Transcriber's Notes:
(1) Obvious spelling, punctuation, and typographical errors have been
corrected.
(2) Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
(3) Table V in the Appendix has been split into two parts (Scotland and
Ireland), in view of its page width.
____________________________________________
THE HISTORY OF
THE BRITISH POST OFFICE
BY
J. C. HEMMEON, PH.D.
_PUBLISHED FROM THE INCOME OF THE
WILLIAM H. BALDWIN, JR., 1885, FUND_
[Illustration]
CAMBRIDGE
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
1912
COPYRIGHT, 1912, BY THE PRESIDENT AND FELLOWS OF HARVARD COLLEGE
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
_Published January 1912_
PREFACE
In justice to those principles which influenced the policy of the Post
Office before the introduction of penny postage, it is perhaps
unnecessary to call attention to the fact that no opinion as to their
desirability or otherwise is justifiable which does not take into
consideration the conditions and prejudices which then prevailed. Some
of the earlier writers on the Post Office have made the mistake of
condemning everything which has not satisfied the measure of their own
particular rule. If there is anything that the historical treatment of a
subject teaches the investigator it is an appreciation of the fact that
different conditions call for different methods of treatment. For
example, the introduction of cheap postage was possibly delayed too
long. But during the era of high postal rates a large net revenue was of
primary importance, nor were those conditions present which would have
made low rates a success.
The consideration of such debatable subjects as the telegraph system of
the Postal Department and the department's attitude toward the telephone
companies, as well as the intention of the Post Office to acquire the
business of the latter, must necessarily give rise to controversy.
Thanks to the magnificent net revenue obtained from letters in the
United Kingdom the department has been able to lose a good deal of money
by the extension of its activities into the realm of affairs not purely
postal. Possibly a _democratic_ type of government should, from the
financial point of view, interfere least in the direct management of
economic institutions, on account of the pressure which can easily be
brought to bear upon it for the extension of such institutions on other
than economic grounds. If non-economic principles are to be substituted
in justifying the initiation or increase of government ownership, a
popular form of government seems the least suitable for the presentation
of such as shall be fair to all concerned, not to mention the difficult
problem of dealing with those members of the civil service who do not
hesitate to make use of their political power to enforce their demands
upon the government.
In the treatment of a subject so complex as the history of the British
Post Office it is not easy to decide how far its presentation should be
strictly chronological or how far it should be mounted in "longitudinal
sections," exposing its most salient features. Both methods have their
advantages and their disadvantages. In order to obtain what is useful in
both, I have described chronologically in the first four chapters the
progress of the Post Office, while in the remaining chapters I have
examined separately some of the more important aspects of postal
development. But I am aware that by this compromise I have not entirely
escaped the dangers of abrupt transitions from subject to subject and of
the accumulation of dry details. I can only plead in extenuation, in the
first place the nature of my subject, an institution with a long and
varied history, characterized by the steady extension of its field of
activity, and in the second place my desire to make my study as thorough
as possible, even at the risk of some sacrifice of unity and interest of
treatment.
The material for this sketch has been obtained from the Harvard
University Library, the Boston Public Library, and the Canadian
Parliamentary Library. Work was also done in the Library of the British
Museum. I wish to acknowledge the help I have received from the advice
and criticism of Professor Gay, under whose supervision the larger part
of this history was prepared.
J. C. HEMMEON.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
THE POSTAL ESTABLISHMENT SUPPORTED DIRECTLY BY THE STATE--PRIOR
TO 1635 3
Methods of postal communication in vogue before the establishment of the
Post Office. The first Postmaster-General and his duties. Alternative
systems. The posts in Elizabeth's reign. Appointment of a Foreign
Postmaster-General. Rivalry between the two Postmasters-General.
Witherings as Foreign Postmaster-General.
CHAPTER II
THE POSTAL ESTABLISHMENT A SOURCE OF REVENUE TO THE STATE--1635-1711 13
Condition of the postal establishment at the beginning of the
seventeenth century. Witherings' project adopted. Disturbance produced
in the Post Office by the struggle between the two Houses of Parliament.
Rival claimants for the office of Postmaster-General. The Civil War and
its effects upon the Post Office. The Post Office during the
Commonwealth. Farming of the Post Office. Complaints about the delivery
of letters after the Restoration. Condition of the postal establishment
at the close of the seventeenth century. Dockwra's London Penny Post.
Extension of the foreign postal service. Conditions in Ireland,
Scotland, and the American Colonies.
CHAPTER III
THE POSTAL ESTABLISHMENT AN INSTRUMENT OF TAXATION--1711-1840 34
The Post Office Act of 1711. The Post Office as a whole ceases to be
farmed. Allen undertakes the farm of the bye and cross posts.
Improvements in postal communications during the first half of the
eighteenth century. Controversy over the delivery of letters.
Competition from post coaches. Establishment of mail coaches by Palmer.
Abuses in the Post Office and their reform. Opening and detention of
letters. Franking of newspapers in certain cases and other privileges
abolished. The Newspaper and Dead Letter Offices. Registration of
letters. Money Order Office. Changes in the London Penny Post.
Consolidation of different branches of the Post Office in London. Dublin
and Edinburgh Penny Posts. Question of Sunday posts. Conditions under
which mail coaches were supplied. Conveyance of mails by railways.
Condition of the postal establishment during the first half of the
nineteenth century. Irish Post Office and postal rates. Scotch Post
Office. Sir Rowland Hill's plan. Investigation of postal affairs by a
committee. Report of committee. Adoption of inland penny postage.
CHAPTER IV
THE POSTAL ESTABLISHMENT AN INSTRUMENT OF POPULAR COMMUNICATION--SINCE
1840 63
Reductions in rates of postage, inland, colonial and foreign; and
resultant increase in postal matter. Insurance and registration of
letters. Failure of attempt to introduce compulsory prepayment of
postage. Perforated postage stamps. Free and guaranteed delivery of
letters in rural districts. Express or special delivery of letters.
Newspaper postage rates. Book or Halfpenny Post. Pattern and Sample
Post. Use of postcards. Parcel Post. Question of "cash on delivery."
Postal notes. Their effect upon the number of money orders. Savings
banks. Assurance and annuity privileges. Reform in these offices by Mr.
Fawcett. Methods of conveyance of the mails. Condition of postal
employees. Sunday labour. Dissatisfaction of employees with committee of
1858. Mr. Fawcett's reforms in 1881 and 1882. Mr. Raikes' concessions in
1888, 1890, and 1891. Appointment of Tweedmouth Committee in 1895 gives
little satisfaction to the men. Appointment of a departmental committee.
Grievances of the men. Report of committee accepted only in part by the
Postmaster-General. Continued demand of the men for a select committee.
Concessions granted to the men by Mr. Buxton, the Postmaster-General.
Select committee appointed. Their report adopted by Mr. Buxton.
Continued dissatisfaction among the men.
CHAPTER V
THE TRAVELLERS' POST AND POST HORSES 89
Horses provided by the postmasters. Complaints concerning the letting of
horses. Monopoly in letting horses granted to the postmasters. Reforms
during Witherings' administration. Fees charged. Postmasters' monopoly
abridged. Licences required and duties levied. These duties let out to
farm. Licences and fees re-adjusted.
CHAPTER VI
ROADS AND SPEED 97
Post roads in the sixteenth century. Speed at which mails were carried
in the sixteenth century. Abuses during first part of the seventeenth
century. New roads opened. Roads in Ireland and Scotland. First cross
post road established in 1698. Improvement in speed. Delays in
connection with Irish packet boats. Increased speed obtained from use of
railways.
CHAPTER VII
SAILING PACKETS AND FOREIGN CONNECTIONS 109
Establishment of first regular sailing packets. Sailing packets in the
seventeenth century. Difficulty with the Irish Office. Postal
communications with the continent during the sixteenth century.
Witherings improves the foreign service. Agreements with foreign
postmasters-general. Expressions of dissatisfaction. Treaties with
France. King William's interest in the Harwich sailing packets. Effect
of the war with France. Postal communications with France improved.
Dummer's West Indian packet boats. Other lines. Increase in number of
sailing packets. Steam packets introduced by the Post Office. They are
badly managed and prove a financial loss. Report against government
ownership of the steam packets. Ship letter money. Question of carriage
of goods. Trouble with custom's department adjusted. Methods of
furnishing supplies for the packet boats. Abuses in the sailing packet
service reformed. Expenses. Sailing packets transferred to the
Admiralty. Committee reports against principle of government ownership
of packet boats and payment of excessive sums to contractors.
Abandonment of principle of government ownership. General view of packet
services in existence at middle of the nineteenth century. Contracts
with steamship companies. Controversy with the companies. General view
of the packet service in 1907 with principles adopted in concluding
contracts. Expenses of sailing packets.
CHAPTER VIII
RATES AND FINANCE 135
Foreign rates, 1626. First inland rates, 1635. Rates prescribed by
Council of State, 1652. Rates collected by the Farmers of the Posts.
First rates established by act of Parliament, 1657. Slightly amended,
1660. Separate rates for Scotland, 1660. Scotch rates, 1695. Rates to
and within Jamaica. In American Colonies, 1698. Increased rates, inland,
colonial and foreign, 1711. Controversy over rates on enclosures. Slight
reductions in rates, 1765. Increases in 1784, 1796, 1801. In Ireland,
1803. For United Kingdom a further increase, 1805. Culminating point of
high rates, 1812. Changes in Irish rates, 1810, 1813, 1814. Rates on
"ships' letters," 1814. Irish rates to be collected in British currency,
1827. Reduction in rates between England and France, 1836. Consolidating
act of 1837. Rates by contractors' packet boats, 1837. Rates charged
according to weight in certain cases, 1839. Inland penny postage adopted
and basis of rate-charging changed to weight, 1840. Franking privilege,
1652. Abused. Attempt to curtail the use of franks only partially
successful. Curtailment so far as members of Parliament are concerned.
Estimated loss from franking. Enquiry into question of franking. Further
attempts to control the abuse prove fruitless. Extension of franking
privilege especially on newspapers. Abolition of franking privilege,
1840. Reductions in letter, newspaper, and book post rates. Re-directed
letter and registration fees. Inland parcel post established. Postcards
introduced. Concessions of 1884 and Jubilee concessions. Foreign and
colonial rates reduced. Reductions in money order and postal note rates.
Telegraph money order rates.
Finances of the Post Office before the seventeenth century. From
beginning of seventeenth century to Witherings' reforms. From 1635 to
1711. During the remainder of the eighteenth century. Finances of Scotch
and Irish Posts. Of the London Penny Post. From bye and cross post
letters. Finances of the Post Office from the beginning of the
nineteenth century to 1840. Since the introduction of inland penny
postage.
CHAPTER IX
THE QUESTION OF MONOPOLY 189
Rival methods available for the conveyance of letters. Government's
monopolistic proclamation the result of an attempt to discover
treasonable correspondence. Competition diminishes under Witherings'
efficient management. House of Commons declares itself favourable to
competition. Changes its attitude when in control of the posts. Monopoly
of government enforced more rigorously. Carriers' posts largely
curtailed. London's illegal Half-penny Post. Attempts to evade the
payment of postage very numerous during the first half of the nineteenth
century. Different methods of evasion outlined.
CHAPTER X
THE TELEGRAPH SYSTEM AS A BRANCH OF THE POSTAL DEPARTMENT 202
The telegraph companies under private management. Proposals for
government ownership and Mr. Scudamore's report. Conditions under which
the telegraph companies were acquired. Public telegraph business of the
railways. Cost of acquisition. Rates charged by the government.
Reduction in rates in 1885. Guarantee obligations reduced. Underground
lines constructed. Telegraphic relations with the continent. Position of
the government with reference to the wireless telegraph companies.
Attempts to place the government telegraphs on a paying basis do not
prove a success. Financial aspect of the question. Reasons given for the
lack of financial success.
CHAPTER XI
THE POST OFFICE AND THE TELEPHONE COMPANIES 219
Telephones introduced into England. Judicial decision in favour of the
department. Restricted licences granted the companies. Feeble attempt on
the part of the department to establish exchanges. Difficulties
encountered by the companies. Popular discontent with the policy of the
department leads to granting of unrestricted licences. Way-leave
difficulties restrict efficiency of the companies. Agreement with
National Telephone Company and acquisition of the trunk lines by the
department. Demand for competition from some municipalities leads to
granting of licences to a few cities and towns. The department itself
establishes a competing exchange in London. History of the exchanges
owned and operated by the municipalities. Struggle between the London
County Council and the company's exchange in London. Relation between
the company's and the department's London exchanges. Agreement with the
company for the purchase of its exchanges in 1911. Financial aspect of
the department's system.
CHAPTER XII
CONCLUSION 237
APPENDIX
EXPENDITURE AND REVENUE TABLES 241
BIBLIOGRAPHY 253
INDEX 259
TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS
Acc. & P. Accounts and Papers.
A. P. C. Acts of the Privy Council.
Add. Additional.
Cal. B. P. Calendar of Border Papers.
Cal. S. P. Calendar of State Papers. A. & W. I., Col., D.,
For., and Ire., added to Cal. S. P., indicate
respectively to the America and West Indies,
Colonial, Domestic, Foreign, and Ireland sections
of this series.
Cal. T. B. Calendar of Treasury Books.
Cal. T. P. Calendar of Treasury Papers.
Cal. T. B. & P. Calendar of Treasury Books and Papers.
D. N. B. Dictionary National Biography.
Fin. Rep., 1797. Finance Reports 1797-98.
Hist. MSS. Com. Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts.
Jo. H. C. Journals of the House of Commons.
Jo. H. L. Journals of the House of Lords.
Joyce. Joyce, H. The History of the Post Office to 1836.
L. & P. Hen. VIII. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic,
Henry VIII.
Parl. Deb. Hansard, Parliamentary Debates.
Parl. Papers. Parliamentary Papers.
P. & O. P. C. Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council.
Rep. Commrs. Reports from Commissioners.
Rep. Com. Reports from Committees.
Rep. P. G. Reports of the Postmasters-General.
Scobell, Collect. Scobell, H. A Collection of Acts and Ordinances
made in the Parliament held 3 Nov., 1640 to
17 Sept., 1656.
THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH POST OFFICE
CHAPTER I
THE POSTAL ESTABLISHMENT SUPPORTED DIRECTLY BY THE STATE
The history of the British Post Office starts with the beginning of the
sixteenth century. Long before this, however, a system of communication
had been established both for the personal use of the King and for the
conveyance of official letters and documents. These continued to be the
principal functions of the royal posts until well on in the seventeenth
century.
Before the sixteenth century, postal communications were carried on by
royal messengers. These messengers either received stated wages or were
paid according to the length of the journeys they made. We find them
mentioned as early as the reign of King John under the name of _nuncii_
or _cursores_; and payments to them form a large item in the Household
and Wardrobe accounts of the King as early as these accounts exist.[1]
They travelled the whole of the journey themselves and delivered their
letters personally to the people to whom they were directed. A somewhat
different style of postal service, a precursor of the modern method, was
inaugurated by the fourth Edward. During the war with Scotland he found
himself in need of a speedier and better system of communication between
the seat of war and the seat of government. He accomplished this by
placing horses at intervals of twenty miles along the great road between
England and Scotland. By so doing his messengers were able to take up
fresh horses along the way and his despatches were carried at the rate
of a hundred miles a day.[2]
[1] _Rep. Com._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 21.
[2] _Notes and Queries_, 1st series, iii, p. 266.
From an early period private letters were conveyed by carriers and
travellers both within the kingdom and between it and the Continent. The
Paston letters,[3] containing the correspondence of the different
members of the Paston family, throw some light upon the manner in which
letters were conveyed during the latter half of the fifteenth century.
Judging from such references as we find in the letters themselves, they
were generally carried by a servant,[4] a messenger,[5] or a friend.[6]
The later letters of this series, written towards the close of the
fifteenth century, show that regular messengers and carriers, who
carried letters and parcels, travelled between London and Norwich and
other parts of Norfolk.[7] From the fourteenth century down, we have
instances of writs being issued to mayors, sheriffs, and bailiffs for
the apprehension and examination of travellers, who were suspected of
conveying treasonable correspondence between England and the
Continent.[8] For the most part these letters were carried by servants,
messengers, and merchants.[9]
[3] These letters were sent principally between London and different
places in Norfolk.
[4] _The Paston Letters_, ed. J. Gairdner, 1872, nos. 34, 305, 435, 609,
624, 663, 905.
[5] _Ibid._, nos. 540, 688, 723, 727.
[6] _Ibid._, nos. 656, 905.
[7] _Ibid._, nos. 688, 723, 745.
[8] _Rep. Com._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 96 (68).
[9] _Cely Papers_, ed. H. E. Malden, 1900, nos. 41, 72, 123, 124, 129,
132.
Sir Brian Tuke is the first English Postmaster-General of whom we have
any record. The King's "Book of Payments" for the year 1512 contains an
order for the payment of £100 to Sir Brian for his use as Master of the
Posts.[10] As the King's appointed Postmaster, he received a salary of
£66 13_s._ 4_d._[11] He named the postmen, or deputy postmasters as they
were called later, and he was held responsible for the performance of
their duties.[12] All letters carried by the royal postmen were
delivered to him, and after being sorted by him personally were carried
to their destination by the court messengers.[13] The wages of the
postmen varied from 1_s._ to 2_s._ a day according to the number of
horses provided, and they were paid by the Postmaster-General, who had
authority to make all payments to those regularly employed.[14] If
messages or letters were sent by special messengers, their payment
entailed additional expense upon the state and the use of such
messengers, when regular postmen were available, was strongly
discouraged.[15]
[10] _L. & P. Hen. VIII_, ii, pt. 2, p. 1454.
[11] _Rep. Com._ 1844, xiv, app., p. 21 (8).
[12] _Ibid._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 32 (7).
[13] _L. & P. Hen. VIII_, 1515-18, 64; _ibid._, 1526-28, 4359, 4406;
_ibid._, 1540-41, 540.
[14] _A. P. C._, 1542-47, p. 20.
[15] _L. & P. Hen. VIII_, 1535, p. 27.
In addition to his other duties Sir Brian was supposed to have a general
supervision over the horses used for the conveyance of letters and of
travellers riding on affairs of state. Of course on the regular roads
there were always horses in readiness, provided by the postmen. Where
there were no regular post roads, the townships were supposed to provide
the necessary horses, and it was part of the Postmaster-General's duties
to see that the townships were kept up to the mark.[16] It was largely
on account of the fact that the same horses were used for conveying
travellers and mails that the systems of postal and personal
communication were so closely interwoven as well in England as in
continental countries.[17]
[16] _Rep. Com._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 32 (7). _A. P. C._, 1542-47,
p. 20.
[17] A. de Rothschild, _Histoire de la poste aux lettres_, Paris, 1873,
pp. 95-97, 114-15.
The postmen along the old established routes and on the routes
temporarily established for some definite purpose received a fixed daily
wage. These men were called the ordinary posts.[18] If, however, letters
should arrive in Dover after the ordinary post had left for London, they
were generally sent on at once by a messenger hired for the occasion
only. He was called a special post and was paid only for the work which
he actually performed.[19] Those regular posts, who carried the royal
and state letters between London and the place where the Court might be,
were called "Court Posts."[20] During the sovereign's tours, posts were
always stationed between him and London to carry his and the state's
letters backward and forward. These were called extraordinary posts and
received regular wages while so employed.[21] In addition there were
always messengers employed to carry important despatches to foreign
sovereigns. These received no fixed wages, but were paid according to
the distance travelled and the expenses incurred on the road.[22]
[18] _L. & P. Hen. VIII_, xiii, 226; _A. P. C._, 1547-50, pp. 111, 278,
307, 319, 413.
[19] _L. & P. Hen. VIII_, x, 33, 136; xvi, 202, 236, 284; _P. & O. P.
C._, vii, p. 72; _A. P. C._, 1550-52, pp. 56, 79, 108, 225, 270, 298.
[20] _L. & P. Hen. VIII_, xvi, p. 540; _P. & O. P. C._, vii, p. 133; _A.
P. C._, 1558-70, p. 238.
[21] _L. & P. Hen. VIII_, xi, 726; _A. P. C._, 1547-50, p. 360; _ibid._,
1592, pp. 128, 150; _Cal. S. P. D._, 1547-80, pp. 599, 637, 677.
[22] _A.P.C._, 1558-70, pp. 39, 58, 111, 207, 216, 257, 258.
Apart from his regular duties as outlined above, the Postmaster-General
had little initiative power. He could not on his own responsibility
order new posts to be laid. Such decisions always originated with the
King or the Council and Tuke simply executed their orders.[23] Any
increase in the wages of the posts also required the consent of the King
or Council.[24]
[23] _L. & P. Hen. VII_, xvi, 540; _A.P.C._ 1556-58, pp. 248, 309.
[24] _A.P.C._, 1556-58, pp. 136, 188, 385. For instance, in 1557 the
Council issued orders to increase the wages of the London-Berwick posts
from 12_d._ to 16_d._ and eventually to 20_d._ a day; but as soon as
their work had again become normal, their wages were reduced to the old
rate.
During the sixteenth century there were three ways to send letters
between England and the Continent: by the Royal Post, the Foreigners'
Post, and the Merchant Adventurers' Post, apart from such opportunities
as occasional travellers and messengers offered. The Royal Posts were
presumed to carry only state letters, and consequently the conveyance of
a large part of the private letters fell to the other two. Owing to
industrial and later to religious motives there had been a large
emigration of foreigners from the Continent to England. Edward III had
induced many Flemings to leave their native country in the middle of the
fourteenth century.[25] Froude says, probably with exaggeration, that in
1527 there were 15,000 Flemings in London alone.[26] In the fifteenth
century many Italian artisans came over to reside but not to settle.[27]
They were a thrifty people, who did much to place the industrial life of
England on a better footing, and were probably more intelligent and
better educated than the majority of the English artisans among whom
they settled. It seems therefore only natural that they should seek to
establish a better system of communication between their adopted and
native countries. Their business relations with the cloth markets of the
continental cities made necessary a better and speedier postal system
than was afforded by the Royal Posts. In addition to this, it was only
by act of grace that private letters were carried by Tuke's postmen. In
the opening year of the sixteenth century, by permission of the state,
the foreign merchants in London established a system of posts of their
own between the English capital and the Continent. This was called the
"Foreign or Strangers' Post," and was managed by a Postmaster-General,
nominated by the Italians, Spanish, and Dutch and confirmed by the
Council.[28] These posts were used largely by the English merchants in
spite of considerable dissatisfaction on account of the poor service
afforded and on political grounds. Their grievances were detailed in a
petition to the Privy Council. They considered it unprecedented that so
important a service as the carriage of letters should be in the hands of
men who owed no allegiance to the King. Such a procedure was unheard of
in any of the continental countries. "What check could there be over
treasonable correspondence while the carriage of letters continued to be
in the hands of foreigners and most of them Dutchmen?" In addition they
were not treated so well as were their fellow merchants of foreign
allegiance. Their letters were often retained for several days at a
time, while all others were delivered as soon as they arrived. The
foreign ambassadors could not complain if a change were made, for most
of their correspondence was carried on by special messengers.[29] The
"Strangers' Post" seems to have come to an end after the Proclamation of
1591 was issued, forbidding any but the Royal Posts from carrying
letters to and from foreign countries.[30]
[25] W. Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce_, 1896, i,
pp. 305-306.
[26] J. A. Froude, _History of England_, 1862, i, p. 127.
[27] Cunningham, i, p. 430.
[28] Stow, _London_, 1720, bk. v, p. 401. _Cal. S.P.D._, 1547-80, pp.
312, 321, 432. There was considerable rivalry between them concerning
those nominated for Postmaster-General. See _Cal. S.P.D._, 1547-80, pp.
312, 314.
[29] Stow, _London_, bk. v, p. 401.
[30] _Rep. Com._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 36 (14).
Sir Brian Tuke died in 1545 and was succeeded by Sir John Mason and Mr.
Paget, who acted as joint Postmasters-General. Mr. Paget was the
sleeping partner, and what little was done was by Mason.[31] They were
succeeded in 1568 by Thomas Randolph.[32] He was occasionally sent as
special ambassador to France and during his absence Gascoyne, a former
court post, performed his duties. From Sir Brian's death until the end
of Elizabeth's reign was a period of little advance in postal matters.
The regular posts, and it is with them that our chief interest lies,
appear to have fallen into disuse. The payments for special messengers
are much larger than they had been during Henry's reign. In 1549, a
warrant was issued empowering Sir John Mason to pay £400 to the special
messengers used during the summer. If anything was left, he was
instructed to use it in paying arrears due the ordinary posts.[33]
Elizabeth is generally credited with being economical to the extreme of
parsimony so far as state expenses were concerned. However this may be,
she is responsible for an order to discharge all the regular posts
unless they would serve for half of their old wages.[34] The postmen did
not receive their wages at all regularly. Randolph was accused by the
Governor of Berwick of withholding all of their first year's wages, of
receiving every year thereafter a percentage of their salaries, and of
demanding certain fees from them, all for his personal use. The Governor
considered that Randolph's extortions were largely the cause of the
general inefficiency in the posts,[35] but the accusation may have been
due to personal grudge. At any rate one measure of postal reform may be
credited to Randolph. In 1582, orders were issued to all the
London-Berwick posts to the following effect. Every post on the arrival
of letters to or from the Queen or Council was to fasten a label to the
packet. On this label he was to write the day and hour when the packet
came into his hands and he was to make the same entry in a book kept for
the purpose. He was also to keep two or three good horses in his stable
for the speedier conveyance of such packets.[36]
[31] _A. P. C._, 1542-47, p. 267; _Rep. Com._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 21
(8).
[32] _Ibid._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 21 (11).
[33] _A. P. C._, 1547-50, p. 360.
[34] _Cal. S. P. D._, 1547-80, p. 306.
[35] _Cal. B. P._, 1560-94, p. 299.
[36] _Cal. S. P. D._, _Add._, 1580-1625, pp. 75-76.
In 1590, John Lord Stanhope was appointed Postmaster-General by order of
the Queen. The office was given to him for his life and then was to go
to his son for his son's life.[37] Both the Stanhopes were men of
action, but they looked upon their position rather as a means of
enriching themselves than as a trust for the good of the state. They
proved a stumbling block to the advancement of better men and it was not
for sixty years that they were finally swept away to make room for men
of greater ability. In 1621, the elder Stanhope was succeeded by his son
Charles according to the terms of the original patent.[38] It had been
the custom for the Postmasters-General to demand fees and percentages
from their appointees. So lucrative were many of their positions from
the monopoly in letting horses and the receipts from private letters
that many applicants were willing to pay for appointments as deputy
postmasters. The ordinary payments when Lord Charles was at the head of
the posts amounted to 2s. in the pound as poundage and a fee of £2 from
each man. These payments were considered so exorbitant that the Council
ordered them to be reduced.[39] One, Hutchins, entered the lists as the
champion of the postmasters. He himself was one of them and acted as
their solicitor in the contest. Stanhope was glad to compound the case
by the payment of £30. Hutchins gave the Council so much trouble that
they gave orders that "turbulent Hutchins" should cease to act as the
postmasters' solicitor and leave them in peace.[40] His object, however,
seems to have been accomplished so far as Stanhope was concerned. The
struggle with the Paymasters of the Posts was not so successful, for,
supported by a report of the Treasurer, they continued to receive their
shilling in the pound.[41]
[37] _Cal. S. P. D._, 1581-90, p. 676; _Rep. Com._, 1844, xiv, app., p.
22 (13).
[38] _Cal. S. P. D._, 1619-23, pp. 238, 404.
[39] _Ibid._, pp. 568, 572. A postmaster's salary at this time was about
5_s._ a day. (_Ibid._, 1623-25, p. 130.)
[40] _Ibid._, 1623-25, pp. 117, 130, 153.
[41] _Ibid._, 1619-23, pp. 567-68.
By a Privy Council Proclamation issued in 1603, all posts receiving a
daily fee were required to have two leather bags, lined with "bayes" or
cotton, and the post himself was to sound a horn whenever he met any one
on the road or four times in every mile. The packet of letters was not
to be delayed more than fifteen minutes and was to be carried at a rate
of seven miles an hour in summer and five in winter. The time at which
it was delivered into a post's hands and the names and addresses of the
people by whom and to whom it was sent were to be entered in a book kept
for the purpose. All posts and their servants were exempted from being
"pressed" and from attendance at assizes, sessions, inquests, and
musters.[42]
[42] _Rep. Com._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 38 (18).
It is doubtful how far the postmasters were held responsible for the
delivery of letters to the persons to whom they were addressed. This did
not become a burning question, however, until after the recognition of
the fact that the letters of private individuals should receive as good
treatment at the hands of the postmen as the letters of the state
officials. Lord Stanhope in 1618 issued an order to the Justices of the
Peace in Southwark to aid the postmaster of that place in the delivery
of letters within six miles.[43] This was followed two years later by a
general order to establish two or three foot-posts in every parish for
the conveyance of letters.[44]
[43] _Cal. S. P. D._, 1611-18, p. 601.
[44] Hist. MSS. Com., _Rep._ 15, app., pt. 7, p. 63.
During the early part of the seventeenth century, Stanhope had employed
a foreigner, de Quester, as one of the King's posts "beyond seas." He
commended himself to the notice of his superiors by his promptitude in
dealing with the foreign letters.[45] In 1619 James appointed him
Postmaster-General for "foreign parts" and henceforth he was his own
master.[46] This was followed four years later by a formal proclamation,
confirming to de Quester and his son the position already granted to the
father.[47] He was to have the sole monopoly of carrying foreign letters
and was to appoint the necessary officials. All persons were formally
prohibited from entrenching upon the privileges granted him in 1619.
From this time until 1635, the foreign and inland posts were under
separate management and the accounts were kept separate until long after
the latter date. Stanhope was unwilling to submit to the curtailment of
his profits, which necessarily followed the appointment of de Quester.
There was much to be said for Stanhope's contention that the patent of
1623 was illegal for, ever since there had been a Postmaster-General,
his duties had extended to the foreign as well as to the inland office.
The question was referred to a committee, composed of the Lord
Chamberlain, one of the Secretaries of State and the Attorney-General,
who decided that Stanhope's patent extended only to the inland
office.[48] The whole question was finally brought before the Court of
King's Bench, which decided the case in favour of Stanhope.[49] This was
in 1625, but de Quester seems to have paid no attention to the decision
for it is certain that he continued to act as Foreign Postmaster until
1629[50] and in 1632 he resigned his patent to Frizell and Witherings.
It can be imagined what must have been the chaotic condition of the
foreign post while this struggle was going on. The Merchant Adventurers
established posts of their own between London and the Continent under
Billingsley. The Council issued the most perplexing orders. First they
forbade Billingsley from having anything to do with foreign letters.[51]
Then they decided that the Adventurers might establish posts of their
own and choose a Postmaster.[52] Then they extended the same privilege
to all merchants. Next this was withdrawn and the Adventurers were
allowed to send letters only to Antwerp, Delft and Hamburg or wherever
the staple of cloth might be.[53] These orders do not seem to have been
passed in full council for, in 1628, Secretary Coke in writing to
Secretary Conway said that "Billingsley, a broker by trade, strives to
draw over to the merchants that power over foreign letters which in all
states is a branch of royal authority. The merchant's purse has swayed
much in other matters but he has never heard that it encroached upon the
King's prerogative until now." He adds "I confess it troubleth me to see
the audacity of men in these times and especially that Billingsley." He
enclosed a copy of an order "made at a full Council and under the Broad
Seal," which in effect was a supersedeas of the place which de Quester
enjoyed.[54] When de Quester resigned in favour of Frizell and
Witherings, the resignation and new appointments were confirmed by the
King.[55] Of these men Witherings was far the abler. He had a plan in
view, which was eventually to place the foreign and inland systems on a
basis unchanged until the time of penny postage. In the meantime he had
to overcome the prejudices of the King and get rid of Frizell. In order
to raise money for the promotion of his plan, Witherings mortgaged his
place. Capital was obtained from the Earl of Arundel and others through
John Hall, who held the mortgage. The King heard of this and ordered
the office to be sequestered to his old servant de Quester and
commanded Hall to make over his interest to the same person.[56] There
were now three claimants for the place, Frizell, Witherings, and de
Quester. Frizell rushed off to Court, where he offered to pay off his
part of the mortgage and asked to have sole charge of the Foreign Post.
"Witherings," he said, "proposes to take charge of all packets of State
if he may have the office, but being a home-bred shopkeeper, without
languages, tainted of delinquency and in dislike with the foreign
correspondents, he is no fit person to carry a trust of such secrecy and
importance."[57] Coke knew better than this, however, and through his
influence Witherings, who had in the meantime paid off the mortgage and
satisfied Frizell's interest, was made sole Postmaster-General for
Foreign Parts.[58]
[45] _Cal. S. P. D._, 1629-31, pp. 71, 247.
[46] _Ibid._, 1625-26, p. 231.
[47] _Rep. Com._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 48 (26).
[48] _Ibid._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 49 (27); _Cal. S. P. D._, 1625-26, p.
478; Hist. MSS. Com., _Rep._ 12, app. 1, p. 295; _Cal. S. P. D._,
1627-28, p. 405.
[49] _Cal. S. P. D._, 1627-28, pp. 436, 591.
[50] _Ibid._, 1625-49, p. 332; 1628-29, pp. 46, 427, 558; 1631-33, p.
384.
[51] _Cal. S. P. D._, 1603-10, pp. 162, 397, 426, 491, 512, 521, 545,
576, 583, 588, 611.
[52] _Rep. Com._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 45 (23).
[53] _Ibid._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 45 (23).
[54] _Cal. S. P. D._, 1623-25, p. 131.
[55] _Ibid._, 1625-26, p. 30; _Rep. Com._, 1844, xiv, app., p. 48 (25).
[56] _Cal. S. P. D._, 1634-35, pp. 11, 38, 48, 389.
[57] _Ibid._, 1625-49, p. 489.
[58] _Ibid._, 1635-36, p. 32; 1634-35, p. 48.
With Witherings' advent a new period of English postal history begins.
His dominant idea was to make the posts self-supporting and no longer a
charge to the state. It had been established as a service for the royal
household and continued as an official necessity. The letters of private
individuals had been carried by its messengers but the state had derived
no revenue for their conveyance. The convenient activity of other
agencies for the carriage of private letters was not only tolerated but
officially recognized. The change to a revenue-paying basis tended
naturally to emphasize the monopolistic character of the government
service.[59]
[59] See chapter IX.