His movements attracted the attention of the British authorities at

Pensacola, and there was tendered him a colonelcy in their army, without

interference with his chiefship in the Indian tribe. He was placed on the

payroll of the English army and exchanged his toggery of the Indian chief

for the crimson uniform of the British colonel. This was an occasion of

fascination to the Indians, who exulted in the promotion of their young

chief. McGillivray now had everything his way. He plied his seductive

arts, and there was nothing that he desired that was withheld. The Indians

doted on him, and the pride of the young man knew no limit. He proved a

skillful leader in battle, courageous and strategic, but his sphere was in

the field of diplomacy. He left others to lead in fight, while he

solicited the aid of Indians in the service of the king of England. In the

ranks of the Tories, none was so efficient as was McGillivray, yet when

the war closed disastrously to the crown, and when the British had no

further use for him, they abandoned him to his fate, took his commission

from him, and cared no more for him.

While the result was disastrous to the British arms, it was exceedingly so

to the McGillivrays. The father had been a devoted loyalist throughout,

and when peace was declared his property was confiscated, he was left

without a penny, and, worse still, the Whigs thirsted for his blood. They

sought to find him, and, without a dime in his pocket, he fled the country

and returned to Europe, after making many narrow escapes, for had he been

captured, he would have paid the penalty of his loyalty to the British

crown by dangling from the end of a rope. All that saved Alexander's neck

was that he was recognized the chief of the Indian tribes whom the

Americans were eager to conciliate. The conditions created by the close of

the war afforded to Colonel McGillivray a fresh opportunity for new

alliances on a new field.

Impoverished by the calamitous result of the Revolution, Colonel

McGillivray was more enraged than dispirited, and in seeking new

connections, he turned to the Spanish, who recognized the services of so

valuable an ally, and were not slow to use him. In order to facilitate

their schemes they gave to McGillivray the commission of colonel in the

Spanish army on full pay, and besides, made him commissary commissioner to

the Creek Indians, whom to win to the loyalty of Spain there was offered

to them open ports on the Gulf coast for the shipment of their peltry.

This latter position gave to McGillivray vast advantage, as his palms

itched for Spanish gold, much of which he handled in this new relation.

Having the confidential ear of both parties, McGillivray was not slow to

replenish his impoverished purse. He was equally the trusted counselor of

both, and was not hindered in cross-purposes by any scruple, to make the

most of the advantage afforded. He was the prince of plotters, and the

impersonation of selfishness. A treaty was entered into at Augusta,

Georgia, between the white settlers and the Creeks, respecting the lands,

which treaty was repudiated by the Indian tribes, and led to outbreaks of

violence on the part of the savages. This action was inspired by

McGillivray, the promotion of whose interest lay in agitation and

disturbance. Outbreaks became general, as the result of the instigation of

McGillivray, who did nothing openly, but inspired the Spanish to stimulate

the animosity of the savages against the white settlers.

Conditions rapidly assumed an aspect of gravity, and outbreaks became so

general, that it was necessary for the American government to take the

matter seriously in hand, and to seek to placate the Indians. A commission

of able men was appointed by congress, under the leadership of General

Andrew Pickens, to negotiate with the Indians, with the end in view of

adjusting all differences. General Pickens addressed a letter to

McGillivray, which communication was a masterpiece of astute diplomacy.

While it bristles with threat, it is at the same time pervaded by

conditional conciliation; while stout in the assertion of independence, it

is yet concessive in tone, and while it promises direful consequences in

case the general government declines to recognize the rights of the

Indians, it adroitly injects, in a patronizing way, the suggestion that

the Americans who had wrested independence from the British crown would be

glad to be in position to accord great consideration to the unfortunate

Indian.

Able as General Pickens was in the field of statescraft, it was impossible

for him so to depress the standard of his character to such a plane as to

be able to cope with the villainy of McGillivray. The difficulty lay in

the fact that the two men were working from two opposite points. Pickens

was seeking reconciliation, while this was precisely what McGillivray did

not wish. Pickens was seeking to heal a serious breach, while it was to

the interest of McGillivray to keep it as wide open as possible. However,

negotiations were arranged for and the congressional commission was to

meet, in council, Colonel McGillivray, at Golphinton.

McGILLIVRAY'S CHICANERY

At great sacrifice, and by laborious travel, the commissioners of the

government, under General Pickens, made their way to Golphinton, when, lo!

McGillivray was not there. Instead, he had sent to represent the Indians,

the chiefs of two towns, accompanied by about sixty warriors. As

negotiations had been conducted by McGillivray, and as his presence was

necessary to consummate the proposed treaty, there was not only

disappointment on the part of the commissioners, but great indignation.

Even though every chief had been present, the absence of their

representative and commissioner would invalidate any agreement, and this

McGillivray well knew.

Nonplused by his absence, the commissioners of the government merely

stated to those present that which congress desired to accomplish, and

withdrew. This gave rise to fresh complications, which now assumed a

three-cornered aspect, as the federal commissioners' plans were objected

to by the commissioners of Georgia, on the one hand, and by the Indians,

on the other. Conditions were growing worse instead of better, much to the

delight of Alexander McGillivray, who would produce such a juncture as

would eventuate in his final enrichment. Without the knowledge of either

of the other parties, he was pulling the wires with the hand of an adept

schemer. After all the negotiation, therefore, the whole affair proved a

fiasco.

Still, something must be done. Conditions could not remain as they were,

and border warfare was continually imminent. The government was prostrated

by the Revolution, and a general war with the Indians might invite an

interference on the part of both England and Spain. President Washington

was much worried and perplexed, and summoned to his aid the ablest

counselors. The situation was exceedingly grave, and a single misstep

might plunge the country into the most disastrous of wars.

The next step led to the appointment of Dr. James White as the

superintendent of the Creek Indians. Dr. White was cool and cautious, a

skilled diplomat, and was familiar with Indian treachery, while he had the

advantage of enjoying, to a degree, their confidence. He was not without a

sense of self-reliance in the undertaking, and if he could not succeed in

the ratification of a treaty, he would so probe into the situation as to

glean facts which would enable the government the better to adopt proper

policies. He knew McGillivray well, and was not averse to a tilt in

diplomacy with this arch plotter and schemer. He at once wrote to

McGillivray from Cusseta, setting forth his mission and that which he

proposed to accomplish. The reply was one of equivocal phraseology,

lengthy, shrewd, evasive. It might mean anything or nothing, and was

susceptible to a variety of interpretations. The upshot of the

correspondence was a meeting at Cusseta. This time McGillivray was present

with a proposal to the national commissioner, which proposal was

astounding and startling. Surrounded by a large number of chiefs,

McGillivray submitted his unreasonable proposal. This occurred in April,

1787.

The proposal, in brief, was that the general government make large and

unreasonable grants, with the alternative of a prompt acceptance, or that

of a declaration of war on the first of the following August, just four

months hence. McGillivray knew that the proposed conditions would not be

acceptable, and he also knew the consequences of a war to the young

nation. Matters were not growing better fast. Here was a juncture that

called for the skill of the ripest statesmanship. The general government

and the state of Georgia were as much out of accord, as were both, with

the Indians. It was an opportunity which the keen McGillivray could not

suffer to remain unused. It was a matter of bargain and trade with him,

and the question uppermost with him was how much he could derive from it.

So astounding was the proposal, that Dr. White found himself a pigmy

dealing with a colossus, and he could do nothing more than to report to

the President the result of the meeting. All the while, McGillivray was

shuffling with the Spanish authorities in such a way as to extort large

sums of gold from them, while he was dissembling with the American

government for a similar reason, using meanwhile the deluded Indian as an

instrument to promote his designs. He would hold the Indian in his grip by

an affected solicitude in his behalf, while he would promise certain

results to Spain for given sums, and meanwhile agitate Washington with a

threat of war. Men and interests, however sacred, were to him as puppets

to be employed for the profoundest selfishness. He would create

demonstrations of hostility on the part of the Indians, in order to extort

from interested merchants tribute to quell the disturbance. He would

threaten Spain with America, and America with Spain, thereby producing

alarming conditions in the commercial world, and from nations and

merchants alike, he reaped booty.

Exasperated to a pitch almost uncontrollable, Washington at one time

thought of a war of extermination, but this would involve the lives and

property of the people of the whole South, involve the country seriously

with England and Spain, and leave a stain on the American government, and

the idea was abandoned. Resourceful as he was, Washington had practically

reached the limit of suggestiveness when it occurred to him to appoint a

secret agent charged with the mission of inviting a big council of the

Indian chiefs to repair on horseback all the way from Alabama and Georgia

to New York, then the seat of national government, in order to confer with

him in person in the adjustment of all grievances. Colonel Marinus Willett

was chosen by the President for this delicate and difficult function.

Taking a ship at New York, Colonel Willett was just fourteen weeks

reaching Charleston, from which point he immediately set out along the

Indian trails on horseback for the region of the Chattahoochee. He was

served by faithful Indian guides, and through many days of hard riding, he

proceeded to his destination where he had arranged a meeting with

McGillivray and all the great chiefs. Conditions were now favoring

McGillivray, for he well knew that he had produced grave concern at the

national capital, and was abundantly prepared for the result which he was

now nursing. According to prearrangement, Colonel Willett and Colonel

McGillivray met at the town of Ocfuske, on the Tallapoosa River.

McGillivray found his match in Colonel Willett, who was as skilled in the

art of diplomacy as was McGillivray, but without his unscrupulousness.

A NOVEL DEPUTATION

The diplomats met--Willett and McGillivray. Willett was polite, courtly of

address, skillful of speech, resourceful, but wary. McGillivray was suave,

excessive in politeness, equivocal of speech, deceitful, ostensibly

generous, though as treacherous as a serpent. Both were able. Each had had

much to do with men and affairs, but the motives of the two were as wide

as the poles. In the assembled council, Willett showed that he was at

home. Under the guise of excessive politeness, the two played against each

other for advantage with the skill of trained fencers. There was a mastery

of self-confidence that equally possessed both. Each spoke in a measured,

cautious way. With mutual distrustfulness, each vied with the other in

courtesy of tone. Objections were met and verbal blows were parried with a

degree of politeness that approached the obsequious. It was Greek meeting

Greek. The widest discretion was Willett's in arranging for the proposed

council in New York, where the Indian chiefs were invited by the "great

President" to meet him.

With the mastery of a skilled disputant, Colonel Willett addressed the

assembled chiefs, including, of course, Colonel McGillivray. The pith of

his speech was that "our great chief, George Washington," had sent him to

convey to them a message of cordial affection, and to invite them to his

great council house in New York, where he wished to sign with his own

hand, along with Colonel McGillivray, a treaty of peace and of alliance.

He assured them of the high regard entertained for them by "our great

chief," who did not want their lands, but wished to see them happy,

contented, and protected. He further assured them that Washington would

make a treaty "as strong as the hills and as lasting as the rivers." His

tone of address and assurance of sincerity greatly pleased the assembly.

The result of the meeting, which lasted for hours, was that a deputation

of chiefs, together with Colonel McGillivray, would accompany Willett on

horseback to New York. Arrangements for transporting the baggage on horses

were made, and the day appointed for the departure. Accordingly, Colonels

Willett and McGillivray, a nephew of Colonel McGillivray, and a body of

Indian chiefs filed out of Little Tallassee, near Wetumpka, on the morning

of June 1, 1790, for the distant capital. Along the way the party was

reinforced by other chiefs on horseback, who were in wait for the arrival

of Willett and McGillivray. At Stone Mountain, Georgia, the two great

chiefs of the Cowetas and Cussetas joined the party. Onward the procession

moved, exciting much interest, and in certain quarters, not a little

sensation. On reaching the home of General Andrew Pickens, on the Seneca

River, in South Carolina, they were received with the utmost cordiality by

this distinguished gentleman, who arranged for more comfortable means of

travel. Here the party fell in with the Tallassee king, Chinnobe, the

"great Natchez warrior," and others. Henceforth the Indians rode in

wagons, excepting the four who were the bodyguard of Colonel McGillivray,

who accompanied him on horseback, while Colonel Willett rode alone in a

sulky. At Richmond and at Fredericksburg the party halted to rest, at

which places much consideration was shown to Colonel McGillivray.

Distinguished honor was shown the entire party at Philadelphia, where they

were entertained for three days. Boarding a sloop at Elizabethtown, New

Jersey, they were finally landed in New York.

Now began a series of demonstrations that lasted through a number of days.

The sachems of Tammany Hall turned out in full regalia, met the deputation

at the water's edge in lower New York, which was at that time about all

there was of the city, marched up Wall Street, then the principal

thoroughfare of the city, past the federal building, where congress was in

session, then to the home of the President, with that pomp and ceremony of

which Washington was very fond. Each member of the deputation was

presented to the President, while the eyes of the enchanted chiefs fairly

glittered with delight as they unceremoniously gazed on the scenes about

them in the mansion of the President. Washington could not outdo Colonel

McGillivray in conventionality in the exchange of greeting. Both were men

of splendid physique, McGillivray being just six feet high, with broad

shoulders, well proportioned, and as straight as a flagstaff. From the

home of the President the procession filed to the office of the secretary

of war, thence to the mansion of Governor Clinton, all of which being

over, they were marched for entertainment to the principal hostelry of

the city, the City Tavern, where a banquet was spread for the unique

deputation, when the functions of the first day were closed.

Other notable attentions charmed the visiting chiefs, whose elation over

the novel scenes in which they were the principal sharers was equaled

alone by the concern of Colonel McGillivray regarding what all this might

mean for him. The chiefs of the wilds were easily beguiled by these

profuse attentions, but not so the wily McGillivray. With sedulous care he

kept the chiefs well under his thumb, lest they might fall into other

hands, by means of which they might be alienated from himself.

After some days, negotiations were entered on between McGillivray and the

Indian chiefs, on the one hand, and Henry Knox, the chosen representative

of the government, on the other. With cautious vigilance on the part of

both Knox and McGillivray, each step in the proceeding was taken. Knox

knew his man, and McGillivray knew what he wished, and all else was made

subservient to that purpose. McGillivray was as free in the ply of his art

in the metropolis, as he was beneath the native oaks of his tribe on the

distant Coosa. Nothing daunted him, and with dexterity he employed his art

as the situation was gone into. A sensational episode occurred in

connection with the proceedings. Washington learned that the Spanish of

Florida and of Louisiana, having heard of the departure on this mission of

McGillivray and his chiefs, had dispatched a secret agent with a bag of

Spanish gold, by ship to New York, to bribe the chiefs and prevent a

treaty. McGillivray wore their uniform, bore a commission as colonel in

their army, and was their agent, but their confidence in him was naught,

hence the mission of the agent. This agent was detected on his arrival,

and was shadowed by an officer from the moment he touched the soil of the

city. The agent was never able to reach the Indians. With consummate skill

the contest continued from day to day, McGillivray determined to force the

initiative in the offer to be made, before he would agree to commit

himself. He was a plausible enigma to the statesmen at New York, whom he

forced to show their hands before he would agree to disclose his purposes

and wishes.

THE TENSION RELIEVED

While several previous articles have been devoted to the notorious career

of Alexander McGillivray, there was a phase of the situation which

logically belongs to the interesting proceedings in New York which should

not be omitted, and when read in connection with facts already presented,

adds increased interest to the narrative.

Keeping his plans well to himself, McGillivray was quietly breeding

schemes with which to baffle the able men at the national capital. For

days together, the negotiations were kept up, and they were days of

serious concern and of lingering suspense to President Washington. The

parleying and dallying led to the apprehension that McGillivray would

propose terms so startling, as to end the whole affair with a fiasco, and

in view of the recent demonstration, reduce the situation to governmental

mortification. On the other hand. McGillivray was apprehensive that his

intended proposals would be rejected, hence his tactical delay and parley.

Knox was patient, McGillivray impatient. At last Knox was able to force

from the wily trickster and supple diplomat the condition on which he

would be willing to sign the treaty. It proved to be an occasion of as

much elation to the one as to the other. McGillivray chuckled over his

success, while the government congratulated itself on the settlement of

terms so easy.

When, at last, McGillivray stated his terms, they were that fifteen

hundred dollars in gold should be paid him outright by the government

annually, together with other easy emoluments, yet to be named, and a

certain quantity of merchandise, with certain limited sums of money to the

Indians each year, for which consideration the vast domains of the Oconees

were to be surrendered, while they were to remain under the peaceable

protection of the United States, and form no treaties with any others.

Yet, on account of that which occasioned this treaty so cheaply, much

suspense and terror had been created and much blood spilled, and not a few

whites were even then in bondage to the Indians. These slaves were to be

liberated, and the two powerful tribes, the Creeks and the Seminoles, were

to become subject to the general government. Paltry as the consideration

was, McGillivray got the utmost of his wishes, and crowed over the result.

The infamy of this malicious character grows in depth with the probing.

Back of his tampering with different embassies in the past, his Judas-like

dealing with different nations at the same time, his instigation of the

tribes to outbreak, his dragging these Indian chiefs across the country

all the way to New York, lay the sinister and sordid selfishness of this

perfidious man, already named, McGillivray provided for himself by being

made a brigadier general in the regular American army on full pay, which

was at that time twelve hundred dollars, while he was to derive additional

remuneration as the government agent to the Indian tribes.

Intoxicated with delight at his success, McGillivray headed the procession

homeward bound, after an exchange of congratulations with President

Washington, where each vied with the other in stilted conventionality.

McGillivray flattered the artless Indians into the belief that he had won

for them a victory, and they shared with him in the gusto of his elation.

His maneuvers were just such as to produce fresh plans of conspiracy and

of intrigue for the future. On his return home, he doffed the uniform of

the Spanish colonel, and donned that of the American brigadier, all of

which heightened the admiration of the Indians, while it afforded newer

opportunity to the general to lay deeper schemes and reap richer rewards.

This course was occasioned by the reasons now to be given.

One of our modern investigations would have disclosed the fact that while

the treaty was based on the conditions named, there lay beneath it, out of

the sight of the general public, a secret treaty between President

Washington and General McGillivray, on condition that he would manage the

Indians as the President might desire. As a sort of secret agent, and in

order to enhance his position in the estimation of the Indians,

McGillivray was made a channel for the transmission of certain gifts and

privileges, which he was to use to the advantage of the government, for

which he cared not a thread, and he would never have become the secret

purveyor, without the prospect of personal enrichment. He was to give to

the Indians, in his own way, the assurance that their commerce was to find

exit through the Gulf and ocean ports, while he was to present to each

chief, as from himself, but really from the government, a handsome gold

medal, besides a yearly gift of one hundred dollars in gold. Besides

still, the government was in the same secret way to educate annually four

of the Indian youth, free of all charge. All this was to be done in such

manner, as to have it appear how strong was the hold and influence of

McGillivray on the general government, and thus maintain his grip on the

Indians. This looks a little nebulous, from the government side, but it is

a matter of history, and at the time, was known only to the favored few.

History, like the sea, has hidden depths. That which Washington wished,

was to keep in subjection the troublesome Indian; that which McGillivray

wished was the enhancement of his importance, in order to the

gratification of his personal vanity, and in order, too, to a plethoric

purse. At any rate, such are the facts. What our modern muckrakers might

make of a proceeding like this now, deponent knoweth not. While in the

state councils of New York, there was silent and suppressed glee over the

result, in the heart of Alexander McGillivray, at the same time, there

were fresh schemes being incubated, as in daily meditation he southward

rode. Washington thought he had McGillivray bagged, while McGillivray knew

he had Washington hoodwinked. Later developments afford fresher

revelations of the diabolical character of Alexander McGillivray.

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