THE RETREAT OF THE GERMANS FROM THE VISTULA
As is usual after severe fighting, a lull supervened; and we remained
quiet in camp for some days. "Camp," I say. It was almost the first time
since I had been with the Russian Army that I had slept in a tent; but
the time was coming when men could no longer spend night after night
bivouacked in the open air. Already the weather was becoming chilly, and
often very cold after sunset. There was less rain; but it still fell
long and steadily at intervals, and sometimes for a whole day without a
break.
About 1,900 recruits joined our regiment; and many other units had their
terrible losses made good; indeed, I heard that between 600,000 and
700,000 reservists and others joined the armies on the German and
Austrian frontiers; and yet they were not brought up to their full
establishments; a telling revelation of the fearful losses that had been
sustained; although according to Prussian accounts, they had taken
nearly a quarter of a million of prisoners from us. I am satisfied that
they captured a good many: as we also had done.
November came upon us in a typical way--damp and foggy, so that it was
impossible to see the face of the country. As surprises are peculiarly
liable to be attempted in such weather, we were much harassed by outpost
work; at least five times the usual number of men being engaged on this
duty. Fortunately we had a large body of Cossacks; and these rascals are
never surprised; and no kind of experience comes amiss to them, so long
as they have a chance of plunder and rapine. That is the truth, and it
may as well be told. During the November fogs they caught a good many
German patrols, who were attempting to play the game of hide-and-seek;
and very few prisoners were made. Many of the Russian troops were
becoming fierce-tempered; and none more so than the Cossacks. One of
these men displayed a bag full of watches and rings which he had taken
from slain Prussian officers. He was reported to have slain more than
fifty of the enemy with his own sword and lance; and he was notorious
for spearing wounded men as he rode over the battlefield, such crimes,
and plundering, not being punished as they are in most armies--the
German excepted, where murder and theft are rewarded with iron crosses,
and commendation from commanding officers. But these Cossacks are very
useful fellows; they fairly frightened our enemies; and in this way
probably saved us from a good deal of trouble and loss: and they
certainly always hampered the movements of the foe much more than
regular cavalry could have done. Probably they sometimes saved us from
disaster.
For it leaked out that, in our recent advance to the Warta, we actually
had a large force of Germans on our rear: and it is more than likely
that the Cossacks had the principal share in driving them back from
several impending attacks, of which we knew nothing at the time; and
which would probably have ended in our making the acquaintanceship of a
Prussian prison; or a still narrower place of confinement.
The rain ceased for a time, and both sides continued to entrench
themselves, the Germans in front of us being not more than a mile
distant, with their advanced posts much closer. They had contrived to
get up heavy guns; and there was a good deal of artillery shooting every
day, which blew in trenches, destroyed wire-entanglements, and did lots
of other damage, but did not kill many men. Sometimes an enormous shell
blew a poor fellow to pieces, sometimes wiped out half-a-dozen at once;
but I do not think we lost more than a score a day all along the line.
The freaks played by shells were sometimes extraordinary. One went just
over the head of an officer, killed a boy who was standing behind him,
went over the head of another man, and then sprang high into the air
before exploding. It is as impossible to give a probable explanation of
such strange action, as it is to say why a fragment of shell bursting
fifty yards away should kill three men, while one exploding right in the
midst of a group of twenty gunners should leave them all unscathed. It
is the law of chance--if chance has laws.
I should also mention (though I did not learn the circumstances until
some time afterwards) that the Germans had fortified several villages
and towns on the left bank of the Vistula, with first, second and third
lines of defence; and that the Russians, unable to take these in their
general advance, had masked them, and left them on their rear. The
garrisons could not have been strong enough to take advantage of this
circumstance; but it does not seem to be so dangerous to leave
fortresses behind in these latter days of the strange development of
war, as it formerly was.
Having little to do we amused ourselves, and one another, by repeating,
and studying, the various rumours and bits of news we heard. Russian
newspapers, of course, and a good many German ones, reached our
trenches; and a few French publications; but I never saw an English
paper of any kind. Those we obtained were generally illustrated; but the
pictures, as far as they related to the Russian seat of war, were mere
inventions; and I am afraid the same remark must be made with regard to
the news; though some of the papers had a fairly good notion of the
general progress of events. It was when they came to details that their
novelists got to work.
The unimpeachable items of news that were of most interest to us were
that the Grand Duke Nicolas was directing the operations against
Przemysl, and that the fall of that important place was imminent. It
seems, however, that the celebrated fortress proved a tougher nut to
crack than it was generally thought it would be. Personally, I am of
opinion that the Russians went the wrong way to work in invading
Austria; and Silesia, not Galicia, should have been their first
objective. I need not enter into details, or reasons, here, because I am
at variance with most critics on the conduct of the whole war. There are
people who would think it presumptuous on my part to presume to think
differently from the conductors of the Russian, French and English
forces: but I do think differently from them: and whatever the ultimate
issues of this gigantic war, the most titanic the world has seen, I do
not hesitate to say that not one of the contending parties has produced
a really great General--a Napoleon, or a Moltke. At the moment of
writing this paragraph the war has lasted nine months; and during that
time it has simply been a game of see-saw, a swaying backwards and
forwards, without one decisive, or even very important, action on any
side. The war might easily have been ended by this time: if it is
allowed to degenerate into a war of trenches it will end when the
Germans have spent all their money, and not sooner.
On the 5th November we suddenly received orders to occupy again the line
of the Warta. We advanced by forced marches, finding that the Germans
had abandoned their trenches during the night; and they were reported by
our Cossacks to be drawing off in the direction of Kutno, evidently with
the intention of falling back on Thorn, distant about four marches.
The next day we learned that there had been sharp fighting on the
Prussian frontier near the often-mentioned town of Kalisz; and that the
Russian troops had entered German territory. They were also said to
have invaded Prussia in the north, at Virballen; not far from which
place I had seen some heavy fighting, as narrated in a previous chapter.
What I subsequently saw and heard led me to entertain some uncertainty
as to the extent and actuality of these important claims. I do not know,
but I think it is probable, that these actions were little more than
Cossack raids. Villages and railway-stations were burnt, and the lines
destroyed in places. The results were not permanent, and it seems likely
that the Germans gave ground for the time, because they thought it
necessary to withdraw at least three corps to put against their French
and British opponents.
There must be considerable monotony in describing such a war as this I
am treating of. To a great extent land-fighting, like naval encounters,
has lost its picturesqueness, and has become little more than a
disgusting slaughter. A good deal of the action is similar to the
fighting of rats in a ditch. Trench warfare is horrible, with its
villainous grenades and bombs, which are quite different from these
devices in former days, and are no better than tools in the hands of a
butcher. It is useless to argue that a bomb is a bomb, and that it
cannot matter whether a man is blown to pieces by one of the ancient, or
one of the modern, type. It does matter a good deal--to the survivors,
at any rate. The effect of modern shell-fire is hellish, its
destructiveness is so great, its effects on its victims so awful,
compared with anything of the kind that was formerly in vogue. Where one
man died formerly from artillery fire, 500 go down now; and nearly all
of them are mutilated most horribly.
The advance of the Russians seems to have shown the Germans that they
made a mistake in withdrawing troops from their Eastern frontiers. They
came rushing back to Poland from somewhere, either France and Belgium,
or the interior of Germany. On the 8th November they were still in great
force to the north of the Warta; and our cavalry reported that they were
receiving strong reinforcements via Bromberg and Thorn. Afterwards I
found that this information was correct in most of its details; but it
must be remembered that I laboured in great disadvantage and
difficulties, especially in obtaining information from places far
distant from the spot where I happened to be at any given time. I
frequently applied for permission to go on scouting parties, or to join
the Cossacks in their raids; but this was not often given to me, or very
willingly conceded on the few occasions when I was successful in
obtaining it. I cannot tell why. The very few newspaper correspondents I
met with did not seem to have much more liberty of action than I had:
and when they learned that I was not a correspondent they gave me but
scant aid, if any at all.
I did not come much in contact with the commanding officers of my
division, and was unfortunate in the fact that many of those that I
became most friendly with were speedily killed, or wounded and sent
back. At this time an officer named Martel was in temporary command of
the division, Major-General Alexis Sporowsky having been taken
prisoner, and his immediate successor killed. General Martel was one of
the best officers I served under, and he willingly gave me permission to
join a cavalry reconnaissance in force which was made by four dragoon
and hussar regiments, and six sotnias of Cossacks.
We proceeded in the direction of Choczi, and met the enemy about sixteen
versts west of that town, which is situated on the frontier line. They
consisted of two regiments of cuirassiers (without their cuirasses) and
two of Uhlans. None of these regiments were of the same numerical
strength as ours. I put the German force at 1,800 men, and six light
guns. The Russians had 3,000, but no guns: and soon after we came into
action we discovered that the enemy was covering a battalion of jagers
(riflemen): so really they were much the stronger party.
The Cossacks spread themselves out like a fan, a movement which is as
old as the force itself, and was used with great effect against the
troops of Napoleon Buonaparte in 1812. They then rushed in on the
jagers, and, though suffering severely, occupied the attention of those
men, while we tackled the dragoons and the guns. The latter did not do
so very much execution, but the cuirassiers, big, heavy men, broke
through our dragoons, who are classed as light cavalry. The Germans,
however, are not good swordsmen, as I have previously stated, and while
they were in some disorder, occasioned by the shock of their first
charge, our hussars got amongst them and sabred them right and left in
fine style. I can say that the edge of the sword was mostly used, not
the point: while the Germans did use the point most, a mistake in
cavalry actions, as it often leads to the trooper breaking his weapon,
or losing it through being unable to withdraw it after stabbing an
enemy; besides, a "point" is easily parried, and is intended to be
mostly used against men lying on the ground, or against infantry.
The Uhlans remained in support of the guns, another mistake of theirs:
for before they could come to the rescue of the cuirassiers our dragoons
had rallied, and met them in a charge that badly routed them. They fled
right off the field, leaving behind about 200 of their number in killed,
wounded and prisoners. The Cossacks were equally successful. They nearly
annihilated the jagers, and the six guns fell into our hands. The
cuirassiers, too, were nearly all destroyed: for on account of their
weight they could not escape from our light horsemen; the Cossacks, in
particular, showing them no mercy. Man for man the German cavalry are
inferior to the Russian troopers, chiefly because they are bad
swordsmen, and are lacking of that enterprise and dash which are
essential to the making of good troopers.
The guns could not be taken with us, and we were afraid to send them to
the rear lest they should be recaptured: so they were destroyed by
smashing the breech-blocks and exploding charges of gun-cotton in the
muzzles. The caissons, also, were blown up.
The remnant of the enemy were pursued until our horses were too much
exhausted to follow them further, which was not until we had crossed
the German border. Those of the jagers who were not destroyed
surrendered as prisoners; but most of them afterwards escaped.
Altogether this was a brilliant affair. It cost the enemy more than
1,000 men; with a loss on our side of between 300 and 400. We lost 150
horses, but we captured 400 of those of the enemy, without counting the
artillery draught teams. We rode some distance into Germany, giving the
people a cruel lesson in war in retaliation of the wickedness of their
own fiendish troops. I was sorry for them: but really I do not see how
the sin of warfare is to be stamped out, unless we make it so dreadful
that the people of a land will no longer tolerate it--the policy, I
believe, of one of their own hard-hearted statesmen: and I imagine the
people of East Prussia will not be anxious to see the Cossacks again.
They came upon the miserable people fresh from sights they ought never
to have seen, and fierce with an anger that ought not to have been
provoked. Those that sow the wind reap the whirlwind.
On the 9th and 10th we were in contact with a weak force of the enemy's
infantry, supported by two or three batteries and some remnants of
cavalry regiments. The batteries had been a good deal knocked about, and
had not their full complement of guns, unless two batteries were split
up into three, for the purpose of deceiving us. As they did not fire we
guessed they had no ammunition left. Skirmishing went on, but was
productive of no material results. Some prisoners who fell into our
hands were without boots, and had been marching with bare feet: the
uniforms of others were very ragged. But on the 11th we were opposed by
fresh troops, well clothed, and evidently well fed; and it became clear
that reinforcements were arriving with food and supplies. Such a force
of artillery opened fire on us that we were compelled to fall back
rather hastily, and we took advantage of the smoke of some burning
houses to cover our retreat. As we passed near these houses some
civilians shot at us with fowling-pieces from the windows of a large
building, and blinded a Cossack. His comrades dismounted, stormed the
house, and hanged the men to telegraph-posts. There was a painful scene
when their women interfered to prevent the execution; and one man fought
desperately for his life; while the screaming of children added to the
horror of the surroundings. Only the men were punished: it was one of
the dreadful, but necessary, acts of war. No troops in the world would
tolerate to be fired on under such circumstances. The Cossack died a
lingering death.
We drew out of range of the infantry with slight loss; some of our men,
who had their horses killed, running by the side of their comrades, and
occasionally, in moments of great danger, riding behind them; but most
of these men were ultimately taken prisoners. Two squadrons of the
enemy's hussars had the temerity to charge our rear-guard. The Cossacks
made sad work of them; especially as they thought they could not be
burdened with prisoners during their retreat. Some three or four of
these hussars and their horses were knocked over by a shell from one of
their own guns--I presume accidentally.
When we had got out of range of gun and rifle we retired more slowly,
meeting hundreds of people fleeing towards the interior of the country,
evidently in fear of a general invasion by the Russians. They were
driving all sorts of conveyances, from motors to dog-carts: the latter
kind of vehicle, illegal in England, being very common in Russia and
Germany; and, I think, in all Continental countries. These people were
carrying what goods they thought they could save; but some of them got
overhauled by the Cossacks, and would have done better to have remained
at home, where, generally, they were not much interfered with.
Before we got back to the Warta we were joined by some more Cossacks,
and other cavalry, who had been reconnoitring in the direction of
Poweedtz and Piotrikow: and I may here say generally that I obtained
pretty clear information that the Russians nowhere penetrated German
territory more than from ten to twenty, or at most twenty-five, versts.
Sorry I am that I cannot make a better report. I saw clearly enough that
a revulsion, if not a reverse, was impending. Where the enemy's troops
came from I cannot always certainly tell; but come they did. Probably a
strong contingent was sent from Belgium and North-West France; and still
more probably the bulk of the reinforcements were newly embodied troops.
It must be remembered that nearly every man in Germany is a well-trained
soldier; therefore it is easy to raise new armies from the civilian
element.
Unfortunately, at this interesting moment I was put out of action for a
month. On the morning of the 16th November I was struck in the back by a
piece of shell fired at our position on the Warta, and was sent into
hospital at Warsaw. I was much vexed at the accident; but as I could not
stand, a temporary absence from the front was inevitable.
At the time I was incapacitated the Germans had at least partially
reoccupied the country west of the Warta, though not, perhaps, in force.
We were not there in any great numbers ourselves, and kept a position
further to the north than formerly. Both sides were again entrenching
themselves.
My life in the hospital was a very monotonous one, as I could not
maintain a conversation with anybody. About 300 badly wounded men lay in
a building which seemed to have been a school, or public institution.
There were only three or four doctors and about twenty attendants to
look after this lot, and the nurses seemed to be nuns. They were most
kind and attentive, but too few in number, as nearly all the cases were
those of desperately injured men, an average of nine or ten dying every
day. Their beds were immediately occupied by fresh arrivals, probably
brought from temporary resting-places. The sights and sounds were of the
most depressing description, especially when relatives or friends were
present to receive the last sighs of expiring men.
My servant Chouraski was not with me when I was struck down, and
possibly did not know what had become of me, or whether I was killed or
taken prisoner. I was not taken back to my billet, eight versts from the
spot where I was hurt, but was sent on at once to Warsaw in an
ambulance. I never saw Chouraski again, or heard what had become of him:
indeed, I met very few old friends when I returned to the front.
Semi-starvation, and a strenuous life in the open air, are good
preparations for hard knocks. No bones being broken, nor other serious
hurts incurred, my wounds healed rapidly; and in three weeks I could get
up and lend a hand to less fortunate comrades. By this time I could
speak a few words of Russian, sufficient to make my wants known; and the
medical men spoke French. The nuns, however, did not seem to be so well
educated as their class usually is in other countries.
However, I could make it understood that I wished to be discharged at
the earliest possible moment, and in spite of the persuasions of the
doctors, I left on the 18th December, having obtained a permit from the
commandant to return to the front. I was still rather weak, and was
disappointed in my endeavours to obtain a horse; but had very little
money left. In the first instance I went, with twenty other recovered
wounded, belonging to a dozen different corps, to Lovicz, there to await
orders.