THE POSTAL ESTABLISHMENT AN INSTRUMENT OF POPULAR COMMUNICATION
With the inauguration of inland penny postage the Postal Establishment
ceased to exist primarily as a tax-collecting agency, and, although
maintained as a whole upon a paying basis, certain of its recent
experiments have, from a financial point of view, been far from
successful. On the other hand, the simultaneous unification and
reduction of rates, together with various other changes which have been
adopted since 1840, have resulted in lessening appreciably the expenses
of management.
The postage on inland letters was reduced in 1865, 1871, 1884, and again
in 1897. In 1839, the last year of high postal rates, the total number
of letters, including franks, delivered in the United Kingdom, was
somewhat in excess of eighty-two millions. This number was rather more
than doubled in the following year. During the ensuing ten years the
figures were again doubled, the total in 1850 being 347 millions. For
the five-year period 1866-70, following the reduction in postage of
1865, the average yearly number delivered was 800 millions. In 1875 this
increased to a little over 1000 millions; in the postal year 1880-81 to
1176 millions, in 1890-91 to 1705 millions, and in 1900-01 to 2323
millions.[265] So far as colonial letters were concerned, a marked
reduction in rates was granted soon after inland penny postage was
obtained, the reduction being extended to the larger part of the
Empire.[266] Further reductions followed until, in 1898, a penny half
ounce rate was established for most of the colonies, and all were
included in 1905. As on a previous occasion, the United States was the
first foreign country with which an agreement was made to adopt this low
rate, and its advantages have been enhanced still further by an
increase in the initial weight from half an ounce to an ounce. During
the sixties, treaties were entered into with the most important European
countries for lower postage rates, and, in 1874, at the first meeting of
the Postal Union, a uniform rate for prepaid letters of 2-1/2_d._ a half
ounce was agreed to. Reductions also followed for other postal matter.
In 1891 a universal foreign letter rate of 2-1/2_d._ was announced so
far as the United Kingdom was concerned, with the exception of those
countries where a lower rate already prevailed, and a further reduction
followed in 1907 by increasing the initial weight from half an ounce to
an ounce in the case of all foreign and colonial letters, the charge on
foreign letters for each unit after the first being reduced at the same
time from 2-1/2_d._ to 1-1/2_d._
[265] _Rep. P. G._, 1855, p. 65; 1881, app., p. 11; 1891, app., p. 16;
1901, app., p. 25.
[266] Colonial legislatures were given the power in 1849 to establish
posts of their own and to fix the inland postal rates (12 and 13 Vict.,
c. 26).
After 1840 the registration fee was reduced by a series of gradations
from 1_s._ to 2_d._, and the compulsory registration of all letters
containing coin was enforced. In 1891 the separate system of insurance
was abolished, and registration was extended for the first time to
inland parcels. The limit of compensation was increased at the same time
to £25 and in the following year to £50 by the payment of 2_d._ for the
first £5 and an additional penny for each additional £5 of
insurance.[267] Seven years later the amount of compensation payable was
increased to £120 and the fee payable was lowered for all sums over £15.
Arrangements were also made by which letters addressed to certain
colonies and foreign countries might be insured to the same maximum
amount.[268] The limit of compensation is now £400 for inland registered
correspondence as well as for correspondence to many foreign countries
and a few of the colonies.
[267] _Rep. P. G._, 1892, p. 7.
[268] _Ibid._, 1899, pp. 4, 6-7.
Among other postal reforms dear to Hill's heart had been the compulsory
payment of postage by means of stamps. He pointed out that this would
greatly simplify the keeping of accounts by the department and increase
the net revenue. The proposition was, however, too unpopular to secure
approval. Nevertheless in 1847 the Postmaster-General secured
parliamentary authority to abolish or restrict payment in money and
require stamps to be used, but the experiment proved so unpopular that
it was eventually abandoned.[269] The use of perforated stamps, an
invention of Mr. Archer, was in 1852 recommended by a committee
appointed to report on the question.[270] Finally, in 1904, the law
forbidding the use of embossed or impressed stamps cut out of envelopes,
postcards, letter cards, wrappers, and telegraph forms was
repealed.[271]
[269] 10 and 11 Vict., c. 85; _Rep. Com._, 1852, xv, 386, p. 150; _Rep.
P. G._, 1859, p. 25.
[270] _Rep. Com._, 1852, xv, 386, pp. iii-iv.
[271] 4 Edw. VII, c. 14.
From 1808 to 1840 the rural districts as a rule obtained their postal
matter by a special payment on their part to messengers for its
conveyance from the nearest town, sometimes aided by a bonus from the
revenue, or by means of the "fifth-clause" posts,[272] or by the penny
posts which were constantly increasing in number and were occasionally
established under guarantee. In 1838 there were fifty-two "fifth-clause"
posts in England and Wales, and 1922 villages in the United Kingdom were
served by penny posts. In 1843 the government of Sir Robert Peel laid
down the following principle: "All places the letters for which exceed
one hundred per week should be entitled to a receiving office and a free
delivery of letters." A "delivery" here meant a daily delivery, and the
boundary of the free delivery was to be determined by the
Postmaster-General. The principle enunciated above was followed until
1850, and during that period the increase in the number of free and
guaranteed rural deliveries was very great. At the close of this period
it was decided that in future the determining rule should be based upon
the probability of financial success. A post was held to pay its way
whenever its cost was covered by a halfpenny on each letter delivered,
but, since it was held that the number of letters would be doubled by
free delivery, double the number arriving before its establishment might
be assumed to arrive afterward. The post might be bi-weekly, tri-weekly,
or weekly. This rule was to a certain extent made retroactive, but no
post established under the rule of 1843 was stopped so long as the cost
was covered by calculating delivered letters at a penny each. It was
decided in 1853 that a post less frequent than once a day might be
increased in frequency whenever the cost would be covered by a revenue
estimated on the basis of three farthings for each letter, and in
treating an application for a second daily post this amount was to be
reduced to one farthing. The experiment was tried of delivering letters
at every house in a few selected places but did not prove a success. It
was stated that at the end of this revision, 93 per cent of all postal
packets were delivered. In 1860 the rule was laid down that new posts
should be set up only when the cost would be covered by half a penny on
each letter actually arriving, the old rule having been found to be too
liberal. Two years later it was stated by the Post Office that only 6
per cent of the total postal packages were undelivered. In 1882 the
question of extending the rural posts was considered by Mr. Fawcett, the
then Postmaster-General, who decided that credit should be given for
revenue by increasing the halfpenny to 6/10_d._ for each letter, and in
the next year the existing rule as to a second daily delivery was made
more liberal. In 1890, for places hitherto unserved, the rate per letter
for estimating revenue was increased to three farthings, for each parcel
the rate was fixed at 1-1/2_d._, and in the following year rural
sanitary authorities in England and Wales were authorized to guarantee
posts. In Scotland the district committee or the county council, where
the counties were not divided, was given the same power in 1892. In the
same year the rule was laid down that a second service in the day might
be given provided that its cost did not exceed half a penny a letter and
a penny a parcel and in addition that the total cost of night and day
mail services should not exceed the revenue from the whole
correspondence at half a penny per letter and a penny per parcel. It was
estimated in 1892 that about thirty-two and a half millions of letters
were undelivered, but the work of extending the rural posts went on
gradually until in 1897 it was announced that provision would be made as
soon as possible for delivery to every house in the United Kingdom. In
1900 the Postmaster-General was able to report that house to house
delivery had been completed in England and almost completed in Scotland
and Ireland.[273]
[272] Established by agreements between the Postmaster-General and the
inhabitants of small towns and villages.
[273] _Rep. P. G._, 1898, pp. 32-39; 1860, pp. 9 f.; 1864, p. 15.
In addition to the ordinary delivery at regular intervals there was a
growing demand for a more rapid service on extraordinary occasions as
well as a desire for a special messenger service when the use of the
Post Office as a medium meant an undesirable loss of time. In 1886 a
private company started to supply messengers for postal services. After
some trouble with the Post Office, a licence was granted them in 1891 in
return for which they agreed to pay a percentage of their gross receipts
to the department and observe certain conditions with reference to the
delivery of letters.[274] An express delivery service was also
established by the Post Office, the fee in addition to the ordinary
postage being 2_d._ for the first mile, 3_d._ for the second and beyond
that, and where no public conveyances existed, 1_s._ a mile or actual
cab-fare. In the case of letters delivered locally the ordinary postage
was abrogated soon after and a charge of 1-1/2_d._ per pound for parcels
exceeding one pound in weight was imposed, but this charge was later
lowered to a penny per pound with a maximum payment of 1_s._ and the
maximum limit of weight was increased from 15 to 20 pounds where the
messenger could travel by public conveyance. The initial charge for the
first mile of 2_d._, and 3_d._ for each succeeding mile, for each parcel
was made a uniform charge of 3_d._ per mile, and the fixed charge of
2_d._ for each parcel beyond the first was reduced to a penny where
several packets were tendered by the same sender for delivery by the
same messenger. In the case of several packages delivered at the same
address the charge was lowered to 3_d._ plus an additional penny for
every ten packages or part thereof, later changed to a weight fee of
3_d._ on each packet or bundle of packets weighing more than one
pound.[275] Rural postmen were also allowed to receive letters and
parcels from the public at any point in their walks and deliver them
without passing them through a post office, having first canceled the
stamps.[276] An agreement was also made with the railways to carry
single letters left in the booking office for 2_d._ each. These letters
may be taken to the booking office by messenger and delivered by a
messenger at the end of their journey or posted there.[277] The express
delivery service was also extended to such foreign countries as would
agree to it, including nearly all of Western Europe, part of South
America, and the far East. In every case the primary fee in England is
_3d._, the foreign charges varying with local conditions. Express
letters from abroad are delivered free within one mile from the Post
Office. Beyond that the distance charge is 3_d._ a mile for one parcel,
with a penny for each additional parcel delivered to the same person.
The Postmaster-General reported that the establishment of this service
was not only much appreciated by the people, but was self-supporting and
even profitable to the state. During the ten year period ending March
31, 1901, the number of express delivery services in the United Kingdom
increased from 108,000 to 804,000.[278]
[274] Their extended licence will expire in 1922 (_Rep. P. G._, 1901, p.
2).
[275] _Parl. Deb._, 3d series, cccli, col. 1751; _Rep. P. G._, 1901, p.
2; 1892, p. 7; 1891, pp. 4 f.; 1893, p. 7; 1894, p. 6; 1899, pp. 2, 3.
[276] _Ibid._, 1894, p. 5.
[277] _Ibid._, 1891, p. 5.
[278] _Rep. P. G._, 1893, p. 10; 1897, p. 3; 1901, app., p. 28.
The impressed stamp to which newspapers were subject until 1855 enabled
them to pass free by post. After this stamp ceased to be compulsory,
newspapers which bore it passed free from other postage until 1870--when
the halfpenny rate was established--and were known as "free"[279] as
distinguished from "chargeable" newspapers. Of the former there were
carried by post in 1856 over 53 millions, of the latter, including book
packets, 20 millions. In 1875 the number of newspapers delivered in the
United Kingdom had increased to 121 millions. For the five year period
ending March 31, 1881, the average yearly number had increased to a
little over 129 millions, for the next five years to something over 142
millions. During the period ending March 31, 1891, they had increased to
155 millions, there being an actual decrease in one year. In the period
following there was an average yearly increase of only three millions
and the ensuing five years ending March 31, 1901, showed a decrease of
about one million.[280]
[279] Free newspapers also included those coming from abroad on which no
charge was made in the United Kingdom.
[280] _Rep. P. G._, 1896, p. 2; 1859, pp. 28 f.; 1881, app., p. 12;
1891, app., p. 17; 1901, app., p. 27.
The book post, instituted in 1848, had its rates reduced in 1855 and
again in 1870 to a halfpenny for the initial two ounces and an
additional 1/2_d._ for each succeeding two ounces. In 1892 its scope was
greatly enlarged and the expression Halfpenny Post, which is now its
official name, better illustrates its cosmopolitan character for it now
includes all printed documents of a conventional, formal, or impersonal
character. From 1872 to 1875 the number of articles carried by the
Halfpenny or Book Post increased from 114 millions to 158 millions. The
yearly average during the next five years was 204 millions; during the
following five, 305 millions and for the five year period ending March
31, 1891, they had increased to 418 millions. During the next five years
there was a still greater average increase to 596 millions and the
average for the postal year ending in March, 1901, was 732
millions.[281] The rates for the Inland Pattern and Sample Post,
established in 1863, were assimilated with those of the Book Post in
1870. It was abolished or rather incorporated with the Letter Post in
the following year but was reëstablished in 1887, the rates being a
penny for the first four ounces and 1/2_d._ for each succeeding two
ounces, but, when the Jubilee letter rates were published, it lost its
_raison d'être_ and was abolished for inland purposes.[282]
[281] _Rep. P. G._, 1896, p. 2; 1903, p. 5; 1904, p. 5; 1881, app., p.
12; 1891, app., p. 17; 1901, app., p. 27.
[282] _Ibid._, 1864, p. 29; 1896, p. 2; _Acct. & P._, 1871, xxxvii (pp.
1-2).
Post cards were introduced in 1870, being carried for 1/2_d._ each
prepaid, 2_d._ when payment was made on delivery.[283] In addition to
the stamp a charge was made to cover the cost of the material in the
card itself. Somewhat later reply post cards were issued for the inland
service and arrangements were made for the use of international reply
post cards. In 1894, private post cards, to which a halfpenny stamp was
affixed, were allowed to pass by post. The resulting enormous
growth[284] in their number showed that the privilege was appreciated.
In less than five years they were estimated to form 5 per cent of the
total number passing through the post.[285] Shortly after, the
prohibition of any writing save the address on the face of a post card
was withdrawn and it was provided that the address side of all mail
matter might be used for purposes of correspondence provided that it did
not obscure the address, encroach upon the stamp, or prove in any way
inconvenient. Formerly, so far as mail matter other than post cards was
concerned, the right half of the face side was reserved for the
address.[286] During the four five-year periods from 1881 to the year
ending 31st March, 1901, the average numbers of post cards delivered
yearly in the United Kingdom were about 108 millions, 152 millions, 272
millions, and 379 millions.[287]
[283] Charge on unpaid inland post cards reduced to 1_d._ each in 1896.
[284] They increased from 248 millions for the postal year 1893-94 to
312 millions during the ensuing year.
[285] _Rep. P. G._, 1896, p. 2; 1882, p. 4; 1895, p. 18; 1900, p. 1.
[286] _Rep. P. G._, 1897, p. 5.
[287] _Ibid._, 1881, app., p. 12; 1891, app., p. 17; 1901, app., p. 27.
It had not been usual for England to lag behind the continent in the
adoption of new postal ideas. Such was the case, however, with reference
to the adoption of the convenient post card and the no less useful
parcel post. In 1880 the question of the establishment of an
international parcel post was discussed in Paris and an agreement was
reached for the transmission throughout nearly the whole of Europe of
parcels not exceeding three kilogrammes in weight. It was impossible for
Great Britain to sign, as she had no inland parcel post at the time and
found it difficult to establish one as an agreement with the railways
was necessary. A movement was at once begun for one and it was started
three years later. The first despatch of foreign and colonial parcels
took place in 1885, and at the beginning of the following year
arrangements were completed for the exchange of parcels with
twenty-seven different countries, including some of the colonies, India,
and Egypt. An agreement was concluded in 1904 with the United States for
the interchange of parcels by post at the rate of 2_s._ for each and the
maximum is two kilogrammes. These cannot be insured and customs' duties
must be paid by the recipient. The previously existing agreement for
parcels weighing as much as eleven pounds each, providing for insurance
and the prepayment of customs' duties, continues to be carried on by the
American Express Company.[288] Since the establishment of the inland
parcel post the question of collecting the value of the parcels on
delivery, if the sender and the recipient so desire, has often been
raised. Owing to the opposition of retail dealers, it has not yet been
adopted although in operation in India and nearly all important foreign
countries. In the words of the Postmaster-General--"In these
circumstances I am by no means satisfied, so far as my enquiries have
gone, that the apprehensions expressed by retail traders in this country
afford sufficient cause for withholding a convenience from the community
at large."[289]
[288] _Ibid._, 1881, p. 4; 1885, p. 4; 1886, p. 5; 1895, p. 21; 1905, p.
7; _The Economist_, 1881, Nov. 5, p. 1369; 1882, July 29, p. 939.
[289] _Rep. P. G._, 1904, pp. 4-5.
The various changes and improvements adopted by the Post Office since
1840, in addition to those already named, are so numerous that only the
most important can be considered here. Among others the amalgamation of
the London District Post with the General Post in 1854 deserves
attention. In the following year it was ordered that letters should be
sorted in each of the ten postal districts into which London was divided
instead of being taken to the General Office at St. Martin's-le-Grand as
had been customary, thus materially lessening the expenses of sorting
and facilitating their delivery.[290]
[290] _Ibid._, 1855, p. 12; 1856, p. 9; 1860, p. 8.
In 1840 there were but 4028 post offices in the Kingdom; in 1854,
9973.[291] Road letter boxes were introduced in 1858 and the public
receptacles for the receipt of letters numbered 13,370 in 1859 as
compared with 4518 before the establishment of penny postage.[292] In
1829 the total number of persons in England employed in Post Office
business numbered only 5000. Twenty-five years later for the United
Kingdom over 21,000 were so employed; in 1880 over 47,000, of whom,
however, more than 11,000 were engaged wholly in telegraph duties. By
1890 these had increased to nearly 118,000 and by 1900 to 173,000 of
whom 35,000 were females.[293]
[291] _Ibid._, 1855, p. 21.
[292] _Ibid._, 1855-59.
[293] _Rep. Commrs._, 1829, ii, p. 137; _Rep. P. G._, 1855, p. 20; 1881,
app., p. 16; 1891, app., pp. 34-35; 1901, app., p. 50.
The money order business which originated as a private speculation in
1791 was the result of an attempt to check the frequent theft of letters
containing money. In 1838, shortly after its acquisition from the
proprietors, the rates were reduced and the number of money orders
transmitted increased from 188,000 in 1839 to 587,000 in 1840 and to
1,500,000 in 1842. From the latter date until 1879 the increase both in
the number and in the value of money orders transmitted was steady,
aided by the increase in 1862 from £5 to £10 of the maximum
transmissible sum and by the reduction in rates in 1871. The penny rate
of that year for orders to the value of ten shillings was a mistake, for
the actual cost to the state of issuing and paying a money order was
about 3_d._ In order to meet this difficulty a simpler form of order was
issued in 1881 with an initial rate as low as half a penny, the cost of
which to the Post Office was much less than that of the old kind of
order. These postal notes, as they were called, were issued for new
denominations in 1884 and 1905 and the rates on some of them were
diminished. The lowest rate for a money order was for a few months fixed
at 3_d._ but, as this aroused considerable opposition, the present rate
of 2_d._ was soon after substituted, and in 1903 the maximum sum
transmissible was increased to £40 with a few accompanying changes in
rates. In 1889 an opportunity was given in the case of a few towns for
sending telegraphic money orders and during the ensuing three years the
privileged area was greatly extended. In 1897 the expenses were
considerably reduced. In 1858 arrangements were made for the exchange of
money orders with Canada and by 1862 similar agreements were decided
upon with most of the other colonies, but foreign countries were not
included until somewhat later and in 1880 colonial and foreign rates
were harmonized. Rates were reduced in 1883, 1896, and 1903, and in the
last year the inland £40 limit was agreed upon with most foreign
countries and some of the colonies.
Inland money orders which started to decrease in amount in 1878-79
steadily continued their downward course until 1891-92, when there was a
slight recovery for a few years, but since 1903-04 the number has
somewhat diminished. During the postal year ending in March, 1907, the
number of inland money orders transmitted was nearly eleven millions as
compared with nearly nineteen millions for the year ending March, 1879.
This decrease in numbers is largely due to the lowering of the
registration fee for letters, the introduction of postal notes, and the
use of other means for transmitting small sums of money. The total value
of inland money orders also began to diminish in 1879, but began to
recover in 1886, and has since increased quite uniformly, being in 1907
nearly £38,000,000 as compared with £29,000,000 in 1879.[294] The
increase in the number of postal notes has been enormous, although there
was an apparent falling off in the years 1903 and 1904 due to the
increased number of denominations offered for sale. For the first
complete postal year after their authorization the number issued was
nearly four and a half millions of the value of £2,000,000, and for the
postal year 1906-07 the number was 102,000,000 of the value of nearly
£41,000,000.[295] On the other hand, while inland money orders were
decreasing in number, colonial and foreign orders increased in general
both in number and value.[296]
[294] _Rep. P. G._, 1896, pp. 28-32; 1897, pp. 10-11; 1881, app., p. 37;
1891, app., p. 53; 1901, app., p. 69; 1907, p. 74.
[295] _Rep. P. G._, 1891, app., p. 59; 1901, app., p. 77; 1907, p. 84.
[296] _Ibid._, 1891, app., pp. 52-53; 1892, p. 12.
The establishment of Post Office savings banks is naturally closely
connected with the money order department since both of these departures
from a purely postal character were adopted at about the same time, for
much the same reasons, and were opposed on the ground of their
infringement upon the banking prerogative. In 1859 the efforts of Mr.
Sikes of Huddersfield to bring a Post Office Savings Bank into being
were supported by Mr. Gladstone, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Sir
Rowland Hill, the then Secretary of the Post Office, and two years later
it was established by Parliamentary sanction.[297] The main features of
the system were that deposits could be withdrawn not later than ten days
after demand; that accounts should be kept at London alone, all money
being remitted to and from headquarters; that the total amount deposited
should be handed over to the "Commissioners for the Reduction of the
National Debt" for investment in government securities, and that
interest on complete pounds at the rate of 2-1/2 per cent should be
allowed to depositors. As the interests of the poorer classes were made
the primary object in establishing the banks, deposits were limited in
the case of individuals to £30 a year and £150 in all, later increased
to £50 a year and £200 in all, but Friendly Societies were allowed to
deposit without limit and Provident and Charitable Societies might
deposit within limits of £100 a year and £300 in all or, with the
consent of the Commissioners, beyond these limits.[298]
[297] 24 Vict., c. 14.
[298] _Rep. P. G._, 1897, app., pp. 32-36.
In 1880 the savings banks were made a medium for investing in government
stock at a trifling expense varying from 9_d._ to 2_s._ 3_d._ and with
the privilege of having dividends collected free from further charge.
These special advantages were confined to investments from £10 to £100
in value, the latter being the maximum sum in any one year, and the
investments themselves might be sums especially deposited or transferred
from a depositor's account. In 1887 the minimum amount of stock
purchasable was reduced to 1s., and anyone who had purchased stock
through a savings bank might have it transferred to his own name in the
Bank of England. In 1893 the limits of investment were raised from £100
to £200 in one year, from £300 to £500 in all, and the Post Office was
empowered to invest in stock any accumulations of ordinary deposits
above the limit of £200, unless instructions were given by the depositor
to the contrary.
An act was passed in 1864 enabling the Postmaster-General to insure the
lives of individuals between the ages of fourteen and sixty for amounts
varying from £20 to £100. He might also grant annuities, immediate or
deferred, to any one of ten years of age or upward for sums between £4
and £50. The act came into operation in certain towns of England and
Wales in the following year, and the system remained unaltered until
1884. During this period of nineteen years, 7064 policies of insurance
were effected, representing a yearly average of 372 policies amounting
to an average of £79 each. The contracts for immediate annuities
numbered 13,402 or an average of 705 a year and there were 978 contracts
for deferred annuities. The value of immediate annuities granted was
£187,117 and of deferred £19,938, but a part of the latter never came
into payment as the purchasers were relieved from their bargains upon
their own representation.
A new system associated with Mr. Fawcett's name was prescribed in 1882.
Its merit consisted in linking the annuity and insurance business with
the Savings Bank Department so that payments for annuities and insurance
are made through deposits in the savings banks. It was further provided
that for persons between the ages of fourteen and sixty-five the limits
of insurance should be from £5 to £100 and that sums of money might be
insured payable at the age of sixty or at the expiration of a term of
years. For annuities the minimum was reduced to £1, the maximum
increased to £100, and the annuity and insurance privileges were
extended to all places having savings banks. Owing to the necessary
preparation of tables the new regulations did not actually come into
operation until 1884. The growth of life insurance and annuity business
was slow as compared with the rapid growth of the savings deposits.
Intended, however, primarily for the poor, it has not been without
success, especially as the premiums charged are lower than those of
insurance companies or industrial societies.[299]
[299] _Rep. P. G._, 1897, app., pp. 32-38. The insurance and annuity
business of the Post Office has been described by the _Economist_ as a
practical failure because of the government's refusal to solicit
business (_Economist_ 1881, Nov. 5, p. 1369).
In addition to joining the insurance and annuity business with the
savings banks operations, Mr. Fawcett was responsible for a rapid
increase in the number of branch saving offices in villages, for the
special attention paid to "navvies" and workmen at their places of
employment, and above all for the arrangement for making small deposits
by slips of postage stamps. In 1887 by act of Parliament the
Postmaster-General was empowered to offer facilities for the transfer of
money from one account to another and for the easier disposal of the
funds of deceased depositors. In 1891 the maximum permissible deposits
of one person were increased from £150 to £200 inclusive of interest.
The annual limit remained at £30 but it was provided that, irrespective
of that limit, depositors might replace the amount of any one withdrawal
made in the same year. Where principal and interest together exceeded
£200, the interest was henceforth to cease on the excess alone, whereas
previously it had ceased entirely when it had brought an account to
£200. The next development arose from the Free Education Act of 1891 in
order to make it easier for children and parents to save the school
pence which they no longer had to pay. Special stamp slips were prepared
to be sold to children, and clerks attended the schools with these
slips. About 1400 schools adopted the scheme at once and three years
later the number had risen to 3000, but the movement seemed by 1895 to
have spent its force.
In 1893 the annual limit of deposits was increased to £50 and, as we
have already seen in another connection, any accumulations over £200
were to be invested in Government Stock unless the depositor gave
instructions to the contrary. In the same year arrangements were made
for the withdrawal of deposits by telegram. A depositor might telegraph
for his money and have his warrant sent by return of post at a cost of
about 9_d._ or the warrant also might be telegraphed to him at a total
cost of about 1_s._ 3_d._ In 1905 a rule was introduced by which a
depositor, on presentation of his pass-book at any post office doing
savings bank business, may withdraw on demand not more than £1. This
obviates the expense of telegraphing and, that it was appreciated, is
shown by the fact that during the first six months after the privilege
was extended there were nearly two millions of "withdrawals on demand,"
forming nearly one half of the total number. As a result the number of
telegraphic withdrawals fell from 227,573 for the postal year 1904-05 to
180,996 for the year 1905-06.[300]
[300] _Rep. P. G._, 1897, app., pp. 32-36; 1906, pp. 12-13; 56 and 57
Vict., c. 59.
There has been a steady and pronounced growth in savings bank business
since its establishment. This growth has shown itself in the increased
number of banks, of deposits, and of the total amounts deposited. The
average amount of each deposit has varied somewhat from £3 6_s._ in 1862
to £2 in 1881, but since this date it has increased slowly but steadily
and in 1901 it stood at £2 14_s._ 2_d._, which is about the average
yearly amount since 1862. At the end of the year 1900 over £135,000,000
were on deposit in the Post Office savings banks.[301] The increase in
amounts invested in government stock has not been by any means so
pronounced but there has been an increase. In 1881 we find that nearly
£700,000 were so invested, in 1891 nearly £1,000,000, and in 1900 a
little over £1,000,000.[302] So far as annuities are concerned, the
immediate seem to be considerably more popular than the deferred. The
purchase money receipts for the former were £184,000 in 1881, £296,000
in 1891, and have since increased more rapidly to £728,000 in 1900, with
an actual decrease, however, for the four preceding years. The receipts
for the purchase of deferred annuities amounted to £5243 in 1881,
£12,578 in 1891 and £14,283 in 1900, also a decrease since 1896. The
amounts received as premiums for life insurance policies have also been
rather disappointing, having increased from £10,967 in 1881 to £15,073
in 1891 and to £22,185 in 1900.[303]
[301] _Ibid._, 1881, app., pp. 32-33; 1891, app., p. 46; 1901, p. 60;
1907, p. 67.
[302] _Ibid._, 1891, app., p. 47; 1901, app., p. 62.
[303] _Rep. P. G._, 1891, app., p. 48; 1901, app., p. 63.
The increasing use of railway trains for the conveyance of the mails has
presented new and difficult problems with reference to the authority of
the Postmaster-General over mail trains and reasonable payments to the
railway companies. So far as the method for ascertaining the rate of
payment was concerned, a difficulty arose as to whether the Post Office
should pay any part of the tolls as distinguished from operating
expenses. Major Harness, a Post Office official, stated that in
discussing this question with Robert Stephenson in the case of the
London and Birmingham Railway it had been agreed that tollage should not
be paid but only the out-of-pocket expenses, this being in conformity
with the principles adopted in paying for mail coaches. The question of
tollage was not mentioned by the Railway Mails Act (10 and 11 Vict., c.
85), but Major Harness, in his evidence before a parliamentary
committee, stated that he, as an arbitrator, estimated the tollage
payable by the Post Office by finding out how much each ton, if the road
were fully occupied, should contribute to return 10 per cent upon the
share capital and 5 per cent on the bonds, the Post Office to pay its
proportion according to the weight of mail matter carried. The cost of
locomotive power was also taken into count and the carriage
accommodation was paid for on the basis of what the railways charged
each other.[304] In addition to these items the committee recommended
that the expenses for station accommodation, the additional cost of the
working staff, and interference with ordinary traffic should also be
taken into account.[305] In the event of a failure on the part of the
Post Office and a railway company to come to an agreement as to the
amount payable, each of the parties nominated an arbitrator whose first
duty was to select an umpire. Each arbitrator was required to present
his case in writing to the umpire and to attend in person if required.
The umpire was supposed to give his decision within twenty-eight days
after the receipt of the cases.[306] In 1893 it was provided by act of
Parliament that when any dispute arose between the Post Office and a
railway, the question should be taken to the Railway and Canal
Commission for settlement instead of being left to arbitration.[307] The
Postmaster-General has also been authorized to make use of tramways for
transporting the mails, and in 1897 the experiment was made of using
motor vans for the same purpose. A few years later the
Postmaster-General expressed himself as "doubtful whether a thoroughly
reliable motor vehicle suitable for Post Office work has yet been
found." However, in 1906-07 about thirty-five mail services were
performed by motors, the work being undertaken by contractors who
provide the vans and employ the drivers. They have proved to be more
economical than horse vans when the load is heavy, the distance
considerable, and greater speed desirable.[308]
[304] _Rep. Com._, 1854, xi, 411, pp. 370-371.
[305] _Ibid._, 411, p. 14.
[306] _Rep. Com._, 411, p. 280; 1 and 2 Vict., c. 98.
[307] 56 and 57 Vict., c. 38.
[308] 56 and 57 Vict., c. 38; _Rep. P. G._, 1898, pp. 9 f.; 1907, p. 3.
The expenditure for the conveyance of mails by the railways for the year
ending 5th January, 1838, amounted to only £1743. In 1840 this had
increased to £52,860, in 1850 to £230,079, in 1860 to £490,223, in 1870
to £587,296, in 1880 to £701,070 and in 1890 to £905,968. By 1896 the
million mark had been reached and after that year all the expenses for
the conveyance of the mails are grouped together. For the following year
this total was £1,453,517, the payment for mail coaches in the preceding
year, which are here included, being £365,000. In 1906 the total
expenditure for the "conveyance of the mails" was £1,821,541.[309]
[309] _Parl. Papers_, 1852-53, xcv, p. 3; _Rep. P. G._, 1861, p. 20;
1872, pp. 26-27; 1884, p. 56; 1893, p. 78; 1896, p. 86; 1906, p. 92.
In common with the members of other branches of the civil service the
postal employees, prior to 1855, were political appointees. The
appointment of a patronage secretary had relieved members of Parliament
from the odium incurred as a result of this reprehensible method of
manning the service, but it is doubtful whether any improvement in the
personnel of the force actually resulted or was even anticipated. With
the adoption between 1855 and 1870 of the principle that fitness should
be tested by competitive examinations, the vast majority of the members
of the postal establishment came under its influence. At the same time
the postmasters of small rural communities, where the postal revenue was
insignificant,[310] still continued to be nominated by the local member.
In 1896 this power was abridged, but members still continued to exercise
a limited right of recommendation. Finally in 1907 the
Postmaster-General announced that, though due weight should continue to
be given to the opinions of members in the case of the appointment of
these rural postmasters, such recommendations should be based on
personal knowledge and should carry no more weight than the opinion of
any other competent person.[311]
[310] Less than £120 in England, less than £100 in Scotland and Ireland.
[311] D. B. Eaton, _Civil Service in Great Britain_, New York, 1880, pp.
75, 307, 308; _Parl. Deb._, 3d ser., ccxxxix, col. 211; cclv, col. 1575;
_ibid._, 4th ser., clix, col. 397; clxx, col. 641.
No question which has arisen in the internal management of the Post
Office has presented more difficult problems for solution than that of
the condition of the postal employees with reference to hours of labour,
promotion, and remuneration. The first complaints which attract our
attention during the period under discussion came rather from outside
the service as a protest against Sunday labour in the Post Office, but
the fact that many of the postal servants were deprived of their holiday
and often needlessly so deprived was a real grievance advanced by the
employees themselves. It had been the policy of the Post Office for some
time not to grant any application for the withdrawal of a Sunday post if
there were any dissentients to the application. In 1850 all Sunday
delivery was abolished for a time, but this hardly met the approval even
of the strict Sabbatarians, and the rule was promulgated the same year
that no post should be withdrawn or curtailed except upon the
application of the receivers of six sevenths of the letters so affected.
Of the rural posts in the United Kingdom at that time more than half did
no work on Sunday and about half of the remainder had their walks
curtailed, while in certain cases a substitute was provided on alternate
Sundays. A committee reporting on the question in 1871 advised that it
should be made easier to discontinue a Sunday delivery by requiring that
a Sunday rural post should be taken off if the receivers of two thirds
of the letters desired it, that no delivery in the country should be
granted except upon the demand of the receivers of the same proportion
of letters, and that the principle of providing substitutes on alternate
Sundays should be more generally adopted. This report was favourably
received and its recommendations adopted in the early seventies. In
London and many of the provincial towns there is no ordinary Sunday
delivery, and so little advantage is taken of the opportunity for
express delivery on Sundays that there is presumably no strong demand
for a regular Sunday delivery. Various measures advocated for the relief
of the town carriers were also adopted.[312]
[312] _Acct. & P._, 1872, xxxvi, 337, pp. 1-2; _Rep. Commrs._, 1872,
xviii [c. 485], pp. 1-5; _Rep. P. G._, 1872, p. 6; _Parl. Deb._, 4th
ser., xciv, coll. 1358-60, 1364-65.
In 1858 an attempt was made by the Post Office employees, led by the
letter carriers, to secure higher wages and to obtain a remedy for
certain other grievances advanced by them. Sir George Bower asked for a
select committee of enquiry in their behalf but this was refused by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. He agreed, however, to the appointment of a
committee composed of Post Office and Treasury officials, but their
personnel was so repugnant to the employees that they refused to give
evidence, and as a result of this and other difficulties four of their
leaders were suspended. The protest on the part of the men was not
entirely unproductive, for in the end the Postmaster-General granted
them a slight increase in their wages. At the same time he referred to
the following rates of wages in support of his contention that there was
no good ground for dissatisfaction among the servants of the Post
Office: for carriers, 19_s._ a week advancing to 23_s._; for sorters of
the first class, 25_s._ to 30_s._; of the second class, 32_s._ to
38_s._; and of the third class, 40_s._ to 50_s._ "Carriers also obtain
Christmas boxes averaging, so it is said, £8 a year. In addition these
wages are exclusive of uniform, of pension in old age, and of assistance
for assurance."[313]
[313] _Rep. P. G._, 1859, pp. 40-43; _Parl. Deb._, 3d ser., clix, coll.
211-214; clxviii, coll. 675-82.
The first thorough-going attempts to remedy the grievances of the Post
Office employees were made in 1881 and 1882 by Mr. Fawcett in his
capacity as Postmaster-General. His scheme for improving the pay and
position of the sorters, sorting clerks, telegraphists, postmen, lobby
officers, and porters resulted in a mean annual cost to the Post Office
of £320,000. In 1888, 1890, and 1891, under the supervision of Mr.
Raikes, improvements were made in the condition of the chief clerks and
other supervising officers, the sorting clerks and telegraphists in the
provinces, the telegraphists, counter-men and sorters in London, and the
sorters in Dublin and Edinburgh at an additional yearly expense of
£281,000. While the representatives of the London postmen were in
process of examination, some of them went out on strike. They were
severely punished, some 450 men being dismissed in one morning, and a
committee was appointed to enquire into the complaints of the London and
provincial postmen.[314] In the same month that the strike took place
Mr. Raikes announced increases in the pay of the postmen involving an
additional yearly payment of £125,000. The revisions so announced from
1881 to 1894 have been estimated to involve an increased annual
expenditure of nearly £748,000.[315]
[314] _Rep. P. G._, 1895, pp. 9-11; 1891, p. 3; _Parl. Deb._, 3d ser.,
cccxviii, coll. 537, 1549; cccxlix, col. 213.
[315] _Rep. P. G._, 1895, pp. 9-11.
A committee was appointed in 1895 to deal with the discontent which was
only lessened, not silenced, by the efforts of Messrs. Fawcett and
Raikes. This was composed of Lord Tweedmouth, Sir F. Mowatt, Mr. Spencer
Walpole, and Mr. Llewellyn Smith, and the compromise which they proposed
was known as the "Tweedmouth Settlement" which apparently gave little
satisfaction at the time and less thereafter. It resulted in a higher
average rate of payment, but dissatisfaction was felt because the pay
for some services was less than before. The basis of the report was "the
abolition of classification whereby each man was allowed to proceed by
annual increments to the maximum pay of a combined class, subject only
to an efficiency-bar which he may not pass without a certificate of good
conduct and ability, together with the abolition of allowances for
special services." Differences in pay according to the volume of
business in particular localities were left untouched, and this was the
cause of much complaint. Special inducements in the shape of double
increments were offered to the staff on the postal and telegraph sides
to learn each other's work in order to lighten the strain which might
otherwise fall on a particular branch. Overtime, Sunday and bank-holiday
pay were assimilated throughout the service, and efforts were made to
reduce the hardship resulting from "split" work, so called from the fact
that the working day of many of the men was divided by an interval when
there was nothing to do. The higher officials were acquitted of
favouritism in the matter of promotion and of "unfairness and undue
severity in awarding punishments and in enforcing discipline." The
general charges of overcrowding the post offices and leaving them in an
unsanitary condition were also rejected. The changes proposed were all
adopted at an immediate estimated cost of £139,000 a year and an
ultimate cost, also estimated, of £275,000.[316] The Tweedmouth
Commission in its turn was soon followed by a departmental committee,
composed of the Duke of Norfolk, then Postmaster-General, and Mr.
Hanbury, the Secretary of the Treasury, then acting as the
representative of the Post Office in the House of Commons. The postal
employees demanded that their grievances should be laid before a select
committee composed of members of the House of Commons, and motions to
that effect were introduced year after year only to meet the
Government's disapproval. The most important demands of the men turned
upon the questions of full civil rights, complete recognition of their
unions, the employment of men who were not members of the civil service,
and the old difficulty of wages and hours. So far as the question of
full civil rights was concerned, the Post Office employees had been
granted the franchise in 1874, but were required not to take an active
part in aiding or opposing candidates for election, by serving on
committees or otherwise making themselves unduly conspicuous in
elections. The men demanded that these restrictions should be withdrawn.
In the second place, the Postmaster-General refused to receive
deputations from those employees not directly interested in the question
at stake, refused to recognize officials who were not also employees of
the Department, and exercised more or less control over the meetings of
employees. Finally, in addition to the general demand for higher wages
due to the higher cost of living, the telegraphists contended that they
had been deceived by the promise of a maximum salary of £190 a year,
whereas they actually received only £160. Mr. A. Chamberlain opposed the
appointment of a select committee of members of the House of Commons
because of the pressure likely to be brought upon them and because of
their unfitness to decide upon the question at issue. He agreed,
however, after consultation with various members of Parliament and the
men themselves, that a committee of enquiry might reasonably be granted,
composed of business men not in the Civil Service and not members of the
House of Commons.[317]
[316] _Rep. P. G._, 1897, pp. 27 f.
[317] _Parl. Deb._, 4th ser., viii, col. 673; xxix, col. 117; lxxxii,
coll. 199 f.; xciv, coll. 1357 f.; cvi, coll. 660-683, 715, 747; cxxi,
coll. 1021-64; cxlviii, coll. 1367-69, 1382.
In accordance with this promise the so-called "Bradford Committee" was
appointed to report on "the scales of pay received by the undermentioned
classes of established civil servants and whether, having regard to the
conditions of their employment and to the rates current in other
occupations, ... the remuneration is adequate." In the meantime Mr.
Chamberlain retired, but his successor, Lord Stanley, asked that the
enquiry be continued. The members of this committee, interpreting their
instructions very loosely, extended their report to include their own
recommendations as to changes in pay, and refrained entirely from making
any comparison between the wages of postal servants and those in other
employments, on the ground that such information was easily accessible
from the statistics published by the Board of Trade. They added that it
was difficult to make any comparison between a national and a private
service, for payment according to results and dismissal at the will of
the employer are inapplicable under the state. There was also a pension
fund in the service, the present value of which it is difficult to
estimate. In their own words, "It appears to us that the adequacy of the
terms now obtaining may be tested by the numbers and character of those
who offer, by the capacity they show on trial, and finally by their
contentment." They agreed that there was no lack of suitable candidates
and no complaints as to capacity, but there was widespread discontent.
Finally the committee recommended the grading of the service as a whole,
taking into consideration the differences in cost of living as between
London and other cities and between these cities and smaller towns and
an increase in pay of the man at an age to marry, irrespective of years
of service. "They" (the above recommendations) "obviously do not concede
all that has been asked for, but they go as far as we think justifiable
in meeting the demands of the staff and we trust it will do much to
promote that contentment which is so essential to hearty service."[318]
From an examination of the evidence presented by the Committee and a
comparison of present scales of pay in the Post Office with those
current in other employments, the Postmaster-General concluded that
there was no reason for increasing the maximum wages payable, but there
seemed to be ground for modifying and improving the scales in some
respects. The special increase at the age of twenty-five was granted.
The maximum was increased in London and the larger towns on account of
the higher cost of living and at the same time wages in the smaller
towns were advanced. The postmen also, both in London and the provinces,
were granted higher wages, and all payments to the members of the force
were in the future to be made weekly. The additional cost entailed by
these changes was estimated at £224,400 for 1905-06, the average in
later years at £372,300.[319]
[318] _Rep. Commrs._, 1904, xxxiii, 171, pp. 5-26.
[319] _Acc. & P._, 1905, xliv, 98, pp. 3-6; _Parl. Deb._, 4th ser.,
cxlviii, col. 1363.
The Post Office employees who had asked for the appointment of a select
committee were greatly dissatisfied with the personnel of the "Bradford
Committee." This dissatisfaction on their part was increased by the fact
that the recommendations of the committee were to a great extent
disregarded by Lord Stanley on the ground that the members had not
reported upon the question laid before them, but had instead proposed a
complete reorganization of the whole of the service. He was willing to
grant some increase in pay but there were certain recommendations of the
committee which he refused to accept. He himself was of the opinion that
the average wages of the employees were in excess of those of men doing
similar work under competitive conditions, but the postmen objected to a
comparison of their wages with those of employees in the open labour
market on the ground "that there is no other employer who fixes his own
prices or makes an annual profit of £4,000,000 sterling." Delegates
representing over 42,000 members of various postal associations
protested strongly against Lord Stanley's refusal to adopt the findings
of the "Bradford Committee" _in toto_ and the men prepared to take an
active part against the Government in the approaching election. Appeals
were sent out by the men from which Lord Stanley quoted as follows in
the House: "Two thirds at least of one political party are in great fear
of losing their seats. The swing of the pendulum is against them and any
member who receives forty or fifty of such letters will under present
circumstances have to consider very seriously whether on this question
he can afford to go into the wrong lobby. This is taking advantage of
the political situation."[320] The Postmaster-General's unpopularity
with his employees was not diminished by his reference to these appeals
as "nothing more or less than blackmail." He himself was of the opinion
that there should be some organization outside of politics to which such
questions should be referred.[321]
[320] In connection with such appeals both sides of the House as
represented by their leaders had in 1892 advised that members should pay
no attention to them (_Parl. Deb._, 4th ser., v, coll. 1123 f.).
[321] _Parl. Deb._, 4th ser., cxxxix, coll. 1633-34; cxlviii, coll.
1350, 1357-61, 1365; the London _Times_, 1904, Oct. 11, p. 4; Oct. 18,
p. 4; Oct. 22, p. 10; 1905, Jan. 16, p. 7; Apr. 7, p. 11.
Shortly after the Liberals had come into power, a Post Office circular
was issued granting to the secretaries of the branches of the various
postal organizations the right to make representations to the
Postmaster-General relating to the service and affecting the class of
which the branch of an association was representative. In matters solely
affecting an individual the appeal had to come from the individual
himself. This was followed by a full recognition of the postal unions by
the new Postmaster-General, Mr. Buxton, with the rights of combination
and representation through the representatives of different classes.
These conclusions were commented upon most favourably at the annual
meeting of the "Postmen's Federation."[322] The representatives present
were glad to see that "the old martinet system was fast breaking down."
[323] But the greatest triumph of the men was to follow in the
appointment of a select committee composed of members of the House of
Commons with full powers to investigate the conditions of employment of
the postal employees and make such recommendations, based upon their
investigation, as might seem suitable. Nine members were appointed for
this purpose, two of their number being members of the Labour Party, and
Mr. Hobhouse was chosen as chairman. Their report is very voluminous and
treats minutely all the questions concerning which the postal employees
had expressed so much dissatisfaction. The most important of these are
connected with the civil rights of the men, their wages, hours of
labour, and the conditions of their employment. The demand for full
civil rights was supported by four members on the ground that the
position of the postal employees is not in many respects "comparable to
that of the Civil Service as a whole," but the point was lost for the
men by the vote of the chairman. Some departments asked for a reduction
in the age of voluntary retirement from sixty to fifty and of compulsory
retirement from sixty-five to sixty, but these changes were not
recommended by the committee. The question of extending part of their
pensions to the widows and children of deceased employees was referred
to a plebiscite of the employees themselves. So far as incapacitated
officials were concerned, it was pointed out that the "Workmen's
Compensation Act" of 1906 had been extended to them. Night work had been
limited to the time from 10 P.M. to 6 A.M., seven hours of night work
counting as eight hours of day work. The committee asked that night duty
be from 8 P.M. to 6 A.M., the ratio of the relative value to remain
unchanged. Some servants asked for a forty-two hour week, especially in
the case of those who had "split" work to do, and for a half holiday
each week. The committee thought that the forty-eight hour week should
remain unchanged but that a half holiday might be granted where "the
exigencies of the service demand." They also recommended that
compensation should be allowed where free medical attendance was not
granted. There was a general protest from postmen, telegraphists, and
sorters against the employment of casual and auxiliary labour on the
ground that it dealt a blow at thorough work and trade unionism. The
Department replied that it was necessary in the case of especially busy
holiday periods and where "split" attendance was unavoidable. The
committee contented themselves by asking that casuals who have full work
elsewhere should not be employed. The claim on the part of the employees
that promotion should be contingent on "seniority, good conduct and
ability," in the order named was not accepted by the committee, whose
members contended that ability, as at present, should count for most. So
far as wages themselves were concerned, a general increase was approved
by the committee, and it also, commenting unfavourably on the complexity
and number of existing classes, recommended a reduction in their number
and greater regularity and simplicity in grading them. [324]
[322] The Postmen's Federation was established in 1891 and a journal,
the _Postman's Gazette_, representing their views, was started in the
following year (_Postman's Gazette_, May 28, 1892; _Post Office
Circular_, no. 1702).
[323] _Parl. Deb._, 4th ser., cliv, col. 202; clix, col. 396; clxxiv,
col. 387; the London _Times_, 1906, June 9, p. 9.
[324] _Parl. Deb._, 4th ser., cliii, coll. 323-38, 354-58; _Rep. Com._,
1907, 266.
The recommendations of the "Hobhouse Committee" have proved, in many
respects, unsatisfactory to the postal employees who have not hesitated
to express their condemnation of what they consider the sins both of
commission and omission of the members. In the words of the delegates
from the branches of the "Postmen's Federation" meeting in London: "We
express our deep disappointment with the report of the Select Committee
for the following reasons": the "cowardice" of the committee in
recommending the continuance of the system of Christmas boxes; the
failure in many cases to increase the minimum and maximum rates of
wages; the mistaken method of grading towns for wages; the failure to
grant full civil rights and the granting of so much power to the
permanent officials. The Conference of Postal Clerks in turn expressed
their dissatisfaction with the findings of the committee. The "Irish
Postal and Telegraph Guardian" considered that the "report had
intensified discontent" and commented on the fact that large increases
in salaries to highly paid classes had been recommended without any
agitation on their part while the lower grades got practically nothing,
this in direct opposition to opinions expressed both by Mr. Buxton and
Mr. Ward, a member of the committee. Deputations were appointed to
discuss with the Postmaster-General those findings of the committee
which were unsatisfactory, but Mr. Buxton refused to grant a re-trial of
the controverted points although he agreed to listen to the plea of
those employees whose case had not been presented before the committee.
[325]
[325] _Parl. Deb._, 4th ser., clxxxiv, coll. 1058-59, 1061-66, 1080;
cxcii, coll. 1175, 1173; the London _Times_, 1907, Aug. 19, p. 17; Aug.
20, p. 2; Oct. 16, p. 12.
Mr. Buxton explained his position with reference to the recommendations
of the committee in a speech delivered in the House. He knew that in the
case of the Tweedmouth and Bradford committees the men stated beforehand
that they would not be bound by the decisions reached, but on the other
hand had asked for a Parliamentary committee as the only solution of the
difficulty. Broadly speaking, he was of the opinion that the findings of
the committee should be binding, and he understood that the men would
agree to accept them. There were, however, certain points of the report
on which nearly every section of the staff asked for a re-trial, but
this he was compelled to refuse. The most important recommendations of
the committee which were adopted by Mr. Buxton are: an increase in the
case of each employee to the minimum or "age pay" of his class; the
extension of the "technical increment" beyond the ordinary maximum pay,
after a searching examination; the reduction in London of the four
"wage" zones to three; a reduction in the number of classes in the
provinces, with wages based on volume of work and cost of living in the
order named; a reduction after the first five years from five to four
years in the period necessary to obtain good conduct stripes; an
increase in the pay of women; a reduction in the amount of auxiliary
labour employed; night labour to be reckoned from 8 instead of 10 P.M.;
overtime to be watched and checked; unsanitary conditions in the Post
Office buildings to be remedied; and wages increased in the engineering
branch.[326]
[326] _Parl. Deb._, 4th ser., clxxxiv, coll. 1058-70; cxcii, coll.
1120-21. It has been estimated that the recommendations adopted by the
Postmaster-General will entail upon the country an additional cost of
about £600,000, rising to £1,000,000 (_Parl. Deb._, 4th ser., cxcii,
col. 1156).