[Footnote 54: _Gratis_., p. 92.]

[Footnote 55: _Sc. Folkl._., p. 65.]

[Footnote 56: _Sc. Folkl._., p. 66.]

[Footnote 57: _Sc. Folkl._., p. 108.]

[Footnote 58: _Sagn._, p. 34.]

[Footnote 59: _Event. Sagn._., p. 10.]

[Footnote 60: _Event. Sagn._., pp. 52-53.]

[Footnote 61: "Ebbe svarede, at trolde kæmpede ved nar."--_Helt._., I,

p. 126. The sunlight is represented as being invariably fatal to

trolls.]

[Footnote 62: George Webbe Dasent says (_Pop. Tales_, Introd., pp.

57-58): "The trolls, or, the other hand [i.e., in comparison with the

Giants], with whom mankind had more to do, were supposed to be less easy

tempered, and more systematically malignant, than the Giants, and with

the term were bound up notions of sorcery and unholy power.... But when

Christianity came in, and heathendom fell; when the godlike race of Æsir

became evil demons instead of good genial powers, then all the objects

of the old popular belief, whether Æsir, Giants, or Trolls, were mingled

together in one superstition, as 'no canny.' They were all trolls; all

malignant; and thus it is that, in these tales, the traditions about

Odin and his underlings, about the Frost Giants, and about sorcerers and

wizards, are confused and garbled; and all supernatural agency that

plots man's ill is the work of Trolls, whether the agent be the arch

enemy himself, or giant, or witch, or wizard."

It is quite impossible to characterize trolls in detail with unqualified

words or phrases. They are usually malignant, though there are instances

of their doing men a good turn. They are always very powerful, and are

usually very large. It is told of one troll that, had she not made a

misstep, she would have succeeded in wading from Norway to Iceland; and

of another, that the thumb of his glove held four bushels, good measure.

In some instances, however, it is possible for many trolls to enter one

room of an ordinary dwelling house. There are trolls with three heads,

with six heads, with nine heads, and with twelve heads. Sometimes they

are one-eyed, and sometimes they have other characteristics that

differentiate them from human beings. In fact, anything with

supernatural qualities is apt to be called a troll. As a rule, it is

impossible for human beings to cope with trolls except by outwitting

them, which often is done. They are inimical to Christianity; and,

though their depredations may occur on any day of the year, between

sunset and sunrise, adventures with trolls, as stated above, are

frequently represented as occurring Christmas Eve; and that is the time

when particular precaution must be taken to avoid them. Usually it is

taken for granted that trolls will not attack the inmates of a house,

and people feel perfectly safe so long as they do not venture out. In

another type of troll story, however, people expect trolls to invade the

house Christmas Eve and attack them; and to avoid injury, the inmates

vacate the house for the night, before sunset. Illustrations of these

statements are found in such well known collections of fairy tales as

_Sc. Folkl._, _Nor. Tales_, _Folk. Huld. Even._, _Event. Sagn_.]

[Footnote 63: This story is in print and was related to the present

writer by one who had read it; and, though diligent search has failed to

locate it again, the writer ventures to reproduce it, for he is certain

that it is in existence.]

[Footnote 64: _Folk. Huld. Even._, Pt. I, pp. 66ff.]

[Footnote 65: _St. germ. Sag._, pp. 367-68.]

[Footnote 66: "Dette hallen hjemsögende uhyre."--_Hrs. Bjark._, Introd.,

p. 22.]

[Footnote 67: _Icel. Leg._, pp. 140 ff.]

[Footnote 68: That it was the cattle of King Hrolf that the dragon

attacked has been recognized by others, Müllenhoff (_Beow. Unt. Ang._,

p. 55) and Chadwick (_Camb. Hist. Lit._, I, p. 29), for instance; but

they make no more of the matter than to state it correctly.]

[Footnote 69: _Grettis._, pp 92 ff.]

[Footnote 70: _Folk. Huld. Even._, Pt. II, pp. 53 ff.]

[Footnote 71: _Helt._, I, pp. 117-18.]

[Footnote 72: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 239.]

[Footnote 73: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 366.]

[Footnote 74: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 368.]

[Footnote 75: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 372.]

[Footnote 76: See pp. 11-12.]

[Footnote 77: _Beow. Unt. Ang._, p. 55.]

[Footnote 78: _Beow. Unt._, p. 187.]

[Footnote 79: _Helt._, I, p. 135.]

[Footnote 80: _Nor. Tales_, p. 366. The sword here in question is just

like the sword in Grendel's cave in _Beowulf_, except that it is not

said to have a golden hilt.]

[Footnote 81: Other tales which contain the motive that a

strength-giving drink enables one to wield a sword that has supernatural

qualities are: _The Big Bird Dan_ and _The Seven Foals_ (_Nor. Tales_,

pp. 266 and 449); _The Three Brothers_ (Polish, _Yel. Fair. Bk._, p.

144); and _Lonkenlus_ (_Event. Sagn_, p. 268). It may be urged that in

all these instances the drinking imparts strength, not bravery. But the

two qualities are closely related; and the saga-man makes it plain that,

by means of the drink, Hott has acquired both. Bothvar says, "Now you

have become very strong, and I don't believe that you will be afraid of

the troop of King Hrolf any longer." Hott answers, "I shall not fear

them any more." Later Bothvar says, referring to the proposed attack on

the propped-up dragon, "A brave man might be able to satisfy his

curiosity about this! Comrade Hott, destroy this evil talk about

you,--men say that there is neither strength nor courage in you; go up

and kill the beast!" "Yes," says Hott, "I will undertake it." The king

says, "I don't know whence this courage has come to you, Hott, you have

changed marvellously in a short time." From the foregoing and what is

said about Hott's wrestling with Bothvar, it is plain that the author

has taken particular pains to emphasize the fact that, by partaking of

the heart and blood of the dragon, Hott has acquired great strength, the

lack of which seems to have been the cause of his cowardice. It seems

equally plain that when Hott knocks over the dead propped-up dragon by

means of the sword Gullinhjalti, which the king explicitly says "can

only be borne by a man who is both brave and daring," the purpose is to

call particular attention to the fact that it is by wielding the sword

that Hott gives proof of the change that has come over him. Regardless

of the deceit that has been practiced in connection with the dead

dragon, the king is compelled, if he believes what he has said about

Gullinhjalti, to recognize that Hott has demonstrated by his ability to

wield the sword that he is now "a man who is both brave and daring." And

the king does recognize it, for he says to Bothvar, "You have made a

warrior out of Hott."]

[Footnote 82: _Hrs. Bjark._, p. 100.]

[Footnote 83: Ll. 1557, 1567, 1607, 1666.]

[Footnote 84: Ll. 1558, 1569, 1605, 1615, 1663, 1696.]

[Footnote 85: Ll. 1559, 1573.]

[Footnote 86: Ll. 1564, 1616, 1667.]

[Footnote 87: L. 1697.]

[Footnote 88: _Eng. Stud._, XXXV, p. 22.]

[Footnote 89: L. 1697.]

[Footnote 90: Ll. 1573-74.]

[Footnote 91: "The chief of the Weder-Geats took no more of the

treasure-holdings in the dwelling, though he saw many there, but only

the head, and with it, the sword's hilt, brave with gold; the sword had

already melted" (ll. 1612-15).--_Beow._, Child.]

[Footnote 92: "I bore the hilt thence away from my enemies" (ll.

1668-69).]

[Footnote 93: "Then the golden hilt, the work of giants long ago, was

given into the hand of the old prince, the white-haired battle-leader"

(ll. 1677-79).--_Beow._, Child.]

[Footnote 94: "Hrothgar spake, looked on the hilt, the old heirloom, on

which was written the beginning of that far-off strife, when the flood,

the streaming ocean slew the giant kind--they had borne themselves

lawlessly. The people were estranged from the Eternal Lord; the Wielder,

therefore, gave them their requital through the whelming of the waters.

So was it duly lined in rimed staves on the guard of gleaming gold, set

down and told for them for whom that sword was wrought, choicest of

blades, with twisted hilt and decked with dragon-shapes." (LI.

1687-93).--_Beow._, Child.]

[Footnote 95: L. 1687.]

[Footnote 96: L. 1698.]

[Footnote 97: "He gave the guardian of the boat a sword ornamented with

gold" (ll. 1900-1901).]

[Footnote 98: "Then the shield of earls, the king stout in battle, bade

fetch Hrethel's sword, mounted in gold; there was not then among the

Geats a better treasure in the like of a sword. He laid it on Beowulf's

lap." (ll. 2190-94).--_Beow._, Child.]

[Footnote 99: _Mort. d'Arth._, p. 480.]

[Footnote 100: "En l'orie pont assez i at reliques."--_Ext. Ch. Rol._,

p. 103.]

[Footnote 101: "Preditum auro capulum."--_Gest. Dan._, p. 118.]

[Footnote 102: See pp. 31 ff.]

[Footnote 103: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 370.]

[Footnote 104: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 372.]

[Footnote 105: _Eng. Nov._, p. 2.]

[Footnote 106: _Hrs. Bjark._, pp. 139-40 and 141-42. Lawrence's

translation of the above selections from the _rímur_ is as follows:--

"Most of the men insulted Hjalti; he was not clever in speech. One

day they (Bjarki and Hjalti) went out of the hall, so that the

king's men did not know of it. Hjalti was afraid, and cried, 'Let

us not go near this wood; there is a she-wolf here, which eats men;

she will soon kill us both.' The she-wolf burst out of a thicket,

frightful, with gaping jaws. Hjalti thought this terrible; his legs

and all his limbs trembled. Undaunted Bjarki advanced upon her,

struck deep with his axe; fearful blood streamed from the she-wolf.

'Between two things,' said Bothvar, 'shall you choose,

Hjalti,--drink this blood, or I will kill you, no courage seems to

be in you.' Angrily answered Hjalti, 'I don t dare to drink blood;

(but) it is best to do it if I must; now I have no better choice.'

He lay down to drink the blood; then he drank three

swallows,--enough for fighting with one man! His courage increased,

his strength waxed, he became very strong, mighty as a troll, all

his clothes burst open. So he became courageous at heart, he feared

not the flight of steel, the name of coward he feared no more, he

was equal to Bothvar in courage." (IV, 58-66.)

"He (Hjalti) has gained a brave heart and a courageous disposition;

he has got strength and valor from the blood of the she-wolf. The

folds at Hleidargard were attacked by a gray bear; many such beasts

were there far and wide thereabout. Bjarki was told that it had

killed the herdmen's dogs; it was not much used to contending with

men. Hrolf and all his men prepared to hunt the bear--'he shall be

greatest in my hall, who faces the beast!' Roaring the bear ran

from its lair and shook its baleful paws, so that the men fled.

Hjalti looked on when the combat began; he had nothing in his

hands. Hrolf tossed to Hjalti his sword; the warrior stretched

forth his hand and grasped it. Then he plunged it into the bear's

right shoulder, and the bear fell down dead. That was his first

heroic deed, many others followed; his heart was ever brave in the

battle. From this exploit he got the name of Hjalti the brave, and

was the equal of Bjarki." (V, 4-13.)--_P. M. L. A._, XXIV, pp.

229-30.]

[Footnote 107: _Helt._, I, p. 118.]

[Footnote 108: When, here and elsewhere in this discussion, the

_Hrólfssaga_ is referred to as an earlier composition than the

_Bjarkarímur_, the implication is not intended that the version of the

saga which we now have was earlier committed to writing.]

[Footnote 109: See p. 51.]

[Footnote 110: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 367.]

[Footnote 111: _Beow. Unt. Ang._, p. 55.]

[Footnote 112: _Beow. Unt._, p. 186.]

[Footnote 113: _Helt._, I, p. 116.]

[Footnote 114: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 250.]

[Footnote 115: _Gest. Dan._, p. 56. Elton's translation of the passage

is as follows: "When he was triumphing in these deeds of prowess, a

beast of the forest furnished him fresh laurels. For he met a huge bear

in a thicket, and slew it with a javelin; and then bade his companion

Hjalti put his lips to the beast and drink the blood that came out, that

he might be the stronger afterwards. For it was believed that a draught

of this sort caused an increase of bodily strength."--_Elton's Saxo_, p.

69.]

[Footnote 116: See pp. 36 ff.]

[Footnote 117: See, for instance, _Sc. Folkl._, p. 253, where dragons

are said to have been pierced "under their shoulders to the heart."]

[Footnote 118: Finnur Jónsson has also been struck by the similarity

between the story connected with Bjarki's birth and the second story in

the _rímur_, in which Hjalti slays a bear. He says, "I rimerne (V, 5-14)

er der endnu tale om en 'gråbjörn.'"--_Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 22.]

[Footnote 119: _Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 18.]

[Footnote 120: See p. 16.]

[Footnote 121: The dogs are here said to be the herdsmen's dogs, in

conformity with the spirit of the story in its new setting and to

differentiate the story from what it is in the place whence the author

of the _rímur_ took it.]

[Footnote 122: _Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 22.]

[Footnote 123: See pp. 50 ff.]

[Footnote 124: For further proof of this, see pp. 81 ff.]

[Footnote 125: See p. 11.]

[Footnote 126: In the foregoing no implication is intended as to the

identity of the story of Beowulf's fight with Grendel and Saxo's story

of Bjarki's slaying the bear. The result, however, of the discussion is

to establish the priority of Saxo's story to that in the _Hrólfssaga_;

hence, an attempt to identify Bjarki's exploit with Beowulf's exploit

must consist principally in an attempt to identify the Grendel story

with Saxo's version of the corresponding story told about Bjarki.]

[Footnote 127: I, pp. 175-78.]

[Footnote 128: "Det ældste vidnesbyrd om sagnet bar vi i den såkaldte

_Vọluspá in skamma_; det hedder her: 'eru vọlur allar frá Viðolfi.'

Denne troldkvindernes stamfader er identisk med troldmanden Vit[h]olphus

i Sakses norske saga; og når vi ser, hvorledes digtets troldmandsremser

nævner kendte sagnfigurer--Heiðr i _Voluspå_; Hrossþjófr i Sakses norske

Baldersagn--, tör vi også i Viðolfr se hentydning til en bestemt

digtning, i.e., til dette norske Skjoldungsagn. Desværre kendes digtets

alder ikke videre nöje; det er efterhedensk og er digtet som et tillæg

til _Voluspå_, sikkert efter at dette digt var blevet udvidet med

dværgremserne. (F. Jónsson, _Oldn. lit. hist._, I, 204, gör det til

islandsk og sætter det til 2. halvdel af 12te årh.)."--Olrik's note.]

[Footnote 129: See pp. 9, 15, 24.]

[Footnote 130: _St. Sag. Eng._, pp. 120-21.]

[Footnote 131: See R. Imelmann's edition, pp. 45 ff.]

[Footnote 132: "_Hroarr-Helgi_. Frodas, der Florencius gegenübersteht

und Waldeus zu beseitigen sucht, hat zwar als Usurpator in einem ganzen

Typus seine Verwandten, aber eine in formeller Hinsicht auffallende in

der nordischen Sage von Hroarr und Helgi. Hier stellt Froði zwei Neffen

nach, die aber durch ihren Erzieher in Sicherheit gebracht werden. Sie

rächen sich später an dem Usurpator in seiner Halle. Bei seinen

Nachstellungen lässt Froði sich täuschen. Für diese Züge bietet der

Waldeus eine genaue parallele (S. 45-60). Seine Vorlage konnte die Sage

kennen, da sie in England entstanden und beliebt war; und ihre Benutzung

müsste angenommen werden, sobald man die Namensgleichheit Froði--Froda

(Frode) für nicht zufällig hält. Der Name Froði scheint in England sonst

zu fehlen; er steht nicht bei Björkman."--_Hist. Reg. Wald._, Introd.,

p. 52.]

[Footnote 133: _St. Sag. Eng._, pp. 103 ff.]

[Footnote 134: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 134.]

[Footnote 135: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., p. 30.]

[Footnote 136: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 139.]

[Footnote 137: See, for instance, _Dan. Nor. Rig._]

[Footnote 138: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., pp. 65-67.]

[Footnote 139: The version of the Havelok story here referred to is that

contained in Geffrei Gaimar's _Estorie des Engles_ and summarized in

_St. Sag. Eng._, pp. 98-100.]

[Footnote 140: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., p. 30, n.]

[Footnote 141: See _Helt._, I, pp. 22-23.]

[Footnote 142: _Hist. Mer._, p. 8.]

[Footnote 143: _Hist. Mer._, p. 9.]

[Footnote 144: _Hist. Mer._, p. 8.]

[Footnote 145: _Hist. Mer._, p. 9.]

[Footnote 146: _Gest. Dan._, p. 218.]

[Footnote 147: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 129.]

[Footnote 148: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., p. 31.]

[Footnote 149: See pp. 86 ff.]

[Footnote 150: A variant of "Sævil" in the manuscripts is "Sævar." See

_Hrs. Bjark._, pp. 3, n. and 5, n.]

[Footnote 151: _Chron._, V, p. 269.]

[Footnote 152: _Chron._, V, p. 269.]

[Footnote 153: There is something similar to this in _Meriadoc_. Orwen,

the princess, marries the King of Scotland. This feature of _Meriadoc_,

besides being in line with Hroar's marrying Northri's daughter, points

toward Scotland also.]

[Footnote 154: Siward married Ælflæd, daughter of Ealdred, Earl of

Bernicia in Northumbria (see p. 13).]

[Footnote 155: _Nor. Hist._, I, pp. 180-81.]

[Footnote 156: _Macb._, Introd., p. 15.]

[Footnote 157: _Chron._, V, p. 274.]

[Footnote 168: Quoted by Langebek in _Sc. Rer. Dan._, III. p. 291, n.]

[Footnote 159: Olrik; see p. 65.]

[Footnote 160: _Skjs._ (_Aarb._, pp. 110 ff.).]

[Footnote 161: _Oldn. Lit. Hist._, II, p. 665.]

[Footnote 162: See pp. 64 ff., where Olrik's explanation of the

development in the relations between Frothi and Halfdan, from the

earliest to the latest account, is given in full.]

[Footnote 163: See p. 69.]

[Footnote 164: "Vi finder _Skjoldungasagas_ kongerække bekræftet i de

andre skrifter. _Langfeðgatal_ stemmer helt igennem i kongersekken

og--på et enkelt punkt nær--også i slægstskabs-forholdene. Rolv krakes

saga stemmer ligeledes; kun gör den sin konge Frode til Halvdans broder,

ikke til hans brodersön som de to andre kilder. _Hervararsaga_ bar

forvansket nogle af de mindre vigtige konge-og dronningnavne, men har i

det hele samme bygning af Skjoldungslægten. De på Island bevarede

oldkvad (_Grottesangen_, _Bjarkemål_, _Bråvallakvadet_ og _Hyndluljóð_)

stemmer belt med prosaskrifterne."--Olrik, _Aarb._, p. 157.]

[Footnote 165: Son and successor of Scioldus.]

[Footnote 166: Said to have been king when Christ was born.]

[Footnote 167: Brothers, sons of Leifus.]

[Footnote 168: Married to Olafa, daughter of Vermundus.]

[Footnote 169: Chosen king upon the death of Frotho III, when Fridleus

II was absent from the kingdom.]

[Footnote 170: Son and successor of Frotho III. He defeated Hiarnus and

later slew him.]

[Footnote 171: Olaf appears here in a disturbing manner; but that Saxo

had no clear conception of him is plain from the way he introduces his

seventh book. He says: "Ingello quatuor filios fuisse, ex iisdemque,

tribus bello consumptis, Olauum solum post patrem regnasse, perita rerum

prodit antiquitas: quem quidam Ingelli sorore editum incerto opinionis

arbitrio perhibent. Huius actus uetustatis squalore conspersos parum

iusta noticia posteritatis apprehendit; extremum duntaxat prudencie eius

monitum memoria uendicauit. Quippe cum supremis fati uiribus arctaretur,

Frothoni et Haraldo filiis consulturus, alterum terris, alterum aquis

regia dicione preesse, eamque potestatis differenciam non diutina

usurpacione, sed annua uicissitudine sortini iubet."--_Gest. Dan._, p.

216.]

[Footnote 172: Son of Ingjald, but not his successor on the throne.]

[Footnote 173: Halfdan in _Hrs._ and _Skjs._]

[Footnote 174: Hroar in _Hrs._ and _Skjs._]

[Footnote 175: Helgi in _Hrs._ and _Skjs._]

[Footnote 176: _Beow._, ll. 2024-69.]

[Footnote 177: _Beow._, ll. 82-85.]

[Footnote 178: "Dette forhold, at det egenlige vikingeliv ligger forud for

digtet, förer os hen til 10de årh. som dets tilblivelsestid."--_Helt._,

II, p. 36.]

[Footnote 179: _Helt._, II, pp. 37-41. Olrik's notes, of which there are

a number, have been omitted.]

[Footnote 180: Later, the statement is made that Hroar had a son called

Waldar; but the statement causes no difficulty in this connection.

First, we observe that when Hroar, who is older than Helgi, is slain,

Helgi's son, Hrolf Kraki, becomes sole King of Denmark with no

competitor for the throne. Secondly, Arngrim says: "Roas. Hujus posteros

etsi non repperi in compendio unde Regum Daniæ Fragmenta descripsi;

tamen genealogiam hanc alibi sic oblatam integre ut sequitur visum est

contexere. Valderus cogn. munificus, Roæ prædicti filius."--_Aarb._, p.

139, n.]

[Footnote 181: Halfdan's brother, who, after Halfdan's death, married

his widow, Sigrith.]

[Footnote 182: This is not expressly stated; but her appearance and

action in the last scene admit of no other conclusion. This is Finnur

Jónsson's opinion also; see p. 95, n.]

[Footnote 183: _Helt._, I, pp. 173-74.]

[Footnote 184: Finnur Jónsson, in his comment on the _Fróðaþáttr_,

regards the version of the Hroar-Helgi story contained in the

_Skjọldungasaga_ and the _Bjarkarímur_ as earlier than the version

contained in the _Hrólfssaga_. His most significant statements bearing

on the matter are as follows: "I _Skjọldungasaga_, der blandt de

islandske kilder har störst betydning, har vi herfor [i.e., instead of

Halfdan and Frothi] Hálfdan og Ingjaldr, der er halvbrödre, bægge sönner

af kong Fróði froekni; Halvdans moder er en datter af kong Jörund i

Sverrig, Ingjalds moder er en datter af Sverting og Frodes virkelige

hustru; herom ved vor saga altså intet. Halvdan er ifg. _Skj._ gift med

en Sigríðr (således også i _Hrs._, hvor hun pludselig dukker op). Deres

börn er de samme som i sagaen; også her er Signý gift med Sævil. Ingjald

dræber sin broder Halvdan og gifter sig med hans enke (heri finder vi

motivet til at hun lader sig indebrænde med Frode i _Hrs._, hvilket dér

står ganske umotiveret)."--_Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 9.

The _Skjọldungasaga_ does not, however, say that Ingjald's mother was a

daughter of Swerting. It says, "Postea ducta alia, Ingialldum filium

legitimum hæredem suscepit" (_Aarb._, p. 111). And later it says that

Ingjald married Swerting's daughter. The words of the saga are,

"Ingialldus Frodonis filius Svertingi baronis paulo ante commemorati

filiam in uxorem accepit firmioris gratiæ, ut omnibus visum, conciliandæ

ergo" (_Aarb._, p. 112). This would indicate that Ingjald was not the

son of a daughter of Swerting.]

[Footnote 185: "Arngrim tilföjer, at natten efter var de hos en bonde,

i.e., Hrane, hvis gaver de afslog. (Footnote. Her træffer vi sikkert det

oprindelige forhold, kun ét mode med Odin.) Hvorledes Rolv rejste

videre, siges ikke i nogen af kilderne. Det er klart heraf, at Arngrims

fremstilling står sagaen nærmere end _Skj._, hvilket næppe kommer af, at

Snorre skulde have udeladt det som Arngrim har; det har været den yngre

bearbejdelse af _Skj._, som A. Olrik vistnok med rette har ment at kunne

påvise, som Arngrims fremstilling beror på."--Finnur Jónsson, _Hrs.

Bjark._, Introd., p. 25.]

[Footnote 186: See, for instance, Sarrazin's _König Hrodhgeirr und seine

familie_; _Eng. Stud._, XXIII, pp. 221 ff.]

[Footnote 187: _Aarb._, pp. 164.]

[Footnote 188: See p. 85.]

[Footnote 189: _Beow.-Stud._, pp. 41 ff., and _Eng. Stud._, XXIII, p.

228.]

[Footnote 190: _Notes, Beow._, pp. 43.]

The Relation of the Hrólfs Saga Kraka and the Bjarkarímur to Beowulf A Contribution To The History Of Saga Development In England And The Scandinavian Countries · 第 9 / 9 段