CHAPTER XXII.

THE MODERN JERUSALEM--A VOUCHER FOR THE LITERATURE OF ITS ANCIENT

OCCUPANTS.

In the twelfth chapter of this volume, and particularly at p. 141

and to the end, we have referred to those monuments of ancient

art--buildings, sculptures, coins, which, as materials of history,

are available in confirming or correcting the statements of ancient

writers; and again in the twentieth chapter, we have brought forward

(as samples only) some instances in which the existing remains of

antiquity may be appealed to, as vouchers for the truthfulness of one

of these writers--Herodotus.

Then in the fourteenth chapter we have seen what is the relative

strength of that evidence which vouches for the genuineness and for

the authenticity of the Holy Scriptures, as compared with that on

the ground of which classical literature is accepted as real, and

trustworthy. The superiority which we have claimed for the canonical

writings results from:--1. The number of copies that have come down

to modern times. 2. The high antiquity of some of these extant

manuscripts. 3. The extent of geographical surface over which copies

were diffused at an early date. 4. The importance attached to them

by their possessors. 5. The reverential care with which manuscripts

were executed. 6. The separation, and the mutual hostility of those in

whose custody the books were conserved. 7. The visible influence of the

writings upon the conduct and opinions of nations, from age to age. 8.

The mass, and the intricacy of quotations from them. 9. The existence

of ancient versions. 10. The vernacular extinction of the languages in

which the books were written. 11. The means of comparison with spurious

and imitative books. 12. The strength of the inference derivable from

the genuineness of the books, to the credibility of their contents. The

facts referred to under these twelve heads well deserve the reader’s

careful attention, and with this view they are here recapitulated.

But now there is one ground of comparison, quite proper to an argument

of this sort, to omit all allusion to which might seem to indicate a

consciousness of weakness; for, on the ground which is now in view,

there is an apparent advantage largely on the side of classical

literature, and profane history. Let us then look into this defective

portion, as it may seem, of the Biblical evidence, and measure its

actual importance.

With this purpose in view, we return, for an hour, to the British

Museum. In passing through these saloons we find ourselves visibly

confronted with the memorials of each of the principal developments

of ancient civilization; and with some also of those that were very

limited, and obscure, and temporary. Ample and multifarious, and

admirable are the monuments--in marble and in metal, of what the men

of other countries have been, and of what they have done, in ages

so long gone by. Here, for instance, is the Egypt of three or four

thousand years ago--its people, and their employments; and here its

despotisms, its dynasties--so many--are set forth in their gigantic

semblances; and we may actually touch surfaces that were chiselled and

polished at the time when--or before that time, Abraham was journeying

from Mesopotamia towards Canaan. Here also is the Assyrian despot,

and here the Babylonian and the mighty builder, and the lord of fifty

nations--here they now hold their court, and show us before what

glories, and what terrors it was that millions of men bent the knee,

and kissed the dust, in the times of Samuel, and of Solomon, and of

Hezekiah. Here are substantial displays of the earliest developments

of the human mind, under wholly different conditions--physical,

social, political. Here are the earliest conceptions of Greek taste,

intelligence, and free ideality; all these are vouched for; and

mementos are before us of the Lycian people also, and of the Lydian,

and of the Etruscan; and as we come down to later times, Greek art,

and Roman art, bring us into familiar correspondence, not only with

national characteristics, but with the individual persons of those

ages. Now, during those times, the people of Palestine were passing

from the lower to the upper culminating point of their national

existence. Where, then, in this great assemblage of the nations of

antiquity--where is Palestine? Are there none here to represent her,

and to challenge a place for a people whose literature has pervaded

the civilised world? The books of the people of Palestine are in

every home--in every sacred edifice--they are found in palaces, and in

cottages, and they are treasured near to the hearts of the good--high

and low, and are extant in the memories of all. Why then should not

the men of Palestine, and why should not its religious rites, be

represented in the marbles, and in the metals, of our museums?

It may indeed be said that the ancient Palestine is not altogether

absent from the museums of Europe; for among tens of thousands of

samples of the mintages of antiquity, there are found a few coins of

the Maccabean times, with their innocent and homely symbols; and in

the series of the Imperial coins there are some vouchers for the fact

of the overthrow of the Jewish state; there is the woman seated by the

palm--the representative of the Judæa Devicta. Need we ask the reason

of this absence of sculptured memorials of this one among the nations

of antiquity?--The want of sculpture is, in truth, this people’s glory;

the absence of the vouchers we might look for is indeed a voucher,

attesting the noblest of all distinctions--that of having so long

possessed and maintained, a free social polity, and a true theology.

If at this time an order were given to remove from the British Museum

all memorials of the cruel tyrannies, and of the sensual idolatries of

Egypt, and of Assyria, and of Greece, and of Rome--if every article

were expelled that gives evidence of the oppressive despotisms, or of

the vicious religions of ancient nations, how meagre an exhibition

would remain after such a clearance had been effected! It is therefore

this people’s glory--a glory unrivalled--that no sculptures are extant

to represent it in the museums of Europe! Nevertheless, there are

monuments of its history to be found, if we look for them where it is

reasonable to make the search; namely, in Palestine itself, and at

Jerusalem especially.

A few--say five or six--of the principal cities of antiquity, have

continued to be inhabited from the very earliest times to this

time;--such are--Damascus, Constantinople, Athens, Rome, and Jerusalem.

The consequences of this uninterrupted occupation of the same sites,

have been--more or less so in each instance--such as these--the

preservation of some of the most ancient basement structures; the

superposition of the structures of each age, in layers or deposits,

resembling the strata of the earth’s crust; the commingling of older

materials with the more recent buildings in the mason’s work; and,

generally, the creation of a modern town, lifted up, as one might

say, upon the head and shoulders of the ancient city. Such cities,

in exploring which we find evidence of their having undergone these

several conditions, may fitly be called--HISTORICAL CITIES; and from

these sources alone--or if there were none else available--we might

gather abundant materials, adapted to the purpose of illustrating the

_written history_ of nations, and of giving to it the most conclusive

confirmations.

The briefest exemplification of what we here affirm, taking up two or

three instances only, would occupy a great space. The educated reader

does not need to be told what has actually been done, in this way,

in regard to Athens and Rome. Something of the same kind has, also,

within a few years, been effected in relation to Jerusalem; but in

this instance very much remains to be done; and much will undoubtedly

be effected, at no distant time, when the Turkish guardianship of

Palestine shall have ceased; or when Mahometan jealousy shall have

given way to European intelligence. We advert to this instance, in

concluding this volume, because it properly brings into view--at once,

the several kinds of facts and statements which belong to our argument.

It is thus, then, that we bring the modern Jerusalem into our prospect.

Two short periods excepted--after the capture and overthrow of the

city--Jerusalem has been inhabited, _continuously_, throughout a

period of three thousand years; and during all that length of time a

written history has attended its fortunes, even from the earliest age,

to this present time. If in this place indulgence might be given to a

metaphor--and to such a metaphor--we should say that, looking at the

entire mass of authentic history as an organic body, Jerusalem--the

same hard material from age to age--is the vertebral stay of all

history; or, in homely phrase, that this one city is the very back-bone

of chronology. This is certain, and it has become more and more evident

from year to year of late, that in every instance in which the leading

events of the Hebrew and Jewish history may be ascertained with

precision, such fixed points send forth ribs which give support to the

loose matters of Egyptian, and Assyrian, and Persian and Macedonian

history.

It is peculiar to this one ancient city to have passed under the

hand, and to have been for a length of time in the occupation of each

of the great empires that have had a place and a name in the world,

during the course of three thousand years. Each of these powers has

solidly monumented itself within, and about its walls. A narrow space

indeed is this to contain the architectures of ten empires; or, to be

more precise, of seven empires, and of three royal holdings. Yet so

it is; and in attestation of the fact, and as a consequence of it,

if at this moment we were fitting ourselves out for a six or twelve

months’ explorative sojourn in the Holy City, we should think it

indispensable to pack our portmanteaus with books, ancient and modern,

which, retrogressively catalogued, would include--I. The principal

modern works or guide-books, which show what the Franks have done in

recent times in the way of church-building, monasteries, hospitals,

hospices, and private residencies. II. Such records as there may be

(if any) of Turkish doings in the same or similar modes; and much has

been done by the pashas in the repairs of the walls, and in alterations

and repairs within and around the Haram. III. The Arabic writers (they

are more than a few), the post-Islamic, and the ante-Islamic--such as

Abulfeda, and others, in whose writings incidental notices, at least,

occur of the Saracenic structures of their “Al Kuds.” There is much

relating to the mosque of Omar, and of Al Aksa. IV. The entire mass

of the crusading histories--the writers who are brought together in

that bulky folio, the “Gesta Dei per Frankos.” With these there must

come very many writers of the fifteenth and following centuries, who

treat of the topography of Palestine, such as Adrichomius, in the

“Theatrum Terræ Sanctæ.” V. The Byzantine writers who touch upon the

churches and monasteries of the Holy Land; with Procopius, and his

account of the buildings of Justinian: the early Itineraries, Greek

and Latin; and among these Jerome must find his place. VI. Some of the

Greek Fathers--Cyril of Jerusalem and Eusebius. VII. The Greek and

Roman profane historians, in series; from whom we learn all that can

be known of the fate and fortunes of the city after its overthrow,

and during the years of its desecration, as the Ælia Capitolina, by

heathen temples and their impure rites. VIII. Josephus, and the Book of

Maccabees, are our authority as to Herod’s structures, of which many

unquestionable remains are discernible among the ruins of the city. The

same writer, and perhaps some of the rabbis, give the evidence that is

required for interpreting the existing remains of the Asmonean period;

thenceforward, or, we should say, higher up, it is--IX. To the Hebrew

prophets and historians that we must look for the light we need, so far

as the _written_ memorials of the times of Ezra, Nehemiah, Hezekiah,

Solomon, David, may afford it.

Thus it appears that, in carrying forward those explorations which

already have in part been made, and which are now in progress, and

which may be effected hereafter at Jerusalem, what we are doing, and

what we shall yet be doing, is this--we are taking up the ancient

written records of this city, page after page, and we are verifying

each of our authorities by aid of the architectural remains of the same

times--even from the remotest periods, down to this age. It is this

Jerusalem which, beyond any other ancient site, furnishes the means,

and the material, for thus collating and verifying the literary records

of a people, by means of its extant monuments.

Architectural remains, such as those are which invite the labours of

the antiquary at Athens, and at Rome, and at Jerusalem, require to be

examined in relation to four distinguishable subjects;--as first--the

_materials_ (in a geological sense) that have been employed; and the

question to be answered is--Whence have these been drawn--whether from

quarries near at hand, or from a remote region? The _second_ of these

inquiries relates to the style and quality of the _mason’s work_--that

is to say, we have to note any peculiarity that may belong to the mode

of squaring blocks of stone, and of fitting them one to another, and

of placing them in layers; or to the manufacture of bricks, if these

are in question. The _third_ inquiry is properly _architectural_,

and it has respect to the decorative style of the structure, and its

aspect, and its beauty, considered as a work of taste. There then

follows the _fourth_, and it is a most important question--Are these

courses of masonry where we now find them--in their original, their

primeval position; or have these blocks been dislodged, and overthrown,

and scattered, and in some after-time reassembled and made use of by

the builders of a later period? This last is often the determinative

inquiry, in relation to doubtful points of history; and in the instance

just now before us, it has a peculiar significance, inasmuch as

there is reason to conjecture that some, at least, of the ponderous

masses--the prodigious blocks, whereupon the heterogeneous structures

of the modern Jerusalem take their rest--have been dislodged, upheaved,

turned about, and again replaced, as at first, more than once or twice

in the lapse of ages.

To the first of the above-named questions our answer is easy;--the

material of the ancient Jerusalem was drawn from quarries quite near

at hand: it is the lime-stone rock of the very site of the city.

This has always been supposed; and the fact has lately been more

fully ascertained by the explorations of Dr. Barclay,[12] an American

physician, and long a resident at Jerusalem. Within the vast caverns

that undermine Bezetha, and at a great depth below the surface of the

present city, the mother-rock shows, beyond a doubt, what masses have

been hewn from it, namely, those large blocks, sixty feet in length,

which underlie the Haram wall, and the city wall, in many places, and

much of the interior of the city. In those caverns, such as we now

find them, these blocks were squared, and their edges bevelled, and

their surfaces--the upper and the under, were nicely prepared for their

adjustments, according to the methods of a highly refined masonic

art. As to this art of the _builder_, it is such as could have been

practised by none but a people well advanced in practical intelligence,

and that were in the enjoyment of the opulence and the tranquillity

proper to a secure political condition. The mason’s work which is

peculiar to, and characteristic of, the cyclopean substructures of the

Haram, and the ancient city wall, is of a kind that fixes attention

when once it has been seen, and it is such as speaks its remote origin

almost as intelligibly as an inscription could do.

The _architectural_ characteristics of Jerusalem, as well of the

ancient, as the modern city, cannot but be intelligible to those who

are conversant with this branch of antiquarian lore. We easily read the

various fortunes of the city, indicated right and left, in-doors and

out of doors, scattered upon the surface, and deep in wells, tanks,

and caverns, built into walls, and confusedly mixed with the chiselled

labours of the workmen of other ages. The one source of ambiguity is

that which arises from these disorderly commixtures, when a fragment,

a capital, an entablature, which is manifestly Roman, or Byzantine, or

Norman, stands so transfixed upon a structure whereupon it is embedded,

as to conceal what might indicate the chronology of the earlier work.

Nevertheless, amid many such indeterminable questions, there can be no

question on the general ground, that, in and among the architectural

remains of Jerusalem, we are looking at specimens of the builder’s

art, in all the stages, and in all the styles and fashions that have

belonged to it, from the most remote times to the latest.

As to the fourth of the above-named heads of inquiry, fall of historic

significance as it is, a solution of the problems belonging to it must

await a time when this site shall yield itself up, without reserve or

restraint, to the industry and intelligence of European antiquarians.

We have need to be reminded of the fact, that, as we become familiar

with the books of the Old Testament in childhood, it is not until years

later that we learn to correct the wrong chronological conceptions

which have arisen from the misadjustment of them as to their order of

time. These early erroneous notions continue to haunt the imagination,

perhaps through life, and we lose sight of, or quite forget the

fact that a period of four or five hundred years intervenes between

prophets that take their turn to be read, in the mornings and evenings

of a week. Under the misguidance of these chronological errors, we

are likely to carry forward, into the era of a people’s maturity,

conceptions which belong only to the age of their patriarchal and

nomadic simplicity. Some few instructed readers of the Bible may be

quite exempt from any such misconceptions; but probably it is many

that are subject to them. Moreover, the grave tones of the inspired

writers, and their singleness of purpose, so unlike the conventional

and sophisticated manner of other writers, favours the idea that the

Hebrew nation continued, from age to age, to live on in a condition of

pastoral simplicity.

Such was far from being their condition; and a more attentive perusal

of the historical books of the Old Testament, and of the prophets,

will suggest, and more than merely suggest the belief, that this

ancient people had reached a stage of advancement in the arts of

life--substantial and decorative--which places them, at the least, on a

level with any people that were their neighbours and contemporaries, or

of any that are known to us by their records and by their monuments. It

is true that we are used to think of Solomon’s temple as a magnificent

structure; and yet the descriptions given of it in the Books of Kings

and Chronicles, convey an impression rather of its metallic splendour

and its richness of decoration, than of the cyclopean style of the

masonry that sustained it. Was it, in truth, a great work in an

architectural sense? This question admits of a probable answer. The

series of prophets, in discharge of their function as the reprovers of

national sins, mention and rebuke the sumptuous style and the luxurious

manners of those who then were the princes of the people; yet they make

no boast, as if they were proud of the wealth, and the arts, and the

instructed skill of their countrymen. Nevertheless there occur, in many

parts of the prophetic writings, incidental allusions to the splendour

of the private structures of the city--houses of hewn stone, houses

ceiled with costly woods, decorated with ivory and gold, and fitted

up with every device which elaborate luxury might ask for, are spoken

of even by some of the earlier prophets. We must believe, therefore,

that the Jerusalem of the ancient monarchy was a city of palaces and of

princely mansions, in constructing which no cost had been spared.

Here, then, the two portions of an inferential argument come into

contact; and it is just at the basement line of the palaces and the

mansions of the ancient Jerusalem that they do so. The juncture is of

this sort;--we hold in our hand the various literature of an ancient

people; this literature has traversed the fields of time in those

several modes of conveyance to which, in the preceding pages, we have

given attention; it has thus come into our hands _safely_; it stands

attested in modes so many and so sure, that now to speak of it as

if it were questionable would be a mere prudery and an affectation.

Up and down throughout these writings we find incidental notices of

the sumptuous style of the upper classes of the people, in their

modes of living, and in the decoration of their public and private

buildings; at least it is so as to what were the visible parts of such

structures. The kings and the nobles of the Hebrew monarchy were men

of great wealth; ample revenues were at their command, and they spent

their incomes magnificently. Looking to the documents--the parchment

rolls--the volumes of the prophets of those ages, such are the

inferences we must derive from them.

But what objects are those that present themselves when, with the

pick in hand, we go down to the levels of the ancient Jerusalem? What

we there find are courses of highly-wrought masonry, with which, as

to the dimensions of the single blocks, and the labour that has been

bestowed upon them, nothing can be compared unless it be in Egypt

and at Palmyra. The inference is valid, namely, that the people of

this city--even those whose structures, sacred and domestic, underlie

the monuments of eight or nine successive empires or kingdoms--the

primeval people--must have been wealthy, and far advanced in the arts,

and large also in their conceptions, and bold in their enterprises.

They were a people great and well civilised, and they were so at a time

when, as the Greek historian tells us, the ancestors of his nation were

petty marauders by sea and land, and were feeding upon acorns!

Such are the conclusions which we arrive at after a careful perusal

of the literature of the Hebrew people, if now, at this day--and yet

it is in a sense which he did not intend--we listen to the invitation

of one of its poets, who challenges us to “Walk about Zion, and to go

round about her,” and to “tell the towers thereof, and to mark well her

bulwarks, and to consider her palaces;” for in doing so we shall find

the means for confirming ourselves in those convictions, the strength

of which concerns each of us in the most intimate manner.

THE END.

B. CLAY, PRINTER, BREAD STREET HILL.

FOOTNOTES:

[12] “City of the Great King.”

Transcriber’s Notes

Obvious errors in punctuation have been fixed.

Page 7: “on good evidncee” changed to “on good evidence”

Page 87: “the _Myriobiblion_” changed to “the _Myriobiblon_”

Page 99: “subjects al things mundane” changed to “subjects all things

mundane”

Page 129: “than is explicitl affirmed” changed to “than is explicitly

affirmed”

Page 167: “is rgulated” changed to “is regulated”

Page 241: “illuminations o ancient manuscripts” changed to

“illuminations of ancient manuscripts”

Page 259: “prepare for writing” changed to “prepared for writing”

Page 385: “rom the ordinary walks” changed to “from the ordinary walks”

Page 399: “over which copie” changed to “over which copies”

History of the transmission of ancient books to modern times together with the process of historical proof; or, a concise account of the means by which genuineness of ancient literature generally, and the authenticity of historical works especially are ascertained including incidental remarks upon the relative strength of the evidence usually adduced in behalf of the Holy Scriptures · 第 22 / 22 章