, which place was at an
earlier date an important centre for painted vases (Vol. I. p. 80), is
mentioned by Martial[3352] It would also seem to have supplied clay for
the vases made at the neighbouring Puteoli, which had no local clay
suitable for the purpose, and is not mentioned by ancient writers. The
latter has however yielded large numbers of vases of a type closely
resembling the Arretine, and a pottery was discovered in 1874, with
moulds.[3353] Some of the vases have Arretine stamps,[3354] which imply
importations during the first century B.C., but names of local potters
are also known, chief of whom is Numerius Naevius Hilarus, who employed
eleven slaves. Q. Pomponius Serenus and L. Valerius Titus are also
found here and elsewhere in Southern Italy and at Nismes.[3355] Some
fragments of this Puteoli ware from various sources are in the British
Museum.[3356]
Horace speaks of pottery from Allifae in Samnium,[3357] and Pliny
mentions the popularity of that made at Rhegium and Cumac[3358]; this
exhausts the list of sites known to us from ancient writers. In the
provinces the only place which had any fame was Saguntum, alluded to by
Pliny and more than once by Martial, who speaks of cups (_pocula_ and
_cymbia_) fashioned from Saguntine clay[3359]; also of a _synthesis
septenaria_ or nest of seven cups, “polished by the potter’s coarse
tool, of clay turned on the Spanish wheel.”[3360] But modern researches
on the site have not thrown any light on the character of the local
fabric (p. 540)[3361]; it is only at Tarragona that _terra sigillata_
has been found.
The pottery of Arretium is more than once referred to by Martial, who
notes that it compared unfavourably with the splendour of crystal
vessels, but at the same time begs his hearer not to regard it
altogether with contempt, for Porsena was well served with his Tuscan
earthenware[3362]:
Arretina nimis ne spernas vasa monemus;
Lautus erat Tuscis Porsena fictilibus.
An epigram in the Latin Anthology (259) says:
Arretine calix, mensis decor ante paternis,
Ante manus medici quam bene sanus eras.[3363]
Other allusions are less direct.[3364] Coming down to more modern
times, we actually find mention of the pottery in a manuscript written
by Sig. Ristori of Arezzo in 1282, and by C. Villani in his _History of
the World_, written in the fourteenth century. Subsequently Alessi, who
lived in the time of Leo X., described the discovery of red ware about
a mile from the city, and Vasari tells us that in 1484 his grandfather
found in the neighbourhood three vaults of an ancient furnace. Further
allusions are found in the writings of Gori (1734) and Rossi (1796);
and in 1841 Fabroni published a history of Arretine ware,[3365] in
which the above facts are recorded. He tells us that in 1779 potteries
were unearthed at Cincelli or Centum Cellae, which contained, besides
various implements, part of a potter’s wheel, resembling those in vogue
at the present day. It was composed of two circular slabs placed round
one pivot at an interval from one another, their diameter not being the
same. The wheel actually found was of terracotta, about 11 inches in
diameter by 3 inches in thickness, with a groove round the edge. It was
bound with a leaden tyre, held in place by six cylinders of the same
metal, and appears to have been the upper of the two slabs, the “table”
on which the clay was placed.[3366]
The Arretine ware must be regarded as _the_ Roman pottery _par
excellence_. The term was used anciently in an extended sense for all
vases of a certain technique without regard to the place of
manufacture, as a piece of evidence from Spain tends to show. Pottery
has been found at Tarragona with the inscription, A TITII FIGVL ARRE,
_A. Titii figul(i) Arre(tini_),[3367] which has generally been taken to
mean a maker of Arretine ware living on the spot, just as now-a-days
Wilton or Brussels carpets may be made at Kidderminster.
The general characteristics of the Arretine ware are: (1) the fine
local red clay, carefully worked up and baked very hard to a rich
coral-colour, or like sealing-wax; (2) the fine red glaze, composed
chiefly of silica, iron oxide, and an alkaline substance, which, as we
have seen (p. 437), was perhaps borax; (3) the great variety of forms
employed, which show in a marked degree the influence of metal-work;
(4) the stamps with potter’s names, which are almost invariably found.
The duration of this pottery seems to have been from about 150 B.C. to
the end of the first century of the Empire, at which time pottery in
Italy had reached a very degenerate stage, and the height of its
success and popularity was during the first century B.C. Analyses of
the vases show that practically the same results as to their
composition are obtained from different periods.
During the last century these vases have been found in large numbers at
Arezzo, and there is now a considerable quantity of them collected in
the public museum of that city, as well as in private collections and
the museums of other countries. The official record of Italian
excavations contains an account of finds made in 1883, 1884, 1890,
1894, and 1896 on various sites in the city and immediate
neighbourhood,[3368] and gives the locality of the different
potteries,[3369] as well as the names of their owners. The first
potter’s name recorded was that of Calidius Strigo by Alessi; it was
found in 1492 in the presence of Giovanni de’ Medici, afterwards Leo X.
Others were given by Gori, and fuller lists (up to date) by Fabroni in
1841, Gamurrini in 1859, and Marini in 1884.[3370] At the present day
the most complete information on this head may be found in the recently
published volume of the _Corpus_ of Latin inscriptions dealing with
Etruria,[3371] in which the results of the most recent excavations are
incorporated. A large number have also been found at Rome, the names
being identical with those found at Arezzo, and the ware consequently
imported.[3372] It must be distinguished from the inferior relief wares
either of local fabric (see p. 492) or imported from Gaul, Northern
Italy, and elsewhere. Names of Arretine potters are also found in large
numbers at Modena, Rimini, and other places in Northern Italy, in
France, Spain, and elsewhere.
The stamps range in date from the second century B.C. down to the
Christian era, but not beyond the first century of the Empire. The
oldest of all, it is interesting to note, are found on black-glazed
wares similar in character to those from the Esquiline.[3373] The
red-glazed ware probably came in about 100 B.C., and the two methods
appear to have been for a time contemporaneous. The initials Q A · F
and C · V which occur on early red Arretine wares[3374] are also found
on the Esquiline lamps. Next comes the red ware with quadrangular
stamps repeated four or five times on the bottom, followed by single
quadrangular stamps and those of varying form, especially some in the
shape of a foot, which are not found in the best period at Arretium,
and seem to belong only to the time of the Empire. This form of stamp
is very common on lamps and plain pottery, and there are many examples
of bronze stamps in this shape extant.[3375] Those vases which have
stamps on the exterior in the midst of the design represent the middle
or Augustan period. The older stamps are more deeply impressed in the
surface of the vase than the later. On the whole, the palaeographical
evidence of the stamps is very slight, and we can only roughly date
them between 100 B.C. and 100 A.D.[3376] Dragendorff has, however,
noted that the slaves’ names are mostly Greek, a detail which helps to
establish a _terminus post quem_, placing them later than 146 B.C.
The Calidius Strigo of whom we have already spoken was a potter of some
importance, employing twenty slaves, of whom the names of Protus and
Synistor occur most frequently. But he only seems to have made plain
table wares without reliefs, examples of which are found in Rome and
elsewhere. A potter named Domitius had a workshop on the same spot, but
only employed a few slaves. A more important name is that of Publius
Cornelius, first found by Ferdinando Rossi in the eighteenth century at
Cincelli, together with remains of his workshop; many additional
examples were found in 1883 and 1892. He employed no less than forty
slaves, of whom the best known are Antioc(h)us, Faustus, Heraclides,
Primus, and Rodo. One vase by the last-named has medallions with the
head of Augustus and the inscription, AVGVSTVS, which gives the date of
the fabric.[3377] Previous to the discovery of this in 1893 Gamurrini
had supposed that Cornelius was one of the colonists placed at Arezzo
by Sulla. Many of his vases are found at Rome, and also in Spain and
Southern Italy. The vases with CORNELI in a foot-shaped stamp are
probably not his. He appears to have acquired the business of two other
potters—C. Tellius and C. Cispius.
Among all the potters’ stamps few are commoner than that of M.
Perennius, and his wares certainly take the highest rank for their
artistic merit. All his relief designs are copied from the best Greek
models, as will be seen later. Few of his vases seem to have been
exported to Rome, but they are found in Spain and Southern Gaul. The
form of the name on the stamps varies greatly,[3378] the commonest
being M. PERENNI; M. PEREN., M. PERE., and M. PER. are also found, and
even M. PE. with the letters joined in a monogram. He employed
seventeen slaves, of whom the best known is Tigranes. His name appears
as TIGRAN, TIGRA, or TIGR, and always in conjunction with that of
Perennius. These two are found on a vase with Achilles and Diomede
fighting against Hector,[3379] and on three Arretine moulds in the
British Museum, the subjects of which are a dance of Maenads, masks of
Maenads and Satyrs, and a banquet scene (Plate LXVI. figs. 4, 6). The
name of Tigranes appears alone on a fine vase in the Louvre with the
apotheosis of Herakles.[3380] Another slave, Cerdo, made a vase with
the nine Muses, their names being inscribed over them in Greek.[3381] A
third slave who produced vases of more than average merit was Bargates,
whose name is found on a fine vase in the Boston Museum (Fig.
218),[3382] the subject of which is the fall of Phaëthon, who lies
shattered in pieces on the ground, with Tethys coming to his rescue.
Zeus with his thunderbolt and Artemis with her bow have brought about
his downfall. Helios is seen collecting his terrified steeds; and the
rest of the design is occupied with the transformation of the Heliades
into poplars.
[Illustration:
From _Philologus_.
FIG. 218. ARRETINE BOWL WITH DEATH OF PHAËTHON (BOSTON MUSEUM).
]
The site of Perennius’ principal workshop appears to have been in the
city itself, close to the church of Sta. Maria in Gradi; but he may
also have had a branch manufactory at Cincelli or Centum Cellae. Signor
Pasqui[3383] notes that his name occurs alone on the interior of plain
bowls and dishes. Next to these come the copies of Greek models by
Cerdo, Pilades, Pilemo, and Nicephorus, followed by Tigranes, and then
by Bargates, who also worked for Tigranes when he became a freedman
(the stamps being in the form BARGATE / M · TIGR); lastly occur the
names of Crescens and Saturninus.
Three Annii had a pottery near the church of San Francesco, and
employed over twenty slaves, with both Greek and Roman names; the most
important of the three is C. Annius, who made vases with reliefs, as
did Lucius, but Sextus only made plain wares. There are also vases
stamped ANNI only; they probably belong to the first century B.C. Aulus
Titius is found frequently at Arezzo and Rimini, at Lillebonne in
France, and, as we have seen, in Spain; his wares also penetrated to
Africa and all parts of Italy. He has no names of slaves coupled with
his, and his signature appears in the various forms, _A. Titi_, _A.
Titi figul._, _A. Titi figul. Arret_. He was succeeded by C. Titius
Nepos, who had fifteen slaves, and there is also a L. Titius. C. and L.
Tettius occur at Rome, but only the latter at Arezzo[3384]; the word
SAMIA, which occurs on his stamps, is more likely to be a proper name
than to have any reference to Samian ware. The name of Rasinius, which
is associated with more names of slaves than any except P. Cornelius,
is found more often at Rome than at Arezzo[3385]; it also occurs at
Pompeii,[3386] and at Neuss in Germany, which facts point to the time
of Augustus and A.D. 79 as the limits of date. Of the numerous slaves,
some were afterwards employed by C. Memmius. There appear to have been
at least two representatives of the name, C. Rasinius in the Augustan
period, and L. Rasinius Pisanus in the Flavian. The latter Déchelette
has shown to be a degenerate Arretine, making imitations of Gaulish
ware.[3387] L. and C. Petronius are found at Arezzo, together with
remains of their potteries, and C. Gavius, who belongs to the
Republican period, at Cincelli. Numerous other potters who are probably
Arretine may be found in Ihm’s lists[3388]; on the other hand, there
are stamps found at Rome and in Etruria which cannot have originated
from Arretium. Such are _Atenio circitor refi(ciendum) curavit_,[3389]
and _Faustus Salinator Seriae_[3390]; those with OF(_ficina_), such as
OF · FELICIS, which are found at Rome, but are probably Gaulish[3391];
those with _fecit_ or _epoei_ (ἐποίει),[3392] with the exception of
_Venicius fecit hec_, from Arezzo[3393]; and _Atrane_, a name found at
Vulci, Chiusi, and many other sites in Etruria, but not at Arezzo.[3394]
The name usually given in the signatures on the stamps is that of the
maker only; sometimes a slave’s name is added, either above or below
the maker’s, or on a separate stamp. The maker’s name usually gives the
_nomen_ and _praenomen_, implying a freedman, and when given in full is
seen to be in the genitive; the slave’s name is usually in the
nominative. Four typical varieties are given by the following stamps
from the pottery of P. Cornelius, with the name of the slave Potus:
POTVS P·CORN POTI P·CORN
P·COR POTVS P·CORN POTI
A difficulty sometimes arises in regard to these two-line stamps when
the slave’s name occurs _below_ that of the master, on account of the
frequent abbreviations; for instance, it is not easy to say whether
such stamps as
A·VIBI or P·CORNELI
DIOM ANTHVS
denote one name or two, for there are certain instances where the
master has three names.[3395] It is always possible that the name
denotes a slave become a freedman, as A. Vibius Diomedes or P.
Cornelius Anthus, and in Dr. Dressel’s opinion[3396] this is the most
probable explanation; but the alternative has much in its favour. There
are, moreover, stamps such as
P·MESEINI or P·CORNELI
AMPLIO S(_ervus_) FIRMVS F(_ecit_)
which, of course, leave no room for doubt. In later examples the
_praenomen_ is often omitted, and occasionally the _praenomen_ and
_cognomen_ are found without the gentile name[3397]; there are also a
few instances of female names.[3398] An exceptional form of signature
is given by CINNA C·L·TITI(_orum_) S(_ervus_); occasionally also, as in
the example from Spain already quoted, FIGVL(_us_) ARRE(_tinus_), or
simply ARRETI(_nus_), are found. Sometimes, again, two potters seem to
have been in partnership, as Sura and Philologus, L. Gellius and L.
Sempronius (L·GELLI L SEMP),[3399] or two firms, as the Umbricii and
Vibieni.
The simple quadrangular form of stamp is by far the commonest, and,
next to this, an outline of a foot; less frequent forms, and of later
date, are the circular, oval, or lunate, and other varieties of marks,
such as wreaths, stars, or branches. Dr. Dressel gives no less than
eighty-seven types from Rome,[3400] of which thirty-three are
rectangular with ornamental edges. The forms of the letters are not
always an indication of date, but such forms as 15[14]Attic alpha
15[15]alpha for A, 15[12]E for E, and 15[12]F for F betoken an early
date. Ligatured letters abound. The names are often written from right
to left, or left to right with separate letters reversed or inverted;
or the words are broken up as
MVS for Docimus, MVS for Romanu(s),
DOCI ROM
and so on.[3401] The stamps were probably of wood, but some are taken
from seal-rings.
* * * * *
The forms of Arretine vases are all, without exception, borrowed from
metal originals, and in their contours display the same tendency. But,
as compared with the Hellenistic forms they show great simplicity, and
almost, as it were, a return to archaism. The vases are for the most
part of small size, and indeed the dimensions of the furnaces at Arezzo
seem to indicate that larger vases could not have been baked in them.
They are principally cups, bowls, and dishes, the former of
hemispherical or cylindrical form and devoid of handles—a
characteristic which usually distinguishes Roman from Greek pottery.
Some of the moulds for Arretine ware in the British Museum collection
appear to have been used for a deep cup with flat base and spreading
lip (Plate LXVI. fig. 5), of a type which finds no parallel in Greek
shapes, but the hemispherical bowl on a low foot is the prevailing
form. Other shapes are extremely rare, a notable exception being the
beautiful krater in the British Museum with figures of the Seasons
(Fig. 219), which, although found at Capua, is certainly Arretine in
style and technique. The technical methods employed we have already
described in the preceding chapter,[3402] and there do not appear to
have been any variations peculiar to this fabric. Fabroni (p. 37)
states that cinerary urns, tiles, lamps, and reliefs were also made in
the potteries at Arretium.
[Illustration: FIG. 219. ARRETINE KRATER WITH THE FOUR SEASONS (BRITISH
MUSEUM).]
The prototypes of the forms we have seen to be the Hellenistic vases
of chased metal, for which Alexandria was the principal centre. But,
apart from form, it is doubtful whether the Alexandrine toreutic work
exercised much influence on the potters of Arretium. For the
decoration and subjects they undoubtedly drew their inspiration
chiefly from the New-Attic reliefs[3403] and the art of Asia Minor,
as has been pointed out by more than one recent writer,[3404] who
have urged that the influence of Alexandria on Roman art has been
greatly over-estimated.[3405] Dragendorff points out that all the
famous chasers known to us were natives of Asia Minor,[3406] and
thinks that Rhodes was probably the centre of this art. It must also
be borne in mind that the second century was the era of collecting
works of art in Greece and Asia Minor and conveying them to Rome, so
that the examples which were most prominently before the eyes of
Italian artists under the later Republic were just these products of
Greece and Asia Minor in the Hellenistic Age. Moreover, the Rhodian
and Pergamene schools of art were still living when that of
Alexandria was dying out under the later Ptolemies. The mixed style
of art of the first century B.C. is essentially Roman, produced under
the influence of the Greek works then collected in Rome, and does not
extend beyond Italy.
But it is also conceivable that its predecessors in the line of ceramic
development contributed to produce the ware of Arretium. It recalls in
some respects the different Greek relief-wares discussed in Chapter
XI., the Calene phialae of the third century, and the so-called
Megarian or Homeric bowls, in which some have seen the real “Samian”
ware of the Roman writers, dating from the same period. To these
succeeded in Hellenic lands the fabrics of Athens, Southern Russia, and
Asia Minor, to which allusion has already been made, and which often
present similar characteristics to the Arretine fabrics. Nor must it be
forgotten that the earliest Arretine pottery was covered with a black
glaze, which may indeed represent a desire to reproduce the effect of
metal, but is much more likely to be a direct heritage from the late
Greek pottery, which in this respect carried on the tradition of the
painted wares. At all events, two main characteristics of Hellenistic
pottery have plainly left their mark on Roman fabrics: the
disappearance of painting under the influence of relief decoration
imitated from metal, and the cessation of the exclusive use of a black
varnish.
The transition seems to be partially effected by a small group of vases
which have been styled “Italian Megarian bowls” or “Vases of Popilius,”
after the potter C. Popilius, whose name occurs on many of them.[3407]
They form a distinct class, dating apparently from the third century
B.C., on the testimony of the inscriptions; the form is that of a
hemispherical bowl without handle or foot, with very thin walls, and
covered with a slip of varying colour—yellow, brown, or black. These
bowls, too, are a close imitation of metal-work, especially in the
arrangement of the reliefs. The ornament usually consists of long
leaves and scrolls radiating from a rosette on the foot and bordered
above by bands of wave- or tongue-pattern, scrolls, or garlands; the
ground is filled in with stars, shields, and other devices. In the
finer examples a frieze of figures is added, with such motives as
Erotes, masks, dolphins, and ox-skulls repeated. The bowl of Popilius
published by Hartwig is the only one with a definite subject: a fight
between Greeks and Barbarians, which is an undoubted reminiscence of
the famous mosaic at Pompeii with Alexander at the Issus. Eleven bowls
by Popilius are known, two by L. Appius (see Fig. 220), and one each by
L. Atinius and L. Quintius. The first-named potter seems to have lived
partly at Ocriculum, partly at Mevania in Umbria; both he and Appius
also made “Calene” ware. These potters were freedmen, as the use of the
two names indicates. Their work does not show the fine glaze of the
Calene and Arretine fabrics, but is decorative in its effect; each
ornamental motive is produced from a separate stamp, and the potter’s
marks are put on _en barbotine_ (see p. 442).
[Illustration: FIG. 220. “ITALIAN MEGARIAN” BOWL BY L. APPIUS (BRITISH
MUSEUM).]
To sum up with Dragendorff,[3408] it is clear that a careful study of
Hellenistic pottery is necessary for a correct estimate of the Italian
and Roman. As in the case of other arts, it proves that the Romans were
merely receptive, at best only developing what they received. This
development began with the importation of Greek relief-wares with black
varnish, especially from Asia Minor, and their imitation at Cales.
Then, as in Greece, so in Italy, the search for new forms, colouring,
and decoration began and brought about a degeneration of technique.
What the Calene vases are to those of Asia Minor, so are the vases of
Popilius to the “Megarian” bowls. Finally, the finds in Southern Russia
show that even the technique of the red-glazed ware is not an Arretine
invention, but was already known to the Greeks, although first brought
to perfection in Italy.
* * * * *
We must now return to the Arretine vases and turn our attention to
their subjects and decoration, and their place in artistic development.
Dragendorff[3409] divides them into two classes, including with them
the vases of Puteoli, which bear Arretine stamps, and probably only
represent a mere off-shoot of the latter potteries, merely differing in
the quality of the design and in the absence of many of the best types.
These were mostly discovered in 1874, and it is possible that the
krater from Capua (p. 488) may also be reckoned as originating from
this source.
His first class includes the vases of M. Perennius, which form such a
large proportion of the signed Arretine wares. They are characterised
by friezes of figures repeated, or of groups of figures all of the same
size, sometimes divided by pillars or terminal figures.
Ground-ornaments are rare, and the ground under the figures is not
indicated as elsewhere. The subjects include Dionysiac scenes, such as
dancing Maenads, sacrifices, drinking-scenes, the vintage, or Dionysos
in a chariot; Cupids, Muses, and Seasons; Victory sacrificing a bull;
Nereids with the weapons of Achilles; Hieroduli or priestesses dancing,
with wicker head-dresses; banqueting, erotic, and hunting-scenes.
Examples of the latter classes are given on Plate LXVI. The types of
the figures, as in the case of the dancing Maenads, are largely derived
from the New-Attic reliefs (see above).
In the second class, to which belong the vases of P. Cornelius and
those found at Puteoli, a large use of ornament is the most conspicuous
feature. The figures are little more than decorative, or form motives
of a sculpturesque character, and are not, as in the first class,
isocephalous. Naturalistic motives, such as wreaths, are very frequent.
Among the types we have figures like those in the Nile-scenes on the
terracotta mural reliefs (p. 371) and Centaurs derived from Hellenic
prototypes.
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE LXVI
[Illustration:
MOULDS AND STAMP OF ARRETINE WARE, WITH CASTS FROM THE FORMER
(BRITISH MUSEUM).
]
------------------------------------------------------
Throughout there is a remarkable variety, not only of subjects, but of
ornaments and methods of composition, features in which the Greek
vase-painters at all periods allowed themselves little freedom. The
ornamentation, which usually borders the figures above and below, or
still oftener occupies the whole surface available for decoration,
includes such motives as conventional wreaths and festoons, scrolls of
foliage, and egg-and-tongue pattern; a favourite device is the use of
columns with spiral shafts, often surmounted by masks, between the
figures. But it is often naturalistic as well as conventional, at least
in detail, and only in the general effect is it purely ornamental
rather than a reproduction of nature.
In the figures derived from the New-Attic reliefs and similar sources,
such as metal reliefs on bases, candelabra, etc., the copyist usually
shows a strong tendency to archaism; the attitudes of the figures are
graceful, but somewhat affected. They seldom represent any particular
action or story, but even human figures are merely decorative. Groups
of dancing figures are especially favoured, such as Satyrs and Maenads,
or the Hieroduli or dancing priestesses, who wear a curious headdress
of wicker-work (_calathus_)[3410]; or we see Genii and Cupids crowning
altars and lamp-stands, or playing on musical instruments. Throughout
the parallelism with the Roman mural reliefs (p. 367 ff.) is most
remarkable, whether in the archaising style, the decorative treatment
of human figures, or in the choice of themes: the dancing Maenads and
Satyrs, the Hieroduli, Victory sacrificing a bull, or the figures of
Seasons. Of the last-named a fine instance is the beautiful krater from
Capua, now in the British Museum (Fig. 219), the figures on which are
most delicately modelled. A stamp in the same collection from Arezzo
has a figure of Spring, which repeats the type of the Capua vase (Plate
LXVI. fig. 2: see p. 439).
A somewhat later development, corresponding to the second class
described above, seems to draw its inspiration rather from the
Hellenistic reliefs of naturalistic style, such as Schreiber has
published, dating from the third century B.C.[3411] The figures are no
longer stiff, but free and vigorous, and elaborate compositions are
attempted, some being perhaps excerpts from large Hellenistic
compositions. Realistic landscapes in the Hellenistic style, with rocks
and trees, are largely favoured, and the repertory of subjects includes
Dionysiac sacrifices and processions, combats of Centaurs and Lapiths,
and hunting-scenes. A fragmentary mould in the British Museum is a good
example of the latter, only that here the scene is definitely
characterised as Alexander the Great at a lion-hunt (Plate LXVI. figs.
1, 3). The king is just slaying a lion, which stands over a man whom it
has felled, and Krateros advances to his assistance with an axe. A
wreath which adorns the beast’s neck seems to indicate that it was an
animal specially kept in the royal park for hunting.[3412] The mould
bears the name of M. Perennius.
Dragendorff, in a valuable and illuminating estimate of the Arretine
wares,[3413] points out that they are an example of the tendency, so
constantly occurring in classic art, to imitate one substance in
another. He is further of opinion that they largely reproduce
contemporary originals which illustrate the eclectic art of the
Augustan period, instituting a reaction against Hellenistic art and
forming in their simple shapes a contrast to the _baroque_ forms of
later Hellenistic pottery. The art of the Augustan Age was followed, as
Wickhoff has pointed out,[3414] by a period of impressionism or
illusionist style derived from painting, which is, however, completely
absent from Arretine and all other pottery of the Roman period. It may,
therefore, be fairly assumed that when the impressionist style came
into vogue, the art of the Arretine potter had had its day. All
subsequent wares with reliefs are essentially provincial, and the
origin of their style is uncertain, but it is at all events not derived
from any of the contemporary phases of Roman art.
The vases of the types which we have been describing are not, as has
been hinted already, found exclusively at Arezzo. In Italy they are
found in all parts,[3415] and the stamps of known Arretine potters
occur in large numbers in Rome, as also at Cervetri, Chiusi, Vulci, and
elsewhere in Etruria,[3416] and at Mutina (Modena).[3417] They are also
found all over Campania, at Capua, Cumae, Pompeii, and Pozzuoli. North
of the Alps they occur but rarely, and almost exclusively in Gallia
Narbonensis,[3418] but we have seen that they are found in Spain, and
instances are also recorded from Sardinia, Africa, Greece,[3419] Asia
Minor, and Cyprus.[3420] From these details two conclusions may be
drawn, either that there were various centres scattered over the Empire
for the manufacture of what was currently known as “Arretine ware,” or
that an extensive system of exportation went on from one centre, which
would naturally be Arretium. Certainly there is no difference either
technically or artistically between the Arezzo vases and some of those
found in other places, such as Modena or Capua. Either view has
something in its favour, and it is doubtful whether the question is yet
ripe for solution.
* * * * *
The Arretine ware, as we have seen, steadily degenerated during the
first century of the Empire, and at the close of that period had
practically come to an end. The question then arises, What took its
place in Italy? For it will be seen in the following pages that in
discussing the remaining examples of _terra sigillata_ which Roman
potters have left us, we have to deal almost entirely with provincial
wares, made in Gaul and Germany, and exported largely even into Central
and Southern Italy. Not the least striking feature in the history of
Roman pottery is the rapid rise of these provincial fabrics, and the
reputation which they so speedily acquired even in the more central and
more civilised parts of the empire. Yet the manufacture of pottery in
Italy cannot have died out entirely by the end of the first century.
The plain and unglazed wares for domestic or other ordinary uses, such
as the _dolia_ and wine amphorae, of course continued to be made in
Italy as elsewhere, and the list of centres given by Pliny, which we
have already discussed, clearly shows that in the Flavian epoch several
places still preserved a reputation for the manufacture of pottery. On
the other hand, we have no evidence that the pottery made in these
centres had any other than utilitarian merit, or that it represents
what we know as _terra sigillata_, and it is certainly remarkable that
all the ornamental wares found in Italy are either of the Arretine type
or else importations from Gaul, with very few exceptions. Lamps and
tiles, as we have seen in previous chapters, continued to be made
throughout the second and third centuries, but both were essentially
utilitarian in their purposes, and the latter, at any rate, lay no
claim to artistic distinction. The growing use of metal vases by all
but the poorer classes, was also not without its effect on the
disappearance of moulded wares in Italy, and a reference thereto may
perhaps be traced in Martial’s plea for the Arretine pottery (p. 479).
It therefore seems safest to assume that as in the fourth century B.C.
the manufacture of painted vases ceased at Athens, but entered on a new
era of development in Southern Italy with the migration of Athenian
artists to the Hellenic centres of that region, so in the first century
after Christ the manufacture of _terra sigillata_ in Italy—as
distinguished from plain pottery and other objects such as
lamps—gradually died out, owing to the migration of artists and
transference of artistic traditions to the rising centres of a new
civilisation in the country bordering on the Rhone and the Rhine. It
will be our object in the succeeding pages to collect the evidence for
the existence and importance of the potteries in these regions, and to
show, in short, that they for some time supplied to the whole Roman
world all that its representatives were then capable of in the way of
artistic and decorative work in pottery. In the following chapter will
also be more conveniently discussed the vases of Ateius, Aco, and other
potters which represent the transition from the Arretine to the Gaulish
fabrics.
-----
Footnote 3331:
_H.N._ xxxv. 160 ff.
Footnote 3332:
_Etym._ xx. 4, 3.
Footnote 3333:
Hor. _Sat._ ii. 8, 39.
Footnote 3334:
i. 2, 65.
Footnote 3335:
ii. 2, 22.
Footnote 3336:
_Stich._ v. 4, 12: cf. Mart. iii. 81, 3; Lucil. _ap._ Non. p. 398;
Tibull. ii. 3, 47; Cic. _pro Murcna_, 36, 75; Cornif. Rhet. _ad
Herenn._ iv. 51.
Footnote 3337:
_Apol._ 25.
Footnote 3338:
_Bonner Jahrbücher_, ci. (1897), p. 140: cf. _ibid._ xcvi. p. 25, and
Blümner, _Technol._ ii. p. 103.
Footnote 3339:
i. 19; see above, p. 463.
Footnote 3340:
vi. 344.
Footnote 3341:
_Agric._ 135.
Footnote 3342:
Paul. _ex_ Fest. _ed._ Müller, 344_b_; “in Esquilina regione figulo
cum fornax plena vasorum coqueretur.”
Footnote 3343:
xxxv. 161.
Footnote 3344:
Cf. Mart. xiv. 157; “solet calices haec dare terra” (of Pollentia).
Footnote 3345:
See _C.I.L._ xi. 1147; for recent finds, _Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1837, p.
10 ff.
Footnote 3346:
_Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1837, _loc. cit._; 1875, p. 192.
Footnote 3347:
xli. 18.
Footnote 3348:
See generally _Bonner Jahrb._ xcvi. p. 53.
Footnote 3349:
_Sat._ i. 6, 118: cf. _ibid._ ii. 3, 144.
Footnote 3350:
xiv. 102: “Surrentinae leve toreuma rotae.”
Footnote 3351:
Cf. _id._ xiii. 110: “Surrentine cups are good enough for Surrentine
wine.”
Footnote 3352:
xiv. 114: cf. Tibull. ii. 3, 48; _Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1875, p. 66;
Marquardt, _Privatalterthümer_, p. 640, note 2.
Footnote 3353:
_Bonner Jahrb._ xcvi. p. 54; _Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1875, p. 242.
Footnote 3354:
_C.I.L._ x. 8056, 229.
Footnote 3355:
_Ibid._ xii. 5686, 696.
Footnote 3356:
See also _C.I.L._ x. 8056.
Footnote 3357:
_Sat._ ii. 8, 39.
Footnote 3358:
_H.N._ xxxv. 164.
Footnote 3359:
xiv. 108; viii. 6: cf. Juv. v. 29: “Saguntina Iagena.”
Footnote 3360:
iv. 46, 15.
Footnote 3361:
See also _C.I.L._ ii. p. 512 and Suppl. p. 1008; Déchelette, i. pp.
16, 111; also _Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1875, p. 250, and _C.I.L._ xv. 2632
for an amphora found on the Monte Testaccio at Rome with the stamp
BCM(_a_)TERNI SAGYNTO.
Footnote 3362:
xiv. 98.
Footnote 3363:
“O Arretine cup, which decorated my father’s table, how sound you
were before the doctor’s hand” (referring to its use for taking
medicine).
Footnote 3364:
Pers. i. 130: see also _C.I.L._ xi. p. 1081.
Footnote 3365:
_Storia degli ant. Vasi fitt. aretini_, Arezzo, 1841.
Footnote 3366:
See above, p. 438.
Footnote 3367:
_C.I.L._ ii. 4970, 519.
Footnote 3368:
_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1883, p. 265; Nov. 1884, p. 369, pls. 8, 9;
1890, p. 63 ff.; 1894, p. 117 ff.; 1896, p. 453 ff.
Footnote 3369:
See the map in _C.I.L._ xi. pt. 2, p. 1082.
Footnote 3370:
_Iscriz. ant. doliari_, p. 421 ff.
Footnote 3371:
_C.I.L._, _loc. cit._, and No. 6700.
Footnote 3372:
See _C.I.L._ xv. p. 702, Nos. 4925 ff.
Footnote 3373:
_Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1880, p. 265 ff.: cf. _ibid._ 1872, p. 284 ff. for
the Arretine examples; also _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1890, pp. 64, 68.
Footnote 3374:
_C.I.L._ xi. 6700, 12, 739.
Footnote 3375:
Cf. _B.M. Cat. of Bronzes_, Nos. 3043, 3068, 3100, etc.
Footnote 3376:
Some may be referred to Sulla’s time: see _Notizie_, 1883, p. 269
ff.; 1890, p. 71 ff.
Footnote 3377:
_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1894, p. 49.
Footnote 3378:
Fifty varieties, with the different slaves’ names, are given in
_C.I.L._ xi. 6700, 435.
Footnote 3379:
_Bonner Jahrb._ xcvi. p. 70, note 2.
Footnote 3380:
Rayet and Collignon, p. 357.
Footnote 3381:
_Inscr. Graec._ xiv. 2406, 28-46; _Notizie_, 1884, pl. 8; _Bonner
Jahrb._ xcvi. p. 70.
Footnote 3382:
_Philologus_, lviii. (N.F. xii.), pl. 4, p. 482; Roscher, iii. p.
2195: see for this potter, _Notizie_, 1896, p. 457.
Footnote 3383:
_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1896, p. 464.
Footnote 3384:
_Bonner Jahrb._ cii. p. 119; also found in Spain (_C.I.L._ ii. 4970,
515).
Footnote 3385:
_C.I.L._ xv. 5496.
Footnote 3386:
_Ibid._ x. 8055, 36.
Footnote 3387:
See _Bonner Jahrb._ cii. p. 119; Déchelette, _Vases de la Gaule
Romaine_, i. p. 116. A potter of the same date and character is SEX ·
M · F, found in Etruria.
Footnote 3388:
_C.I.L._ xi. 6700; _Bonner Jahrb._ cii. p. 125.
Footnote 3389:
_C.I.L._ xv. 5016.
Footnote 3390:
_Ibid._ 5572.
Footnote 3391:
Cf. Déchelette, i. pp. 81, 272.
Footnote 3392:
_C.I.L._ xv. 5211, 5398.
Footnote 3393:
_Op. cit._ xi. 6700, 752.
Footnote 3394:
See on this _C.I.L._ xi. 6700, 2; _Bonner Jahrb._ xcvi. p. 40; cii.
p. 126.
Footnote 3395:
_E.g._ _C.I.L._ xv. 5323. No. 5374 _ibid._ has _cognomen_ only.
Footnote 3396:
_C.I.L._ xv. p. 702.
Footnote 3397:
_C.I.L._ xv. 4996, 5094.
Footnote 3398:
_Ibid._ 5515, 5555, 5603.
Footnote 3399:
_C.I.L._ xi. 6700, 311.
Footnote 3400:
_C.I.L._ xv. p. 703: see also _Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1880, p. 318;
_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1890, p. 69.
Footnote 3401:
_E.g._ _C.I.L._ xv. 5179, 5524.
Footnote 3402:
See also _Röm. Mitth._ 1897, p. 286.
Footnote 3403:
See Hauser’s work on the subject, _Neuattische Reliefs_, _passim_.
Footnote 3404:
Rizzo in _Röm. Mitth._ 1897, p. 291 ff.; Dragendorff in _Bonner
Jahrbücher_, ciii. (1898), p. 104.
Footnote 3405:
_E.g._ by Schreiber, _Alexandr. Toreutik_, p. 401 ff.
Footnote 3406:
Cf. _Anzeiger_, 1897, p. 127 ff.; Pliny, _H.N._ xxxiii. 154 ff.
Footnote 3407:
_Röm. Mitth._ 1897, p. 40 (Siebourg); 1898, p. 399 (Hartwig); _Bonner
Jahrbücher_, xcvi. p. 37; _Mélanges d’Arch._ 1889, pl. 7, p. 288.
Footnote 3408:
_Op. cit._ p. 38.
Footnote 3409:
_Op. cit._ p. 55.
Footnote 3410:
Cf. _Bonner Jahrb._ xcvi. p. 58: also a mould in the B.M. (Plate
LXVI. fig. 5), and _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Terracottas_, D 646.
Footnote 3411:
_Hellen. Reliefbilder_, pls. 1, 9, 10, 21, etc.
Footnote 3412:
See on the subject, _Bonner Jahrb._ xcvi. p. 73.
Footnote 3413:
_Ibid._ ciii. p. 103. On the same article the preceding paragraphs
are also largely based.
Footnote 3414:
_Roman Art_, Eng. Trans., p. 18 ff.
Footnote 3415:
See _C.I.L._ xv. p. 702.
Footnote 3416:
_E.g_. _C.I.L._ xi. 6700, 2, 308, 688, 762.
Footnote 3417:
_Ibid._ 6700, 29, 306, 786.
Footnote 3418:
A fine example has been found at Neuss on the Rhine (_Bonner Jahrb._
ciii. p. 88).
Footnote 3419:
See Dumont, _Inscrs. Céramiques_, p. 390.
Footnote 3420:
_Cyprus Mus. Cat._ p. 94, No. 2116, PRINCEPS TITI, from Salamis.
CHAPTER XXIII
_ROMAN POTTERY (continued); PROVINCIAL FABRICS_
Distribution of Roman pottery in Europe—Transition from Arretine to
provincial wares—_Terra sigillata_—Shapes and centres of
fabric—Subjects—Potters’ stamps—Vases with _barbotine_
decoration—The fabrics of Gaul—St. Rémy—Graufesenque—“Marbled”
vases—Vases with inscriptions (Banassac)—Lezoux—Vases with
medallions (Southern Gaul)—Fabrics of Germany—_Terra sigillata_
in Britain—Castor ware—Upchurch and New Forest wares—Plain
pottery—_Mortaria_—Conclusion.
1. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS
The pottery with which we have now to deal is that which was known to
an older generation as “Samian ware,”[3421] but may now be more
appropriately termed _Provincial terra sigillata_. In regard to its
general characteristics, it is distinguished by a fine close-grained
red clay, harder than the Arretine, and presenting when broken an edge
of light red. The surface is smooth and lustrous, of a brighter yet
darker red colour (_i.e._ less like coral) than that of Arretine ware,
but the tone of the red varies with the degree of heat used. The most
important feature is the fine red glaze with which it is coated,
similar in composition to—though not identical with—that of the
Arretine (see the analysis given on p. 436); it is exceedingly thin and
transparent, and laid equally over the whole surface, only slightly
augmenting the colour of the clay, which resembles that of coral or
sealing-wax. The glaze varies in lustre and quality as well as in
colour, but as the analyses show, it is produced on the same principle
at all periods and in all fabrics, Italian and provincial. The
ornamentation is invariably of a coarser nature than that of Arretine
ware, and though it draws its inspiration therefrom, is divided from it
by a considerable interval of artistic degeneration; nor is the missing
link always easy to trace. This ware is found all over Central Europe,
from the Balkan to the Spanish Peninsula, in the forests of Germany,
and on the distant shores of Britain, but in greatest abundance and
effectiveness in the valleys of the Loire and Rhine, a fact which in
itself directs us to look to these districts for the centres of its
manufacture. Wherever found, it is in its main characteristics
identical, and readily to be distinguished from the local wares with
their simple, or entire absence of, ornamentation. The vases are
usually of small dimensions, consisting of various types of bowls,
cups, and dishes, of which two or three forms are preferred almost to
the exclusion of the rest, and they usually bear the stamp of the
potter impressed on the inside or outside. The angular and sharp
profiles of the various shapes indicate that in nearly all cases they
are derived from metal prototypes.
Although this ware is found all over the Roman world, yet by far the
greater proportion of the material at hand comes from the Roman sites
of Gaul, Germany, and Britain, and evidence points to two—and only
two—districts as the principal centres of its manufacture: the valleys
of the Loire and the Rhine and their immediate neighbourhood. Even in
Italy the material is exceedingly scanty, and much of the pottery found
in Rome or Campania can be proved by the potters’ stamps to have been
imported from Gaul. In Greece the finds of _terra sigillata_, though
covering a wide area, are few and far between, and we are hardly in a
position to state whether these are local fabrics or importations.
Dragendorff notes[3422] that in the museum at Bonn there are fragments
from Athens, Eleusis, Rhamnus, Oropos, Epidauros, Eretria, Argos,
Delos, and Troy, and others in private possession at the same place
from Alexandria. In the museum at Dimitzana in Arcadia there is a vase
with Latin stamps, and another without stamp is preserved at Chanak
Kalessi on the Dardanelles. Furtwaengler records a few fragments from
Olympia,[3423] one with OCT · SALVE, and fragments have also been found
at Pergamon. There are a few cups from Cyprus in the Museum at St.
Germain-en-Laye, and others at Nicosia.[3424] But it must not be
forgotten that, as has already been noted (p. 476), there is evidence
of manufacture of red relief wares in Greek lands under the Empire, and
much of the above-mentioned material may not be able to lay any claim
to a Western origin.
For the potteries of Central and Western Europe there is indeed no
literary evidence, for, as we have seen (p. 479), Saguntum is the only
provincial place of any reputation in antiquity, although modern
excavations have not upheld its claim. All the evidence is necessarily
derived from excavations, and from finds of moulds and potteries; but
by the careful and scientific researches of Von Hefner, Dragendorff,
Déchelette, and other investigators on Gaulish and German sites results
have been obtained of incalculable value for establishing the
provincial centres which during the first century of the Empire
inherited the traditions of Arretium. In the succeeding enquiry,
therefore, we shall devote our attention almost entirely to the _terra
sigillata_, of which Gaul, Germany, and Britain have yielded such
abundant quantities, and after a general consideration of its history
and characteristics, shall discuss in detail the peculiarities of
separate fabrics.[3425]
* * * * *
In his invaluable treatise on _terra sigillata_[3426]—the first
comprehensive attempt at a general scientific discussion of the subject
which has been contributed—Dragendorff collected a series of over fifty
varieties of forms (almost exclusively cups, bowls, and dishes), which
embrace all the examples of Arretine and provincial wares with
relief-ornamentation. Of these he considers the first fourteen peculiar
to the Arretine ware, but there are other vases found both in Italy and
the provinces which in form and colour are not distinguishable from the
Arretine, and seem to be undoubted examples of early importations. Such
vases are found at Andernach, Neuss, and Xanten on the Lower
Rhine,[3427] bearing the stamps of Ateius, Bassus, Primus, and Xanthus,
who are also frequently found in Southern Italy.[3428] With regard to
the first-named, however, there is evidence to show that he may have
worked in Southern Gaul, and the Italian origin of this pottery is not
absolutely certain.[3429] At all events, the finds in Germany to which
a date in the first century can be given seem to show the adoption of a
new form of dish differing from that characteristic of Arezzo[3430];
this new form is also common at Pompeii (probably as an importation),
and is found on the Limes at Saalburg with the stamp BOLLVS FIC. It is
usually quite plain, and seems to have lasted down to the end of the
third century. Another variety (No. 18) was found at Andernach with a
coin of Antonia Augusta, and at Este in Italy with a stamp SERRAE,
which belongs to the time of Augustus. From it a later form (No. 31)
was developed.
[Illustration:
FIG. 221. GAULISH BOWL (FORM NO. 29); FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST.
]
[Illustration:
FIG. 222. GAULISH BOWL (FORM NO. 30);
FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST.
]
As a general rule these early provincial forms were unornamented, but
the two types of bowl or cup which Dragendorff numbers 29 and 30, and
which are reproduced in Figs. 221, 222, become the normal form for the
provincial relief-wares of the first century. These are not found in
the Arretine ware, but occur all through that century, not only in
Gaul, but also, for instance, in the _castra_ on the frontier of
Germany.[3431] The only Arretine form which seems to have prevailed to
any extent in the provinces is the krater (Dragendorff’s No. 11 = Fig.
219).[3432] Other kinds of deep cups with expanding sides
(Dragendorff’s Nos. 22-27) are found occasionally in Italy and on
various sites in Germany, and can be traced from their first appearance
in the first century for about a hundred years.[3433] Nos. 24 and 25
are found at Xanten (Castra Vetera) with coins of Julius Caesar and
Nero, others in the cemetery of Bibracte near Autun, which is known not
to be later than the time of Augustus.[3434] The general conclusion
seems to be that these wares represent a sort of transitional stage
between those of Arretium and the indubitably provincial _terra
sigillata_. Towards the end of the first century they are supplanted,
notably at Lezoux and in Germany, by the hemispherical bowl
(Dragendorff’s No. 37 = Fig. 223), which subsequently becomes the only
form employed for the moulded wares.
[Illustration: FIG. 223. GAULISH BOWL (FORM NO. 37); A.D. 70-260.]
In pursuing his investigation of the provincial fabrics of the first
century,[3435] Dragendorff begins by discussing various groups of vases
found in Germany which seem to represent a period of transition between
the Italian Roman (and the local native) pottery and the provincial
_terra sigillata_ proper, which is not usually found before the middle
of the century. First we have a kind of light-red ware, formerly known
as “false Samian,” which lacks the strong lustrous sheen of the genuine
_terra sigillata_; the tone Hettner considered to be the result of mere
polishing, without any glaze or slip.[3436] The forms are heavier and
coarser, and are not confined, as in the genuine fabric, to deep cups
or shallow bowls, but include a sort of beaker or tumbler-shaped
cup,[3437] and a slim jar with characteristic incised ornament. They
are found in the oldest Roman tombs at Andernach, about A.D. 60.[3438]
Contemporary with this (from Augustus to Vespasian) was a kind of black
ware with incised linear ornament, resembling that described under a
subsequent heading (p. 515); it bears the same potters’ stamps as the
light-red ware, and is interesting for its close relation to the older
La Tène pottery, showing its origin to be Celtic or Gaulish, not Roman.
The centre of fabric for these wares, which are limited in their
distribution to the Rhenish provinces, Normandy and Southern Gaul,
seems to have been Trier, which place is as nearly as possible the
centre of all the sites on which they have been found; it is further
evident that both the red and the black were made in the same pottery.
Dragendorff styles these fabrics “Belgic,” on the ground that they are
mostly found in the province of Gallia Belgica. It is conceivable that,
as that province became organised in the first century, potters from
Southern Gaul settled at Trier. A pottery of that epoch has been found
there, with remains of black, grey, and light-red ware, and a piece
found at Andernach with the stamp DVRO/CVAVO shows evidence of having
been made at the former place.[3439] The potters’ stamps include both
Roman and non-Roman names. These wares are very rarely found in
Britain.[3440]
We now come to the _terra sigillata_ fabrics proper, which extend from
about A.D. 30 or even earlier to 250, and exhibit a great difference
from the earlier fabrics.[3441] There is no longer any question of
Italian manufacture or of unsuccessful provincial imitations of Italian
ware, but of a provincial fabric of excellent technique and real
artistic individuality. The material for our purpose is supplied by the
Gaulish cemeteries and pottery-sites of the Rhone and Allier valleys,
the Cevennes, Normandy, and Belgium, by those of the Rhine valley and
Southern Germany, and those of Britain. In Northern Gaul this pottery
is found with coins ranging from Caligula to Commodus, and in the forts
on the German Limes, such as those on the Taunus range and along the
Main, the coins extend from Vespasian to Gallienus (A.D. 260), in whose
time occupation ceased on the right bank of the Rhine.
In considering the probable centres of fabric we find a remarkable
correspondence in the potters’ stamps in the most widely-separated
localities, indicating a limited number of centres which had a great
reputation. Thus, for instance, in comparing lists of stamps found in
London with those from Douai in France Roach-Smith noted that no less
than three-fourths of the names occurred in both places.[3442] The same
investigator, now many years ago, was acute enough to deduce the
conclusion from this and other similar evidence that in Britain there
was no local manufacture of _terra sigillata_[3443]; and he has been
justified by more recent researches, based on a much more extensive
command of material. The two chief authorities on this subject at the
present day, Dr. Dragendorff and M. Déchelette, are agreed in their
main conclusions that the centre of this fabric must be sought in Gaul,
and since the appearance of the latter’s treatise on the Gaulish
potteries, there seems little doubt that it was in the first century at
Graufesenque near Rodez in the Cevennes (Condatomagus), in the
succeeding period at Lezoux in Auvergne, where extensive remains of
potteries have come to light. Dr. Dragendorff based his arguments on
the following facts:
(1) The potters’ names are largely Gaulish.
(2) Names are found in other parts which are known to be from a
Gaulish centre such as Lezoux.
(3) Gallic epigraphical peculiarities, such as [dotted circle] for O,
[cursive D] for D, and OV for U, are found in the inscriptions.
(4) Even names of an undoubted Latin type, such as Julios and
Priscos, end in the Gallic termination -_os_.
(5) Cursive forms such as 15[14]Attic alpha reversed for A,
15[12]cursive E for E, 15[12]cursive F for F, and [cursive L] for
L, are frequently found, as also in Gaulish inscriptions of the
second century.
That he was working on the right lines has been now shown by M.
Déchelette, who has employed as the basis of his researches the more
conclusive evidence of discoveries, especially of finds of moulds and
remains of potteries. But of this more will be said subsequently.
On the other hand there were two large potteries in Germany, at
Rheinzabern, near Speier, and at Westerndorf, in Southern Bavaria,
where ornamented vases were undoubtedly made. They were apparently not
largely exported, but many of the stamps also occur on the plain wares
from these potteries, implying that the ornamental vases must also have
been made by the local men.[3444] The pottery of Westerndorf begins
about the middle of the second century. Dragendorff notes that of all
the Gaulish potters’ stamps only forty-one have been found in Italy,
and many of these only in Cisalpine Gaul, while others are very rare.
In regard to the forms, the chief fact to be noted is that new shapes
and methods of decoration now appear with the growth of the provincial
potteries, unknown in Italy, and the earlier bowls and dishes are not
found (for instance) at Rheinzabern.[3445] One form of dish (No. 32) is
new, but another (No. 31) is clearly developed from the Italian type
(No. 18). An essentially Gaulish form of deep bowl or cup is No. 33;
another with handles (No. 34) is only found at Banassac. The _mortaria_
with spout and pebbles inserted for grinding (see below, p. 551) now
first make their appearance, especially in the Limes forts and in
Britain. Many of the forms clearly indicate an imitation of metal.
Déchelette notes that of the forms given by Dragendorff (Nos. 15-55)
about twenty in all are found in Gaul, including the three used for
moulded wares (see below, and p. 501).[3446] To these he adds sixteen
new forms, which he numbers 56 to 71, and for the vases with
_barbotine_ or _appliqué_ decoration six more (72-77) must be included
in the list.[3447]
The next feature to be considered in these vases is the decoration,
which is not confined, as in the Italian wares, to reliefs obtained
from moulds, but is also produced by ornaments applied to the surface
of the vase, either in the form of separate figures or medallions
modelled by hand or made from moulds and then attached, or by the
method known as _en barbotine_ (see below, pp. 512, 529). Sometimes the
decoration takes the form of impressed or incised patterns (p. 515),
but these are more characteristic of the commoner wares. For the
present we may limit the discussion to vases in which the decoration is
produced at the same time in the mould.[3448]
Vases of this type exhibit a remarkable monotony of form, being, as
already noted, practically confined to two varieties of the bowl or
deep cup, one with curved, the other with straight, sides (Forms 29 and
30 = Figs. 221, 222), at least up to the middle of the first century.
In the latter half of that century these are supplemented by a third
variety (Form 37 = Fig. 223), and at the same time a gradual diminution
in the sharpness of the outlines, as in the reliefs themselves, becomes
apparent. No direct connection with the Arretine ware can be traced,
either in the forms or in the decoration. The potters’ stamps are found
at first in the interior, as on the plain wares, but subsequently on
the exterior, in the middle of the design.
At first there is a general absence of figure subjects, and the designs
are purely ornamental, or else animals, such as birds or hares, are
introduced as mere decorative elements. An important distinction from
the Italian wares should be noted, viz. that in the latter the wreaths
or scrolls which play such an important part in the decoration are
composed of single detached leaves or flowers, whereas in the
provincial wares the whole wreath is modelled in one continuous system,
either formed of undulating motives, as at Graufesenque, or of a
straight wreath or band of ornaments, as at Lezoux.[3449] On the other
hand the figure compositions are never continuous until the ”free”
style comes in at Lezoux with the second century, but are broken up by
ornaments into metope-like groups. The typical arrangement is that of a
wreath between rows of beads or raised dots, with a triple band of
hatched lines or “machine-turned” ornament above, and rays or
pear-shaped ornaments below, pointing downwards. Sometimes the wreath
is duplicated; or the frieze is broken up into metope-like groups of
animals bordered by ornament, as in the first-century bowls found in
France and Italy, which Déchelette attributes to the potteries of
Condatomagus (Graufesenque in the Cevennes).[3450] With the
introduction of the hemispherical bowls (form 37) comes a new system,
in which the upper edge is left plain, followed by a band of
egg-and-tongue ornament; then comes the main frieze, and below this a
simple wreath. This form and method first appear at Lezoux about A.D.
70, and at Rheinzabern with the beginning of the next century. The
final stage is reached when the decoration consists of figures either
arranged in medallions and arcades, or freely in friezes, a system
which obtains exclusively at Westerndorf, and on the bulk of the _terra
sigillata_ found in Britain. Along with these changes in arrangement
goes a steady artistic degeneration.
As regards the subjects, it may be generally observed that the
conceptions are good, but the execution is poor. In many cases they are
obviously imitations of well-known works, and it is curious that no
Gaulish subjects occur. The types include representations of gods and
heroes, warriors and gladiators, hunters and animals. In general they
are of Hellenistic origin, and include all such subjects as are
characteristic of the art of the period.[3451] At first, however,
purely decorative motives hold the field, in imitation of the Arretine
ware, and it is not until after the disappearance of the latter that
figure decoration is found. We have imitations of sculpture, as in the
types of Venus bathing or the Diana _à la biche_, and of the
Hellenistic reliefs with genre and idyllic subjects, as in the scenes
with fowlers or fishermen.[3452] The “new-Attic” reliefs furnish models
for types, as in other branches of Roman art (see pp. 368, 489), and
Eros, Herakles, and Dionysiac subjects are universally popular.
Among the mythological types Dragendorff has collected the
following[3453]: Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Hephaistos, Hermes, Aphrodite,
Artemis, and Athena; Dionysos, Herakles, Victory, Fortune, and Cupids;
Amazons, Giants, sea-monsters, Gryphons and Sphinxes, Pygmies and
cranes; Bellerophon, Aktaeon, the rape of the Leukippidae, and Romulus
and Remus suckled by the wolf. The gladiatorial subjects closely follow
the types of Roman art, and the favourite theme, a combat of two in
which one is worsted, resembles a common type on the lamps (p.
416).[3454] Thus, though the style of art is essentially provincial,
the subjects draw their inspiration exclusively from classical
sources.[3455]
A series of examples from Britain may be noted as covering in their
subjects the ground indicated; they are mostly from Roach-Smith’s
extensive collection, now in the British Museum.[3456] They include a
vase with figures in separate compartments: Diana, Minerva, Hercules,
Bacchus, a man with a cup, and Satyrs and Nymphs; another with Hercules
in the Garden of the Hesperides killing the serpent, Diana, warriors,
and panels of ornament; a third with Bacchus and a tiger, Luna, and
Genii with torches. Others have Apollo with Diana or pursuing Daphne;
Diana and Actaeon; copies of statues of Venus (of the Cnidian or Medici
type); the labours of Hercules, Bacchanalian orgies and processions,
and such deities as Victory, Fortune, Cupids, and Anubis, as well as
Satyrs and Fauns, Gryphons, Sphinxes, and Tritons. On the vase of
Divixtus illustrated in Plate LXVIII. fig. 2, the subjects are Venus at
her toilet, Diana with a stag, and a Silenus carrying a basket of
fruit. The subjects from daily life include hunting scenes of various
kinds; dogs pursuing stags, boars, or hares; combats of _bestiarii_
with various animals; musicians, and gladiators. Ornamentation of a
purely decorative character includes animals and trees, and
representations of fruit, flowers, and foliage, either in scrolls or
interspersed with other objects. Roach-Smith also gives a curious
example from Hartlip in Kent[3457] with two separate friezes of figures
and the potter’s stamp SABINI·M[3458]; on the upper band are Leda and
the swan and a seated goddess with cornucopia; on the lower, Diana with
a deer, under a canopy, and Victory crowning a warrior, the various
groups being several times repeated. The style is very rude, and though
the subjects are classical, the figures and designs are very barbaric,
almost mediaeval in appearance.[3459]
The _terra sigillata_ fabrics appear to have lasted on down to the end
of the fourth century in the provinces, but are by that time not only
rare, but exceedingly degenerate. Some found at Andernach can be
attributed to the reign of Magnus Maximus (A.D. 388), and in others,
apart from the style, the costume of the figures resembles that of the
fourth century[3460]; the potters’ stamps by this time have entirely
ceased.
* * * * *
The names of potters which, as we have seen, so frequently occur on the
provincial wares are nearly all Gaulish in form or origin, and this, it
has been noted, is one of the strongest arguments for the Gaulish
origin of the pottery. The stamps are usually quadrangular in form, but
sometimes circular or oval, or in the form of a human foot; they are
depressed in the surface of the vase, but the letters are in relief.
There is considerable variation in the form of the letters, which are
often cursive (see p. 504), often ligatured, and frequently single
letters or whole words are impressed backwards. The names are either in
the nominative, with or without F, FEC, FECIT, or in the genitive with
OF, OFFIC, etc., M, or MANV; the Gaulish word AVOT for FECIT is also
found.[3461] It is rare to find a potter with more than one name, and
probably few of the Gaulish potters were Roman citizens[3462]; on the
other hand, there are few undoubted examples of slaves’ names. Some
groups of names seem to indicate partnerships, such as VRSVS FELIX,
PRIMI PATER(_ni_), SECVND(_i_) RVFIN(_i_); in other cases the name of
the father is also given, as TORNOS VOCARI F(_ilius_), VACASATVS
BRARIATI F,[3463] but it is not impossible that the formula may mean,
“Tornos the slave of Vocarius,” or, “Vacasatus the slave of Brariatus
made (_fecit_).” In Aquitania stamps occur with FAM(_uli_) or NEPOTIS
added after the name. Some groups of names are peculiar to certain
localities, Amabilis, Belsus, Domitianus, Placidus, etc., being found
only in Germany; other potters give a hint of their origin, adding to
their names ARVE or AR for Arvernus, the district of the Arverni,
corresponding to the modern Auvergne. Vases are found at Lezoux with
the stamp RVTENVS FECIT[3464]; here the name may be a deliberate
intention of the Rutenian potter, to show that the vase was not made
locally. The name Disetus, which is found on the Rhine, occurs in
Gallia Belgica in the form Diseto, the variety being due either to
differences in date or in the place of fabric. Among peculiarities in
the stamps may be mentioned an instance, given among those from
Britain, where the potter from ignorance or caprice has impressed the
stamp of an oculist, intended for a quack ointment, on the bottom of a
cup (found in London, and now in the British Museum).[3465] It reads: Q
· IVL · SENIS · CR | OCOD · AD · ASPR (_crocodes_, an ointment made
from saffron). In 1902 some interesting _graffiti_ were found on
pottery at Graufesenque (cf. those given on p. 239), being apparently
notes made by the potters, such as VINAR(_ia_), ACET(_abula_),
TAR(_ichos_), and so on, as well as the names of the potters and the
quantity of the contents in each case.[3466] But it is not possible to
ascertain the forms corresponding to the names given in _graffito_.
Some peculiarities of the potters’ stamps may be noted among those from
Westerndorf and Rheinzabern, in which certain combinations occur on the
same vase.[3467] Thus at Westerndorf we find:
COMITIALIS · FE — CSS · EROT
COMITIALIS · F — { CSS · ER
{ CSS · MAIANVS·F
SEDATVS · F — CSS · ER
CSS · MAIANVS — CSS · ER
at Rheinzabern:
CERIAL · FE — CONSTANT
COMITIALIS · FE — { IOVENTI
{ LATINNI
{ SECVNDAIANI[3468]
The names Comitialis and Cerialis are found on stamps interspersed
among the designs, and therefore made with the vase in the mould, but
those with CSS occur on the rim, and were therefore added subsequently.
It will be noted from the above examples that the names like
Comitialis—Primitivos is another instance—are common to more than one
fabric, but those in the second series are peculiar to one; the latter,
therefore, refer to the actual potter (_figulus_), the former to the
designer of the decoration (_sigillarius_), whose moulds were employed
in more than one place. It is an interesting parallel to the ἔγραψεν
and ἐποἰησεν of the Greek vases. This conclusion receives additional
confirmation from the discovery of certain types of decoration both at
Rheinzabern and Westerndorf, showing that there was a system of
exchange between the two potteries.[3469] The name CSS is only found at
Westerndorf, and it has been supposed that it denotes C. Septimius
Secundianus, a name which occurs in the neighbourhood. The name of
Comitialis is found on a vase from London in the British Museum,
presumably imported from Germany.[3470]
Representations of potters are not unknown in Gaulish art; and there
are also allusions to them in inscriptions. Some are depicted wearing
the tunic only, and thereby proclaiming their servile condition; others
wear the cloak also, as for instance one Casatus Caratius,
_fictiliarius_, who is represented on a _stele_ at Metz holding a
fluted vase like those made in black ware.[3471] On another, L.
Aurelius Sabinus is represented, with an _amphora_, _olla_, and
_lagena_ in the background, and an inscription which runs, _L. Aurelius
Sabinus doliarius fecit sibi et suis_.[3472] Several inscriptions found
in Germany speak of _negotiatores artis cretariae_, and may be assumed
to refer to what we should call “commercial travellers“ or “agents” for
the sale of the finer wares. In an inscription found at Wiesbaden
Secundus Agricola is mentioned in this capacity, and in another from
Dornburg, Secundinus Silvanus, a native of Britain.[3474] M. Messius
Fortunatus, whose name actually occurs on pottery, is described in
inscriptions as being also _pavimentarius_ (road-maker) and
_paenalarius_ (cloak-maker).[3475]
Apart from the potters’ stamps, some interesting inscriptions have been
found on the vases from Rottenburg in Germany. There are examples with
the names of the consuls for A.D. 237, Didius Caelius Balbinus and M.
Clodius Pupienus Maximus (the first year of their reign).[3476] Others
have the names of the legions stationed in the _colonia_ of Sumlocene
or Solicinium, which this site represents, with the dates A.D. 169
(LOCEN ·A · V · C · MLVI), 248 (C · STI · A · V· C · CDI), and 303, and
the names of the twenty-first and twenty-second legions.[3477] Incised
inscriptions on Roman pottery are common throughout the provinces, as
the pages of the _Corpus_ indicate, but are more usually found on the
plain wares than on the _terra sigillata_. Among the more interesting
examples is a vase in the Louvre, of the first century after Christ, on
the neck of which is incised GENIO TVRNACENSIVM, “To the Genius of
Turnacum” (Tournay)[3478]; another found at Ickleton in
Cambridgeshire[3479] had (_ex ho_)C AMICI BIBVNT, “Friends are they who
drink from this”; a third from Leicester, VERECVNDA LVDIA LVCIVS
GLADIATOR, supposed to refer to a love-token or present from a
gladiator to his mistress.[3480] A vase of black ware from Taplow,
Bucks, in the British Museum has a Greek inscription.
* * * * *
We next come to the discussion of the vases decorated in the method
known as _en barbotine_.[3481] This is exceedingly rare in Italy, and
it is probable that the vases there found are importations; the process
seems to have been invented in Gaul or Germany, and the only parallel
thereto in earlier ceramic art is in the method employed for the gilded
vases of the fifth and fourth centuries (see Vol. I. p. 210). At its
first appearance it occurs on vases of common grey or black unglazed
ware, found at Andernach with coins of Claudius and Nero,[3482] but by
the end of the first century it is also employed on glazed wares, red
or black, and even on the enamelled glazed vases of Gallic or German
origin. The ornamentation is at first exceedingly simple, consisting of
plain leaves, chains of rings, or raised knobs, as on the examples
found in Italy; but it developed rapidly, and the patterns become very
varied. Its chief merit is that it is essentially a free, not a
mechanical method, and some of the specimens from the Rhine and Britain
have really effective compositions of animals and interwoven scrolls.
Even human figures find a place; but towards the end of its popularity
the ornamentation encroaches upon and finally ousts the figure
subjects, and degeneration is manifested in artificiality and crowding
of detail. In the earlier examples there is a marked preference for a
slip presenting a contrast of colour to the clay, and we find white
used on red and black ware, brown on buff ware (early German vases in
the form of human heads), and so on.[3483]
In Gaul, barbotine is limited to subsidiary decorative patterns, and is
never used for figures as in Germany and Britain (see below and p.
544); it is very common in the North of France. At Lezoux it was
employed in the earlier period of that pottery (A.D. 50-100) for simple
leaf-patterns, in the later (A.D. 100-260) to complete the decoration
of vases with _appliqué_ reliefs (p. 529).[3484]
The black glazed wares decorated _en barbotine_ are characteristic of
the second century, and extend down to the fourth.[3485] The clay is
actually red, with thin walls, but is covered with a black or
dark-brown varnish, often with a metallic lustre, which when too much
baked turns to red, and thus presents the appearance of _terra
sigillata_. The barbotine is either of the same colour as the clay, the
varnish being subsequently added _over it_, or composed of white or
yellow slip and applied after the varnish. The decoration usually takes
the form of leaves or scrolls, or of simple raised knobs; but figures
of dogs, hares, and deer are found, and occasionally men.
On the red or _terra sigillata_ wares the barbotine process is not
found earlier than the middle of the first century; there is none, for
instance, at Andernach. It is practically unknown in Italy, and a few
fragments from that country in the Louvre and Dresden Museums are
probably importations. Moreover, it is confined to forms which only
appear with the development of the provincial potteries. The earliest
specimens are found with coins of the Flavian epoch at Trier and
Xanten; it occurs also in Germany and Britain, and there are examples
at Speier from Rheinzabern, but it does not seem to have been made at
Westerndorf. The ornamentation is very limited in its scope, and from a
strictly artistic point of view it was not really suited for any but
simple patterns of leaves (especially those of the ivy or of lanceolate
form) or for running animals. Figures of hunters, gladiators, or
_bestiarii_ are occasionally found. From the very nature of the process
no fine details were possible, and all must be executed in long, thin,
and soft lines. Sometimes, however, scrolls in barbotine were combined
with figures of men and animals made from moulds, as on the Lezoux ware
described below (p. 529). Potters’ stamps are rare, but Dragendorff
gives examples from Cologne, Bonn, and Speier.[3486] It has been
pointed out by the same authority that the influence of glass technique
is strongly marked, not only in the method, which suggests the
imitation of threads and lumps of spun glass, but also in the forms,
which frequently occur in the provincial glass ware of the period, then
rising into prominence.[3487] Examples of British barbotine ware are
given on Plate LXIX.
The other method of decoration to which we have alluded, that of
indented ornamentation, is undoubtedly an imitation of glass technique,
and the forms (flasks and small cups or bowls without feet or handles,
of ovoid or spherical form) are equally characteristic of that
material.[3488] The decoration consists of linear patterns and
sharply-cut ornaments in the shape of an olive or barley-corn, often
combined with naturalistic foliage. This ware may be dated by coins
between A.D. 100 and 250; there are no examples with potters’ stamps,
but it seems to have been made at Lezoux, Trier, and Westerndorf, and
exported to Britain and elsewhere.
What may be described as a variety of this technique, but occurring in
the red glazed wares, is a method of decoration in rows of linear
incised patterns, usually in small rectangular panels of hatched lines.
These belong to the time of the decadence of the ceramic industry,
_i.e._ to the fourth century, and are found chiefly in North and East
France and Germany, not in Central or Southern Gaul. There are examples
from the Department of Marne in the British Museum (Morel Collection).
The patterns are made with wooden stamps, not with the usual running
wheel. Déchelette thinks the method originated in Germany with the
vases of the La Tène period.[3489]
In order to elucidate further the development and characteristics of
the provincial Roman pottery, it may be found serviceable to turn our
attention to the various sites which are known to have been centres of
manufacture, or which have yielded pottery in large quantities, and at
the same time to indicate the main points of difference between the
fabrics of Gaul, Germany, and Britain.
2. THE FABRICS OF GAUL
The pottery of Gaul presenting the closest relationship, both
artistically and chronologically, with that of Italy, it will be most
convenient to accord it precedence. Hitherto a general survey of the
Gaulish fabrics has hardly been possible, as the materials had not been
collected and studied as a whole; and such a task was obviously beyond
the capacity of any one who had not the advantage of a personal
acquaintance with the mass of material now available in all parts of
France. But since the indispensable and exhaustive work of M.
Déchelette has appeared, it has rendered superfluous all the previous
literature on this particular subject. This scholar has earned the
gratitude of students by his careful study of the pottery excavated on
certain sites in Southern France, by means of which much light has been
thrown on the Gaulish fabrics of the first century, at the time when
the _sigillata_ industry was just taking root in Gaul, and had hardly
freed itself from Italian influences. In one section of his work he
deals with the finds made in 1895-1900 at Saint-Rémy on the Allier,
about four miles from Vichy,[3490] in another with those of 1901-02 at
Graufesenque, near Rodez, in the Cevennes region,[3491] and thirdly
with the important fabrics of Lezoux.[3492] With these and others of
more or less importance we shall deal successively in the following
pages.
* * * * *
At =Saint-Rémy= no traces of actual furnaces were found, but fragments
of moulds, etc., showed clearly that it was an important centre, not
only for pottery, but also for terracotta figures. As a rule little
chronological evidence is to be obtained from finds in France owing to
the confused and unstratified condition of the remains, or from absence
of scientific records; but in the present case we are fortunate in
possessing a series of homogeneous types belonging to the earliest
period of _sigillata_ ware in Gaul; an entire uniformity of clay,
technique, form, and decoration shows that they must all belong to one
circumscribed epoch, in spite of the absence of coins or other definite
evidence. At the same time it has been possible not only to connect
them with finds at Mont Beuvray (Bibracte), near Autun, which can be
dated not later than 5 B.C., at Ornavasso, on Lago Maggiore (coins of
Augustan epoch), and at Andernach (also Augustan, see pp. 502, 533),
but also to obtain a clue to their originals and prototypes.
[Illustration:
From _Déchelette._
FIG. 224. VASE OF ST.-RÉMY FABRIC.
]
The forms of the vases fall under five clearly-defined heads: a
_poculum_, or tumbler-shaped vessel, a _scyphus_ with flat-topped
handles, a straight-sided open bowl, flasks with or without handles,
and of conical form or pear-shaped (see Fig. 224). All the vases are of
white clay, with reliefs, but there are no potters’ stamps, and the
execution is often imperfect; the secret of the red ware seems as yet
unknown, but there is evidence that it was gradually substituted for
the white, and the typical bowl with sloping sides and continuous
scrolls of foliage (Dragendorff’s No. 29 = Fig. 221) introduced here as
elsewhere. In the Saint-Rémy fabrics this bowl only has a single row of
ornament, a tongue-pattern, scrolls, or arcading round the lower part.
The general conclusion reached by M. Déchelette is that down to the end
of the first century B.C. two kinds of pottery were introduced into
Gaul: the Arretine ware, which occurs at Bibracte with the stamps of
Annius, Memmius, and Tettius, and a class of small goblets and flasks
of yellowish clay which in many respects resemble the Saint-Rémy type.
The latter sometimes bear the name of ACO ACASTVS,[3493] a potter who
appears to have worked in the region of Savoy or Piedmont, and who was
inspired by the Arretine technique and style of signature. His ware
also occurs in Lombardy at Ornavasso, and at Klagenfurt in Pannonia,
where a fragment was found (Fig. 225) with his name and an inscription
which runs: “Life is short, hope is frail; come, (the lights) are
kindled; let us drink, comrades, while it is light.”[3494] He certainly
belongs to the Augustan epoch, and may be regarded as the immediate
inspirer of the Saint-Rémy fabrics. Hence about the beginning of the
first century of our era it may be inferred that the potters of
Saint-Rémy and district began to “exploit” the Italian technique, but
following the Gallo-Italic method of Aco rather than the Arretine. The
typical decorative motive by which this pottery may be recognised is a
kind of arcading, which from having floriated points gradually tends to
assume a purely vegetable form. Some of the vases are only ornamented
with rows of raised points, and this feature occurs on others with the
potters’ names L. Sarius Surus and Buccio Norbanus. Figure decoration
is found only on the pear-shaped flasks, in the form of animals (Fig.
224) and bearded heads. To the same period belongs a series of vases
manufactured at Vichy and Gannat in the same district.[3495]
[Illustration:
From _Déchelette._
FIG. 225. VASE OF ACO (FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST), WITH INSCRIPTION.
]
* * * * *
The results obtained from =Graufesenque=, in the Department of Aveyron,
have been even more remarkable. This place represents the ancient
Condatomagus, in the country occupied by the Ruteni, and appears to
have been a great centre of the _terra sigillata_ industry. Although it
is not mentioned by Pliny, yet there must have been in his time large
exports southwards from this part of Gaul, even as far as Campania. M.
Déchelette has shown that it supplied not only Gaul and Italy, but even
Africa, Spain, and Britain, to a greater extent than any other
centre—that, in fact, from A.D. 50 to 100 it was the seat of the most
important pottery in the whole empire.[3496]
Remains of pottery were first discovered in 1882 by the Abbé Cérès,
including a series of moulds, which made it certain that this was a
centre of fabric. These discoveries were largely supplemented by
further excavations in 1901–02. Among the moulds are those of certain
potters which are only found here, and consequently afford satisfactory
evidence that such potters can be localised in this region. The potters
were not itinerant, nor were the moulds transferred from one pottery to
another; but the important central pottery seems to have attracted a
group of smaller ones to collect round it, just as we find Cincelli
linked to Arezzo (p. 483), and the moulds could be exchanged from one
to another within this limited area.
The local pottery of Gaul, which in the first century B.C. had reached
a high level,[3497] was interrupted about the time of Augustus by the
invasion of Italian methods, by which it was very rapidly Romanised,
and Gaul became a mere tributary of Roman industry. At first two kinds
of technique were practised—one with a white or yellow clay, as at
Saint-Rémy and Bibracte; the other in the ordinary red ware, which
appears to have been employed exclusively at Condatomagus and Lezoux,
at first following on the lines of the Arretine ware, but subsequently
attempting new developments. Artistically it is inferior to the
Arretine, but it is much more varied. Besides the _terra sigillata_
proper, or moulded ware with reliefs, which is by far the most
numerous, we find in Gaul several other varieties of technique:
_appliqué_ medallions, separately moulded and attached with barbotine,
in imitation of the Greek metal ἐμβλήματα; barbotine decoration; a
class of so-called “marbled” vases; and incised decoration of simple
linear patterns made with a tool in the moist clay, but with bold and
skilful execution. But practically the wares found at Graufesenque are
limited to the moulded class, and the others, which will be described
subsequently, only became general in the second century, when the
Lezoux potteries came to the front and those of Graufesenque were
exhausted.
In the _terra sigillata_ wares three forms assume marked prominence,
those illustrated in Figs. 221–223; they are found in fairly equal
proportions, but the earliest form, which we may call for convenience
No. 29, has a slight preponderance. We shall see later that similarly
the latest form (No. 37) prevails at Lezoux; this form was introduced
about A.D. 70. The intermediate No. 30 is found at both, but more
frequently at Graufesenque. The only other found in the moulded wares
is a bowl on a high stem, which closely follows the type of the
Arretine krater seen in Fig. 219; it is therefore either common to
Arretium and Condatomagus, or represents a transition from one fabric
to the other.[3498] Déchelette quotes an instance with the stamp VOLVS,
which recalls the Arretine potter Volusenus.[3499]
About three-fourths of the vases are ornamented, the decoration falling
into two categories: (1) an earlier class with ornament only, occurring
on the forms 29 and 30 (see Plate LXVII.); (2) a later with figures,
such as animals or gladiators, the forms being Nos. 30 and 37. Of the
ornamental motives on form 29, there are five principal types[3500]:
(_a_) simple winding scrolls; (_b_) scrolls combined with figures in
medallions; (_c_) scrolls combined with panels of “arrow-head” pattern;
(_d_) bands of semicircles enclosing volutes which terminate in
rosettes; (_e_) figures in metopes. In this form the decoration is
almost always in two friezes, a natural consequence of the shape of the
vase; the metopes or geometrical compartments only come in with form
37. In the latter form seven successive types of decoration may be
distinguished: (α) a transitional system with metopes, derived from the
older form[3501]; (β) metopes with wavy borders, a
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE LXVII
[Illustration:
GAULISH POTTERY OF FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST (GRAUFESENQUE FABRIC)
(BRITISH MUSEUM).
]
------------------------------------------------------
diagonal or cruciform pattern often occupying alternate panels (cf.
Plate LXVII. fig. 2)[3502]; (γ) large medallions, often combined with
inverted semicircles (_chiefly found at Lezoux_: cf. Plate LXVIII. fig.
3); (δ) arcading (_rare at Graufesenque_); (ε) arcading and semicircles
combined; (ζ) large foliage-patterns or vine-leaves, often interspersed
with animals; (η) friezes of “free” figures (_not found at
Graufesenque_: cf. PlateLXVIII. fig. 1).
In regard to the figure subjects, mythological types are rare, and
generally there is not so much variety as at Lezoux. Déchelette reckons
177 different types in all, of which 112 are peculiar to the fabric,
whereas no less than 793 are peculiar to Lezoux.[3503] Hence, he points
out, the origin of any Gaulish vase may be determined from the nature
of the types alone. In artistic execution they are unequal, some being
copies of popular themes, others of a naïve and unsophisticated
character. Gaulish elements are conspicuously absent. Although the
difference from the Arretine style is strongly marked, there is yet the
same tendency to display the influence of toreutic prototypes, and even
of the “new Attic” reliefs and the _genre_ types of the Hellenistic
period.[3504] But others are original and non-classical in style, and
there is no homogeneity. Each pottery doubtless had its favourite
subjects—a point which may prove of use in determining the separate
fabrics. In any case, figure-subjects only prevailed for a short period
at Condatomagus, whereas at Lezoux and in Germany they extend over a
considerable period. For Gaul did not become Romanised before the reign
of Titus; hence the previous absence of mythological themes. The potter
Libertus (see below, p. 527), who worked at Lezoux about A.D. 100,
stands out as the foremost potter and modeller in Gaul, who, brought up
on classical traditions, influenced the whole pottery of the country.
The question of the chronology of these Rutenian fabrics depends more
upon the results of comparison with other sites than on the internal
evidence of the finds. None of this pottery, for instance, is found at
Bibracte, which was deserted about the beginning of our era; but at
Andernach vases with Rutenian potters’ stamps are found with coins
ranging from Augustus to Nero. They are also abundant at Xanten, Neuss,
and Vechten in Holland. Evidence may also be obtained from the German
Limes, where form 29 disappears about A.D. 30. The exportation of
Rutenian wares, therefore, began about the reign of Tiberius. Their
wide distribution may be traced by a study of the inscriptions in the
thirteenth and other volumes of the Latin _Corpus_.[3505] In Britain
they are found in London[3506] and at Silchester. Out of thirty-four
ornamented vases from the latter site in the Reading Museum, M.
Déchelette attributes exactly half to Condatomagus, representing the
first century, and the other half to Lezoux, representing the
second.[3507] In Italy this ware is found at Rome and Pompeii, and of
the typical Rutenian subjects some twenty have been noted among the
_terra sigillata_ in Roman museums. The potters Bassus, Jucundus,
Mommo, and others of Rutenian origin are found at Rome, whereas the
only one from the Auvergne district there is Albucius[3508]; and the
same names occur at Pompeii, especially that of Mommo, whose stamps are
characteristic.[3509] The latter group of vases, moreover, supply, as
in other cases, important evidence for dating the Rutenian vases; they
show, not only that Mommo and the others were in full activity before
A.D. 79, but that mythological subjects—not found on the Pompeian
examples—were only introduced towards the end of the pottery’s activity.
Another well-known potter who appears to have worked at Condatomagus is
Vitalis, whose signature in full or in the form OF · VITA is well known
there. He is also found as far afield as Carthage and on the east coast
of Spain.[3510] This is additional testimony to the extent and quantity
of exportations from this centre, and to its position as the most
flourishing manufacture in the Roman empire at the time. This
popularity it could never have acquired if the fabrics of Arretium,
Mutina, and Puteoli had not now reached their decadence; nor, if those
of Auvergne, such as Lezoux, or of the Rhenish provinces had been
already in full activity, would the Rutenian wares have penetrated into
Central Gaul and Germany. M. Déchelette notes as an interesting fact
that in some collections of Roman pottery debased wares with Arretine
stamps are to be seen, apparently not later than A.D. 80, and evidently
imitations of Rutenian ware[3511]; these bear the names of L. Rasinius
Pisanus and Sex. M. F., of whom mention was made in the last chapter
(p. 485). There is no evidence that this pottery was in existence after
A.D. 100, and its rapid disappearance is certainly due to the rise of
Lezoux, where, as noted below, Rutenian potters’ stamps are not
uncommon in the first century.
Déchelette has collected forty-three names of Rutenian potters, which
are distributed over two hundred and thirty-two vases or fragments
known to him.[3512] On form 29 the stamps are only found in the
interior of the vases, and hence are not found on the moulds, but both
were probably made by the same potters. Vases of the other two forms
are often unsigned. Of individuals Mommo occurs sixty-three times,
Germanus thirty-eight. The same writer points out that the evidence
from Graufesenque would overthrow any theory of itinerant potters, if
on no other grounds, from the fact that the moulds of a particular
potter are only found on the one spot.
A group of vases which must be mentioned here, though a very small one
and not strictly belonging to the _terra sigillata_, is that of the
yellow ware with red marbling.[3513] It consists of a small group of
bowls and dishes with a dull yellow slip covered with veins of a red
colour, producing a variegated effect. Eight of these were found at
Trier, one with the stamp of Primus, and there are a few others in
German museums. In Southern Gaul, as at Arles, they are more common,
and others have been found at Lyons and Vichy. The British Museum
possesses one from Bordighera and three from Arles, and they are also
known in Sardinia and Southern Italy; there are two at Naples from
Pompeii with the stamp of Primus.[3514] The latter fact gives a
_terminus ante quem_ for their date, and it is probable that some place
in Southern Gaul was the centre of the fabric. Dragendorff suggested
Arles, where stamped examples have been found; but Déchelette points
out that all the potters’ names are Rutenian, and this is conclusive
evidence in favour of Graufesenque; in any case we have here an
instance of exportation from Gaul into Italy. It is not certain in what
manner the marbling has been produced; it is probably an imitation of
glass.
* * * * *
Yet another example of a fabric which was imported from Gaul into Italy
is to be seen in the pottery of =Banassac=, a class of vases with
inscriptions of a convivial character, with letters in relief
encircling the body.[3515] The form is that of the hemispherical bowl
No. 37, the appearance of which at Pompeii shows that it was developed
before A.D. 79. They are found in large numbers in the south of France,
especially at Nismes, Orange, Vienne, Montans (Tarn), as well as
Banassac; at the latter place fragments have been found on the site of
a pottery, showing that they were made there. The most notable example
(Fig. 226) was found at Pompeii, and is now in the Naples Museum[3516];
it is inscribed BIBE AMICE DE MEO, “Drink, friend, from my (cup),” the
letters being separated by leaves, and is of ordinary red _terra
sigillata_ ware. Here, again, it is possible to date the fabric in the
first century, not later than the reign of Vespasian. On the local
specimens are found such sentiments as _Gabalibus felicit(er_), _Remis_
(_felici)ter_, _Sequanis_ _feliciter_[3517]; _veni ad me amica_; _bonus
puer_; _bona puella_; the two last-named recalling the seaside mugs of
the nineteenth century. The convivial inscriptions we shall meet with
again in a later fabric from the region of the Rhine (p. 538). _Terra
sigillata_ was also made here and at Montans in the Department of Tarn;
the decoration is in the form of metopes, denoting the transitional
period (about A.D. 70). No potters’ names are found on the inscribed
vases.
[Illustration:
From _Mus. Borb._
FIG. 226. VASE OF BANASSAC FABRIC, FOUND AT POMPEII.
]
* * * * *
The pottery of =Lezoux=, in Auvergne, was first carefully studied by
the late M. Plicque,[3518] who excavated there on a large scale in 1879
and succeeding years, and obtained as a result of his researches no
less than three thousand different potters’ names, as well as the
substructures of about a hundred and sixty furnaces, forty of which
were in good preservation, comprising sixty-six distinct manufactories.
About twenty-three more manufactories were traced along the principal
roads and the banks of the Dore and Allier. He also found numerous
remains of tools, potters’ wheels, and other apparatus. In addition, he
excavated some two hundred tombs containing quantities of pottery,
which seemed to imply a general use of it in funeral ceremonies. The
potteries here seem to have been already in full working order in the
time of Vespasian, and lasted down to about A.D. 260. The earliest date
to be obtained from the evidence of coins is about A.D. 70, but the
earliest fabrics seem to go back to the time of Claudius; the date of
destruction of the site is indicated by coins of Gallienus and
Saloninus found among the burnt ruins.
A large proportion of the vases have potters’ stamps, but there is no
rule about the signatures.[3519] In the vases of form 29 the names are
in the interior, denoting the masters of the potteries; in the later
forms they are on the exterior, having been placed on the inside of the
mould before baking, usually among the ornament. The ordinary formula
is OF, M, or F, with the name in the genitive. As to the distribution
of Lezoux vases, there was, as noted below, little exportation before
A.D. 100, but after that time they prevail over Britain and Germany.
Déchelette gives ninety-two examples with potters’ stamps in Britain,
including twenty-one names. A few specimens have been found in North
Italy; Paternus occurs at Turin, Albucius at Rome.
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE LXVIII
[Illustration:
GAULISH POTTERY FOUND IN BRITAIN; LEZOUX
FABRIC; A.D. 70-250 (BRIT. MUS.).
]
------------------------------------------------------
Of the moulded or _terra sigillata_ wares twelve different forms are
found, of which as elsewhere three prevail to the exclusion of the
others.[3520] The krater type (Dragendorff’s No. 11) is only found in
the earliest period, about A.D. 40-50, and as already noted (p. 520)
forms 29 and 30 are not so common as at Graufesenque, while form 37,
which practically took the place of 29, occurs in great quantities.
Déchelette distinguishes three chronological epochs of development,
covering respectively the periods A.D. 40-75, 75-100, and
110-260.[3521] In the first period the decoration of form 29 develops
in the same manner as at Graufesenque, but with this important
variation, that the running scroll is replaced by a _straight_ pattern
of vine or oak leaves, or bands of rosettes or circles. The colour of
the glaze is lighter than at Graufesenque, the reliefs more delicately
modelled. The potters of this period, all of whom use form 29, are
Atepomarus, Cobnertus, Danomarus, Iliomarus, and Petrecus. It will be
noted that these are all Gaulish names, whereas those at Graufesenque
are all Latin.
To the second period (A.D. 75-110) belong the bowls of form 37 with
transitional or metope decoration, or in the “free” style, which is
employed by Libertus, an important potter of Trajan’s reign.
Exportations now first begin, and examples are found on the Limes, but
generally speaking they are few in number, and while the Rutenian
potteries existed the output must have been limited. After the reign of
Trajan, however, large numbers were exported to Britain and Germany.
The cruciform ornamentation (p. 521) is found on the forms 30 and 37,
and a peculiar type of egg- or astragalus-pattern (borrowed from
Arretium) is used by Butrio and Libertus. Figure subjects, introduced
by Libertus, now become general, especially animals and hunting-scenes
(see for an example Plate LXVIII. fig. 1). The typical potters of the
period are Butrio, Libertus, Carantinus, Divixtus (Plate LXVIII. fig.
2), Juliccus, Laxtucissa, and Putrius.
The third period (110-260) is represented almost exclusively by the
form 37 with decoration in “free” style or large medallions and
wreaths; a few examples of form 30 and the _olla_ (Déchelette’s No. 68:
cf. p. 529) are found. The chief potters’ names are Advocatus, Banuus,
Catussa, Cinnamus (Plate LXVIII. fig. 3), Doeccus, Lastuca, Paternus,
and Servus. Of these, Paternus belongs to the period of the Antonines,
and he and Cinnamus, says M. Déchelette, represent the apogee of the
prosperity of Lezoux, and of its export commerce. The period of
degeneration is marked by the appearance of barbotine decoration and
imitations of metal (see below). It is difficult to say exactly when
the potteries came to an end, but there is no evidence that _terra
sigillata_ was manufactured after the third century, and Plicque is
probably right in attributing their destruction to the German invaders
in the reign of Gallienus.
The wares characteristic of the earlier period include _dolia_ of
coarse clay and other plain fabrics, as well as the various types of
_terra sigillata_. Among the latter are examples of importations from
the Graufesenque and Banassac potteries and other places in the Aveyron
district, but the majority are of local manufacture. These include,
besides the moulded red wares with figured decoration and potters’
stamps, orange-red wares, yellow polished wares (often micaceous), and
black ware with barbotine ornamentation, on which potters’ stamps are
not found. Lezoux was also a centre for the enamelled glazed wares
which have been described in Chapter III. In the later period the red
wares are ornamented with figures from moulds, or with barbotine, or
have lion’s-head spouts (see below). The marbled vases (p. 523) are
also found, and in the third century the vases with _appliqué_ reliefs,
with incised or hollowed-out ornamentation, or bronzed in imitation of
metal, are the prevailing types.[3522]
The salient points of difference between the earlier and later fabrics,
says Plicque, are these. The clay of the earlier is only baked to a
small degree of heat and is not vitreous, but is exceedingly porous. It
is also frequently full of micaceous particles. Subsequently it becomes
more vitreous but less porous; it is more compact and sonorous, free
from mica, and more brilliant and lustrous. In the earlier, the forms
are artistic and symmetrical, the ornament sober and elegant,
remarkable for its taste and simplicity. The figures are enclosed in
medallions, and the ornaments consist of rays or rounded leaves, rows
of beads, and guilloche-patterns. In the later, the art degenerates,
the ornamentation becoming heavy and overcrowded, and the figures are
broken up and badly arranged; the forms of the vases, too, become
heavier. The principal decorative pattern is the egg-and-tongue round
the rim. In the potters’ stamps of the two first periods the letters
have frequent ligatures and abbreviations; the names are often in the
nominative or with OFFICINA _preceding_ the name. Later, the letters
are coarser and ligatures are rare; the names are usually in the
genitive, _followed_ by M (_manu_) or OF(_ficina_). The characteristic
15[12]U for V found in the middle of the second century should be noted.
Among the subsidiary fabrics of Lezoux the most remarkable is that of
the vases with _appliqué_ reliefs.[3523] They are formed entirely on
the wheel, and the decoration is made separately from moulds (p. 440),
and attached with barbotine, either in the form of a medallion or with
an irregular outline, varying with the figure. Barbotine in many cases
is also employed for foliage patterns filling in the background. The
usual form is that of a spherical or ovoid vase (Plate LXIX. fig. 2),
which may perhaps be termed an _olla_,[3524] with short neck and no
handles. It may be noted in passing that such shapes could not
conveniently be moulded, hence the variation of form when we pass from
_terra sigillata_ to other methods of decoration. In the third century
this combined process largely supplanted the moulded wares at Lezoux.
The paste and glaze, however, are identical with the _terra sigillata_.
No potters’ signatures have been found on these vases, but they occur
all over Gaul, including Belgium and Switzerland, and also in Britain.
In the British Museum (Romano-British Room) there are two very fine
specimens found at Felixstowe in Suffolk, one of which is that given on
Plate LXIX. Roach-Smith mentions others from London, York, and
Richborough,[3525] and they are also known at Évreux in France. A good
but imperfect example from Gaul is in the Morel Collection, now in the
British Museum, and has figures of Herakles and Maenads. The modelling
in some cases is admirable, especially in the Felixstowe vases, and in
the London specimens published by Roach-Smith, with masks and figures
of Cupid. These vases represent the latest stage of the ceramic
industry of Lezoux.
Another class of vases made at this centre which may be mentioned here
includes a series of _paterae_, _oinochoae_, and _trullae_ (p. 470)
with ornamented handles, all obviously made in imitation of
metal.[3526] Of the _paterae_ there is a good example in the British
Museum from the Towneley Collection, ornamented with athletic contests
and cock-fights round the edge. M. Déchelette (ii. p. 319) thinks some
of the oinochoae made at Vichy may be imitations of the bronze jugs
which are found at Pompeii, but many seem to be of a later date.
During the period A.D. 100-400, and especially in the third century, a
class of red wares appears at Lezoux in the form of large bowls with
spouts in the shape of lions’ heads.[3527] These were wrongly
identified by Plicque with the _acratophorus_ (p. 464), but they are
clearly mortars (_pelves_, _mortaria_), in which food was ground or
cooked, the spout serving the purpose of straining off liquid. The
lions’ heads are made from moulds and attached with barbotine. Some of
these have potters’ names. As a class they must be distinguished from
the plain _mortaria_ of grey or yellow ware described below (p. 551).
* * * * *
With the South of France it is necessary to connect a series of
medallions with reliefs, intended for attachment to vases of _terra
sigillata_ ware.[3528] In one or two cases the vases themselves have
been preserved, but usually the medallions alone remain; there are also
examples of the moulds in which they were made.[3529] Nearly all of
these have been found in the valley of the Rhone, at Orange or
Vienne,[3530] the rest in other parts of France, such as Lezoux, along
the Rhine, or at Rome (two examples). They were probably made at
Vienne; but there was also a fabric in Germany, examples of which occur
at Cologne, Trier, and Xanten. The subjects of the reliefs are very
varied, ranging from figures of deities to gladiators or even animals;
they frequently bear inscriptions, and their date is the third century
after Christ.
[Illustration: FIG. 227. MEDALLION FROM VASE OF SOUTHERN GAUL: SCENE
FROM THE _CYCNUS_ (BRITISH MUSEUM).]
As long ago as 1873 Froehner published a series from Orange,[3531] with
such subjects as Apollo, Venus Victrix, Mars and Ilia, a figure of
Lugdunum personified, the freeing of Prometheus and the death of
Herakles, Dionysos and Ariadne, a bust of Hermes, a gladiator, a cock
and hens, and a bust of the Emperor Geta, the last-named serving as an
indication of date for the whole series. Several were inscribed, that
with Venus Victrix having CERA FELICIS, which probably refers to the
wax in which the figures were first modelled, though some have thought
that it represents the Greek κερα(μέως). Another trio from Orange[3532]
represent respectively:—(1) a chariot race in the circus, with the
inscriptions FELICITER, LOGISMUS (a horse’s name), and PRASIN(_a_)
F(_actio_), “the green party”; (2) Fig. 227, a scene from a play,
probably the _Cycnus_, in which Herakles is saying to Ares, the
would-be avenger of his son, “(Invicta) virtus nusquam terreri potest,”
the god proclaiming “Adesse ultorem nati me credas mei”; in the
background, on a raised stage or θεολογεῖον, are deities; (3) an actor
in female costume. There are also three in the Hermitage Museum at
Petersburg, of which two represent Poseidon, the third Hermes.[3533]
Caylus also gives a representation of a vase with three such
medallions, with busts of Pluto and Persephone, Mars and Ilia, and two
gladiators.[3534] Where gladiators with names appear it may be assumed
that they are portraits of real people, and Déchelette argues from this
that the vases were made specially in connection with gladiatorial (or
theatrical) performances.
[Illustration:
From _Gaz. Arch._
FIG. 228. MEDALLION FROM VASE OF SOUTHERN GAUL: ATALANTA AND
HIPPOMEDON.
]
An interesting group found at Vienne and Vichy[3535] have subjects
taken from the Thirteenth Iliad, such as Deiphobos and the Locrian
Ajax, or Hector fighting the Achaeans. Among the remaining examples
known the most interesting are three from Orange, one of which
represents a festival in honour of Isis, the other two, the victory of
Hippomedon over Atalanta (Fig. 228), with an inscription of three lines:
Respicit ad malum pernicibus ignea plantis,
Quae pro dote parat mortem quicumque fugaci
Velox in cursu cessasset virgine visa.[3536]