Frothi, envying his brother the crown of Denmark, attacked his capital

with a large army, reduced it to ashes, and took Halfdan captive and put

him to death. Regin took his foster-sons, Hroar and Helgi, to the island

and placed them in the care of Vifil, in order that they might not fall

into the hands of Frothi. Vifil took them to a cave (earth-hut), where

they usually stayed at night; but in the daytime they sported in the

grove. Frothi made every effort to locate them and make away with them,

calling in witches and wise men from all over the land to tell him where

they were, but in vain. Then he called in soothsayers, who told him the

boys were not on the mainland, nor far from the court. The king

mentioned Vifil's island, and they told him to look for the boys there.

Twice he sent men to search for them, but the men failed to find them.

Then the king went himself. Vifil, who knew the king was coming, met him

on the strand as if by chance, pretending to be looking after his sheep;

and when the king bade his men seize Vifil, the old man said, "Do not

detain me, or the wolves will destroy my sheep," and cried out, "Hopp

and Ho, guard my sheep." The king asked him to whom he was calling; he

said, to his dogs. But he had told the boys before, that, when he called

out the names of his dogs, they should hide in the cave. The king failed

to find the boys and returned; but Vifil told the boys that it was not

safe for them to remain on the island and sent them to their

brother-in-law, Sævil, saying that they would some day be famous,

unless, perchance, something prevented it.

Hroar was now twelve years old and Helgi ten. The boys returned to

Sævil, but, calling themselves Hrani and Hamur, did not tell him who

they were; and as they always wore masks, their identity remained

unknown to him.

Frothi invited Sævil to a feast. Hroar and Helgi expressed a wish to

join him; but Sævil commanded them to remain at home. Nevertheless, when

Sævil and his retinue had started off, Helgi got an untamed colt, and

mounting it with his face toward the horse's tail, set out, acting all

the while very foolishly. Hroar also mounted a colt, and joined him; and

the two overtook the company. They galloped back and forth beside

Sævil's retinue, until finally Helgi's mask fell off, and then Signy

recognized him. She began to weep, and when Sævil asked her the cause of

her distress, she informed him of her discovery. Sævil tried to get the

boys to return home; but, though they now were on foot and remained in

the rear, they persisted in accompanying him on his visit to Frothi.

When they arrived at Frothi's, Frothi began to hunt for the boys, and

bade a witch, who had come to the hall, to try her skill in finding

them. She told him that they were in the hall. Then Signy threw her a

gold ring, and the witch said that what she had just stated was false.

Frothi threatened to torture her if she did not tell the truth; and she

said that unless he soon prevented it, which he would not do, the boys

would be his death. But the boys, terrified, fled to the wood. The king

ordered his men to seize them; but Regin put out the lights in the hall,

and, in the confusion that followed, those who were friendly to the boys

used the opportunity to obstruct those who would pursue them. Frothi

vowed that he would take vengeance at a more suitable time on those who

had assisted the boys, but added, "Let us now drink and feast"; and this

they did till the men lay in a drunken stupor in a heap on the floor.

Regin rode out to where the boy's were, but would not return their

salutation. In fact, he pretended to be angry. They wondered what this

meant, and followed him. Helgi thought that Regin wanted to help them,

but without violating his oath to the king. Then Regin said to himself,

so that the boys heard it, "If I had a matter to settle with the king, I

would burn this grove." They took the hint and started a fire. Sævil

came out with all his men and bade them aid the boys, and Regin took

measures to get all his men and relatives out of the hall. The king

awoke from a dream, in which the goddess of the nether world was

summoning him. He discovered the fire, and learning who had set it,

offered the boys peace on their own terms; but terms of peace were

denied. Frothi then retired from the door of the hall, hoping to escape

by an underground passage; but at the entrance stood Regin, who blocked

his progress, and he returned into the hall and perished in the flames.

His wife, Sigrith (now mentioned for the first time), the mother of

Hroar and Helgi, refused to leave the hall and perished also.

The boys thanked their brother-in-law, Sævil, and their foster-father,

Regin, and all the others who had helped them, and gave the men rich

gifts. The boys subdued the whole land and seized the late king's

possessions; and for a while the time passed without the occurrence of

anything worthy of special mention.

At this time there was a king by the name of Northri, who ruled over a

part of England. Hroar often passed long intervals at the court of

Northri, supporting him against his enemies and defending his land.

Hroar married Ögn, the daughter of Northri, shared the royal power with

his father-in-law, and after Northri's death succeeded to the throne of

Northumberland. Helgi remained at home, and, by agreement with Hroar,

became sole King of Denmark.

In Saxo's seventh book, there is another version of the same story. The

features in which it chiefly varies from the version in the _Hrólfssaga_

are as follows.

Halfdan's name has become Harald; Hroar's and Helgi's names have become

Harald and Halfdan; Earl Sævil has become Siward, King of Sweden; Signy

has become a daughter of Karl, governor of Gautland, and wife of Harald

(Frothi's brother). Envy and the quarrelsomeness of Frothi's wife and

Harald's wife cause Frothi to engage men to murder Harald. Frothi tries

to avoid suspicion of being the author of the crime, but in vain; the

people believe he is guilty. When he seeks the boys of the murdered

king, to put them out of the way, their foster-parents bind the claws of

wolves under the boys' feet and let them run about and fill a

neighboring morass and the snow-covered ground with their tracks,

whereupon the children of bond-women are put to death and the children's

bodies torn to pieces and strewn about. This is done to give the

impression that the boys have been torn to pieces by wolves. Then the

boys are concealed in a large hollow oak, where food is brought them

under the pretence that they are dogs. Dogs' names are also applied to

them. The episode with the witch is present, but other men and women

with superhuman power are not introduced. The whereabouts of the boys

begins to be bruited about, and Ragnar, their foster-father, flees with

them to Fyen. He is captured and admits that he has the boys in his

protection; but he begs the king not to injure them, calls attention to

the foulness of doing them harm, and promises, in case they make any

disturbance in the kingdom, to report the matter to the king. Frothi,

whose severity Ragnar thus transforms into mildness, spares the boys,

and for many years they live in security. When they are grown up, they

go to Seeland. Their friends urge them to avenge their father's death,

and this they promise to do. Ragnar, when he hears of this, reports it

to the king in accordance with his promise, whereupon the king proceeds

against them with an army. In desperation, the boys pretend insanity;

and, as it is considered shameful to attack people who are insane, the

king again spares them. But in the night the boys set fire to his hall,

after having stoned the queen to death; and Frothi, having hid himself

in a secret underground passage, perishes from the effects of smoke and

gas. The boys share the crown, ruling the kingdom by turns.

Before proceeding further, it would be well to have a summary of the

relations of the Danish kings concerned, up to the last stage of

development, the stage with which we are dealing; and this summary is

best supplied by quoting the following from Olrik's _Danmarks

Heltedigtning:[127]--

"Der er en fortælling, som bar banet Skjoldungsagnene vej til

manges hjærter, i vort århundrede ikke mindre end på selve

sagafortællingens tid: sagnene om de to unge kongesönner Hroar og

Helge, der må skjule sig for deres faders morder og tronraner,

farbroderen Frode, men som efter en række æventyrlige oplevelser på

den enlige holm og i selve kongsgården ser lejlighed til at

fuldföre hævnen og hæve sig på, tronen. En strålende begyndelse på

den navnkundige kongeæts mange skæbner! Det er denne fortællings

udspring, vi nu skal söge.

"Tidligst foreligger den i en norsk saga fra 12te årh., der åbner

Sakses 7de bog; men smukkest er den islandske _Hrólfssaga_. Desuden

foreligger den kort og krönikeagtig i den islandske

_Skjọldungasaga_, som lader brodermorderen hedde Ingjald og ikke

Frode.

"Med disse kilder når vi dog kun til det egenlige sagamands-område,

Norge og Island. I Danmark er fortællingen ukendt; og Sakse og

Svend Ågesön er enige on den lige modsatte overlevering: det er

Halvdan, der slår sin broder Frode eller begge sine brödre ihjel

for at vinde herredömmet alene. Det er ikke rimeligt, at den danske

overlevering skulde have dels forvansket, dels tabt den mere ægte

norske; ti fortællingen om de forfulgte kongesönner er så let at

huske som et æventyr og vil vanskelig gå i glemme, naar den först

er hört.

"Også den ældste sagnform, Beovulfkvadets, kender kampen om

herredömmet imellem Halvdan og Frode; men der er den forskel, at

den ene er konge over Danerne, den anden over Had-Barderne, og det

er imellem disse to folkestammer, striden udkæmpes. Det synes

snarest, som om Frode er falden i kampen (flere forskere opfatter

stedet således); i hvert fald tillader sammenhængen næppe, at

Halvdan kan være falden imod Frode. For så vidt står denne ældste

form nærmest ved den senere danske overlevering, fjærnere fra den

norske.

"Som Halvdans broderdrab fortælles hos Sakse og Svend Ågesön, står

det lösrevet, vi kan godt sige meningslöst. Det över ingen episk

indflydelse på, Skjoldungernes liv, og der rammer heller ikke

Halvdan eller hans æt nogen moralsk gengældelse. Med god grund

undrer Sakse sig over denne livsskæbne, at den grumme drabsmand kan

dö en fredelig död i sin alderdom; ti det er ganske mod

heltedigtningens ånd. Forklaringen derpå har vi til dels i den

ældre sagnform: broderkampen er opstået af den gamle folkekamp,

hvor Had-Barderne lå, under for Danerne; men tillige må der være

bristet en episk sammenknytning. I næste slægtled af Skjoldungætten

er det et ret gammelt sagnmotiv, at Hrörik overfalder og fælder

Hroar; ban har sikkert været opfattet som Frodes sön og hævner,

ikke blot i norsk men også i gammel dansk overlevering.

"Den særlig norske form er da bleven til, ved at man vendte

broderdrabet om. Det er en sagndannelse af ganske samme art som

den, der gjorde Hrörik til Hroars drabsmand; helteætten kom til at

stå skyldfri. Det næste trin var at udvikle denne ny situation med

Halvdansönnernes fredlöshed og deres faderhævn. Vi har en gammel

kilde, der viser, at udviklingen virkelig er gået i disse to trin.

_Grottesangen_ slutter med spådom on, at 'Yrsas sön [Rolf] skal

hævne Halvdans drab på, Frode.' Da kvadet synes digtet af en

Nordmand i 10de årh., har vi i alt fire tidsfæstede udviklingstrin

af sagnet:

"1. Danekongen Halvdan kæmper med Hadbardekongen Frode og bar

formodenlig fældet ham (_Beovulf_).

"2. Skjoldungen Halvdan kæmper med sin broder Frode on riget og

fælder ham (danske sagn).

"3. Skjoldungen Frode dræber (sin broder) Halvdan, sönnesonnen Rolf

hævner det (_Grottesangen_, 10de årh., norsk).

"4. Skjoldungen Frode overfalder sin broder Halvdan og dræber ham;

sönnerne Hroar og Helge redder livet og hævner siden deres faders

död (norsk og islandsk saga, 12te, 13de, 14de årh.).

"Ifölge dette må sagaen om Helges og Hroars barndom være opstået

mellem år 1000 (950) og år 1100, snarest nær ved den förste

tid.[128]

"Langt vigtigere end tidspunktet er dog _arten af denne

omdannelse_. Vi står her foran det störste skel, der forekommer i

heltedigtningens levnedslöb: overgangen fra den löse skare af

småsagn, der slutter sig forklarende og udfyldende omkring kvadene,

til _sagaen_, der selvstændig og i löbende sammenhæng gör rede for

heltenes liv. Netop ved Skjoldungsagnene måtte denne overgang blive

afgörende. Når Halvdans mord var det förste punkt i slægtens

historie, kunde man umulig unddrage sig fra klart og alsidig at

belyse dets fölger. Det var selvfölgeligt, at Frode også stræbte at

rydde Halvdans to sönner af vejen; således fremkom sagnene om

fosterfædre og venner, der sögte at skjule dem. For Helge og Hroar

måtte den eneste vej til deres fædrene trone gå gennem kamp; deraf

opstod da sagnet on hævn over Frode.

"Enkeite træk i denne digtning bar sagamanden natürligvis hentet

fra den overleverede rigdom af sagn. Det er allerede forlængst

indset, at væsenlige træk skyldes lån fra sagnet on _Amled_, den

unge kongesön, der redder sit liv ved foregivet vanvid, da hans

farbroder bar hævet sig på tronen ved mord på hans fader."

The chapter from which the above is taken contains about a page more.

Olrik says, "Sagnet om Helge og Hroar er dog som helhed noget ganske

andet end den specielle Amledtype." He refers by way of comparison to

the life of Sigurd the Volsung, to the myth of Romulus and Remus, and

the corresponding myth of the Greek twins of Thebes, Thessaly, and

Arcadia; and concludes thus: "Er der fremmed indflydelse ved dens födsel

[i.e., the story of Hroar's and Helgi's childhood], må den være svag og

let strejfende. Snarere må man opfatte sagnet således, at dette æmne har

en livskraft til stadig at födes på ny, hver gang den unge belt vokser

op efter faderens drab. Motivet er så nærliggende, så ubetinget

heltegyldigt, at da Skjoldungsagaerne voksede frem på folkemunde, måtte

de åbnes med denne digtning; den var stadig--så at sige--lige nödvendig

for at stemple den store helteskikkelse."

The story about the Scylding kings in its various phases (except the

first, in _Beowulf_) is found in Denmark and in the Old Norse. Among the

Danes and Norwegians (including Icelanders), therefore, we must look for

an explanation of this last stage of development. But in the north of

England were many Danes and Norwegians, and, as has already been pointed

out, the story about Bothvar Bjarki was known in England and acquired

distinct features there.[129] To England, then, we turn for an

explanation of the main features of the Hroar-Helgi story.

Furthermore, the story is due to a combination of influences. Evidence

of this is the fact that it shows unmistakable influence of the Hamlet

story, which, however, does not furnish an explanation of the story as a

whole. And the fact that the story about Hroar and Helgi was not a

native product of England and had no roots in the soil of the country,

so to speak, which tended to hold it within bounds, but was an imported

story circulating rather loosely, far from the scene of the supposed

events related, would make it peculiarly susceptible to extraneous

influences adapted to aid in its development.

The first influence to which the Hroar-Helgi story was subjected was

plainly the "exile-return" type of story, whose general characteristics

are stated by Deutschbein as follows:--

"Das Reich eines Königs, der nur einen jungen unerwachsenen Sohn

hat, wird eines Tages vom Feinde überfallen. Der Vater fällt im

blutigen Kampfe. Die Rettung des jungen Thronerben ist mit

Schwierigkeiten verbunden--häufig steht dem jungen Fürstensohn in

der äussersten Not ein getreuer Eckhart zur Seite, eine

feststehende Figur in unserm Typus. Der Königssohn wird in

Sicherheit gebracht, in der Fremde zunächst in niedriger Stellung,

meist unter angenommenem Namen, wächst er zu einem tüchtigen Recken

heran, bis zuletzt die Zeit der Heimkehr gekommen ist. Er nimmt

furchtbare Rache an den Mördern seines Vaters und gewinnt sein Erbe

zurück; wesentliche Dienste leistet ihm dabei ein oder mehrere

treue Anhänger seines Vaters, die in der Heimat zurückgeblieben

sind.

"Eine Abart dieses Typus weist einen anderen Eingang auf: statt

äusserer Feinde sind es nahe Verwandte (Oheim, Stiefvater,

Stiefbrüder), die den jungen Prinzen seines Vaters berauben und ihm

selbst nachstellen. Diese Form bezeichnen wir mit B, die Hauptform

mit A."[130]

The Hroar-Helgi story has two young princes; otherwise, it conforms

exactly to type B.

Frothi, Halfdan's brother (_Hrólfssaga_ version), attacks him with an

army and defeats and slays him. The boys are taken by Regin, their

foster-father, to a neighboring island for safety (this, however, is

being sent abroad with a limited application of the term), where they

live with a shepherd in a cave, responding, when necessary, to the names

of dogs. There they remain until they are twelve and ten years old

respectively, when they return to their sister and brother-in-law, who,

together with Regin, render the boys valuable assistance. They take

frightful vengeance on their father's slayer by setting fire to his hall

and forcing him to perish in the flames.

The third stage having been reached in the development of the

Hroar-Helgi story, in which the brother who is slain is avenged by one

of his descendants, it was easy and natural for it to fall in with the

"exile-return" type. The type is not an artificial type, it is founded

on human nature. The guileless and weak must yield to the designing and

strong. History teems with illustrations of the fact that he wears the

crown who can win it and hold it. Where a kingdom is the prize, a man is

under a mighty temptation when he sees that he can seize it by brushing

aside a weak ruler and a still weaker heir, or, the ruler being out of

the way, the young heir only. And it is natural that, the young heir

surviving, he should avenge a murdered parent, regain the crown, and not

permit the usurper to enjoy the fruits of his crime unmolested. Friends

each party would also have, actuated, if by nothing else, by

self-interest, which is bound up in the success of their chief. What the

Hroar-Helgi story in its third stage of development may have been we do

not know. We are only told that "Yrsa's son will avenge Frothi's murder

of Halfdan." But the story was well prepared for the type it was to

assume.

That the story was clearly regarded as one of this type is evident from

the fact that in Johannes Bramis' _Historia Regis Waldei_ Frodas is the

usurper of the throne which by right belongs to Waldef.[131] It is not

necessary to repeat the story; it has all the characteristics of the

"exile-return" type. As a whole, it has no connection with the

Hroar-Helgi story; and it contains the only instance known of the use of

Frothi outside the story where he originally belongs. But he is so

typically the same person, with the same unlovable characteristics, that

he can be none other than the Frothi who plays such a conspicuous part

in the history of the Scylding kings.

The use of Frothi as a typical usurper in the English Waldef story is

also a very strong indication that the story in which he has his proper

setting was current in England; otherwise, by what channel did he get

into the Waldef story?[132]

Our next question is, What stories of the "exile-return" type were

current in the portions of England in which the Hroar-Helgi story would

naturally circulate? We think, of course, immediately of _Havelok the

Dane_. Deutschbein has shown that _Havelok_ is founded on historical

events that occurred in the first half of the tenth century.[133] The

gist of the story is that an heir to the Danish throne is deprived of

his heritage, suffers deep humiliation, but finally regains his heritage

and, through marriage, the crown of Norfolk in England in addition. The

story was of a nature to make a strong appeal to the Scandinavians,

especially the Danes, in England. It achieved, in fiction, the ambition

which the Danes realized under Swen and Canute, when these sovereigns

governed both Denmark and England. It was a Danish story; it was

developed after 950, which was about the time the third stage in the

development of the Hroar-Helgi story had been reached; and it was a

creation of the Scandinavians in England, among whom the story

circulated.

Closely connected with the Havelok story is the Meriadoc story, the

first part of which, as Deutschbein has shown,[134] and in regard to

which J.D. Bruce agrees with him,[135] is based on the Havelok story.

These stories Deutschbein calls "cymrisch-skandinavische Sage" and says,

"Wir sehen, dass den Cymren und den Skandinaviern in England der

wesentliche Anteil an der Entwicklung unserer Sage zukommt."[136]

It is evident that in the Havelok and Meriadoc stories we have every

condition present for contact between them and the Hroar-Helgi story,

namely: time (after 950); place (England); people among whom all the

stories would circulate (Scandinavians, coming in contact with the

Welsh); and, in the case of the Havelok and Hroar-Helgi stories, a

popular theme dealing with Danish princes who regain a lost kingdom. The

theme would be all the more popular as the time when the Havelok story

was developed was a period of struggle on the part of the Scandinavians

in the British Isles to gain and maintain supremacy.[137] Again, the

nature of the Hroar-Helgi story was such that its development depended

wholly on invention or on contact with other stories.

The first part of the Meriadoc story, with which a comparison will be

made, is summarized by J.D. Bruce as follows:--

"In the time of Uther Pendragon, Caradoc ruled over Wales. He had a

son and a daughter by his wife, a princess of Ireland, which

country he had conquered. As old age approaches, he turns over the

government of his kingdom to his brother Griffith and devotes

himself to hunting and amusement. Wicked men persuade Griffith to

slay his brother and seize the throne. Despite the warning of a

dream, Caradoc goes hunting and is slain by hired assassins in the

forest.

"The queen dies of grief, and, to turn suspicion from himself,

Griffith has the assassins put to death. Before their execution,

however, they revealed Griffith's guilt. Caradoc's friends among

the nobles wish to get out of Griffith's power their late master's

children, who had been committed to the charge of Ivor and Morwen,

the royal huntsman and his wife. Griffith determines to kill the

children, but, touched in a measure by their appeal, does not have

them executed on the spot. He has them taken to the forest of

Arglud, where they are to be hanged. The executioners, however,

feel compassion and tie them by a slender rope, easily broken, so

that they may fall to the ground unharmed. Hearing of the

children's disappearance, Ivor sets out for the forest, accompanied

by his wife and his dog, Dolfin. To frighten the executioners away,

he kindles fires in the four quarters of the forest and throws

flesh into these fires to attract the wolves. He then hides himself

in a tree. The wolves gather and the men, afraid, conceal

themselves in the hollow of the tree to which the children had been

hanged. Ivor drives away the wolves and then begins to smoke out

the men. They promise to give up the children, if he will let them

come forth. He consents, but kills them one by one, as they are

crawling out.

"He delivers the children, who have been suspended for half a day,

and flies with them and his wife and dog to the Fleventanean

forest. Here he takes refuge in a caverned rock, called Eagle Rock,

because there were built on it the nests of four eagles who

constantly faced the four points of the compass. How Ivor and his

wife struck fire from flint, and the peculiar way in which they

cooked their food is described. One day Urien, King of Scotland,

passing through the forest, carries off the girl from her

companion, Morwen. Similarly Kay, Arthur's seneschal, carries off

the boy from Ivor. Morwen goes to Scotland to seek Orwen, the

girl; Ivor to Arthur's court to seek Meriadoc, the boy.

"The day Morwen reached Scotland, Urien and Orwen are to be

married. The latter recognizes Morwen in the throng by the wayside

and has her brought to the palace. Ivor comes with a dead stag to

Arthur's court and offers it to Kay. Meriadoc recognizes his

foster-father and springs clear over the table to greet him. Kay

receives Ivor among his attendants. Kay visits Urien and takes Ivor

and Meriadoc with him. Mutual recognitions and rejoicings.

"Arthur and Urien determine to take vengeance on Griffith, who

fortifies himself at Mount Snowdon. After a long siege he succumbs

to famine, surrenders and is executed. Meriadoc succeeds him, but

resolves to leave Urien in charge of the kingdom and go forth in

search of adventure."[138]

The Relation of the Hrólfs Saga Kraka and the Bjarkarímur to Beowulf A Contribution To The History Of Saga Development In England And The Scandinavian Countries · 第 5 / 9 段