We have little apprehension that any one can so far mistake our object,

or the purport of our remarks, as to suppose either that we regard

slavery as a desirable institution, or that we approve of the slave laws

of the Southern States. So far from this being the case, the extinction

of slavery, and the amelioration of those laws are as sincerely desired

by us, as by any of the abolitionists. The question is not about the

continuance of slavery, and of the present system, but about the proper

method of effecting the removal of the evil. We maintain, that it is not

by denouncing slaveholding as a sin, or by universal agitation at the

North, but by the improvement of the slaves. It no more follows that

because the master has a right to hold slaves, he has a right to keep

them in a state of degradation in order to perpetuate their bondage,

than that the Emperor of Russia has a right to keep his subjects in

ignorance and poverty, in order to secure the permanence and quiet

possession of his power. We hold it to be the grand principle of the

gospel, that every man is bound to promote the moral, intellectual, and

physical improvement of his fellow men. Their civil or political

relations are in themselves matters of indifference. Monarchy,

aristocracy, democracy, domestic slavery, are right or wrong as they

are, for the time being, conducive to this great end, or the reverse.

They are not objects to which the improvement of society is to be

sacrificed; nor are they strait-jackets to be placed upon the public

body to prevent its free development. We think, therefore, that the

true method for Christians to treat this subject, is to follow the

example of Christ and his apostles in relation both to despotism and

slavery. Let them enforce as moral duties the great principles of

justice and mercy, and all the specific commands and precepts of the

Scriptures. If any set of men have servants, bond or free, to whom they

refuse a proper compensation for their labor, they violate a moral duty

and an express command of Scripture. What that compensation should be,

depends upon a variety of circumstances. In some cases the slaveholder

would be glad to compound for the support of his slaves by giving the

third or the half of the proceeds of his estate. Yet this at the North

would be regarded as a full remuneration for the mere labor of

production. Under other circumstances, however, a mere support, would be

very inadequate compensation; and when inadequate, it is unjust. If the

compensation be more than a support, the surplus is the property of the

laborer, and can not morally, whatever the laws may be, be taken from

him. The right to accumulate property is an incident to the right of

reward for labor. And we believe there are few slaveholding countries in

which the right is not practically acknowledged, since we hear so

frequently of slaves purchasing their own freedom. It is very common for

a certain moderate task[274] to be assigned as a day's work, which may

be regarded as the compensation rendered by the slave for his support.

The residue of the day is at his own disposal, and may be employed for

his own profit. We are not now, however, concerned about details. The

principle that "the laborer is worthy of his hire" and should enjoy it,

is a plain principle of morals and command of the Bible, and can not be

violated with impunity.

Again, if any man has servants or others whom he forbids to marry, or

whom he separates after marriage, he breaks as clearly a revealed law as

any written on the pages of inspiration, or on the human heart. If he

interferes unnecessarily with the authority of parents over their

children, he again brings himself into collision with his Maker. If any

man has under his charge, children, apprentices, servants, or slaves,

and does not teach them, or cause them to be taught, the will of God;

if he deliberately opposes their intellectual, moral, or religious

improvement, he makes himself a transgressor. That many of the laws of

the slaveholding States are opposed to these simple principles of

morals, we fully believe; and we do not doubt that they are sinful and

ought to be rescinded. If it be asked what would be the consequence of

thus acting on the principles of the gospel, of following the example

and obeying the precepts of Christ? We answer, the gradual elevation of

the slaves in intelligence, virtue, and wealth; the peaceable and speedy

extinction of slavery; the improvement in general prosperity of all

classes of society, and the consequent increase in the sum of human

happiness and virtue. This has been the result of acting on these

principles in all past ages; and just in proportion as they have been

faithfully observed. The degradation of most eastern nations, and of

Italy, Spain and Ireland, are not more striking examples of the

consequences of their violation, than Scotland, England, and the

non-slaveholding States are of the benefits, of their being even

imperfectly obeyed. Men can not alter the laws of God. It would be as

easy for them to arrest the action of the force of gravity, as to

prevent the systematic violation of the principles of morals being

productive of evil.

FOOTNOTES:

[260] See Cheever's "God against Slavery," and Wendell Phillips' Speech

on Harper's Ferry, &c., &c.--ED.

[261] Their object, evidently, has been to prevent the free people of

color from emigrating to Liberia, and to retain them in this country as

a cat's paw to work out their own designs.--ED.

[262] But for this, a large proportion of our slaves, instead of being

instructed orally, would have been taught to read the Scriptures for

themselves.--ED.

[263] Paley's definition is still more simple, "I define," he says,

"slavery to be an obligation to labor for the benefit of the master,

without the contract or consent of the servant." Moral Philosophy, book

iii, ch. 3.

[264] Address, etc., p. 20.

[265] Elements of Moral Science, p. 225.

[266] It need hardly be remarked, that the command to obey magistrates,

as given in Rom. xiii: 1-3, is subject to the limitation stated above.

They are to be obeyed as magistrates; precisely as parents are to be

obeyed as parents, husbands as husbands. The command of obedience is

expressed as generally, in the last two cases, as in the first. A

magistrate beyond the limits of his lawful authority (whatever that may

be), has, in virtue of this text, no more claim to obedience, than a

parent who, on the strength of the passage "Children, obey your parents

in all things," should command his son to obey him as a monarch or a

pope.

[267] Quoted by Pres. Young, p. 45, of the Address, etc.

[268] On the manner in which slaves were acquired, compare Deut. xx: 14.

xxi: 10, 11. Ex. xxii: 3. Neh. v: 4, 5. Gen. xiv: 14. xv: 3. xvii: 23.

Num. xxxi: 18, 35. Deut. xxv: 44, 46.

As to the manner in which they were to be treated, see Lev. xxv: 39-53.

Ex. xx: 10. xxii: 2-8. Deut. xxv: 4-6, etc. etc.

[269] "The word of Christ, (Matt. xix; 9), may be construed by an easy

implication to prohibit polygamy: for if 'whoever putteth away his wife,

and _marrieth_ another committeth adultery' he who marrieth another

_without_ putting away the first, is no less guilty of adultery: because

the adultery does not consist in the repudiation of the first wife,

(for, however unjust and cruel that may be, it is not adultery), but in

entering into a second marriage during the legal existence and

obligation of the first. The several passages in St. Paul's writings,

which speak of marriage, always suppose it to signify the union of one

man with one woman."--PALEY'S Moral Phil., book iii, chap. 6.

[270] Elements of Moral Science, p. 221.

[271] Clarkson and Wilberforce were anxious, to have the slave trade

speedily abolished, lest the force of their arguments should be weakened

by its amelioration.--ED.

[272] If the negro is susceptible of this degree of improvement, he

ought _then_ to be free.--ED.

[273] Abolition has impeded this improvement.--ED.

[274] We heard the late Dr. Wisner, after his long visit to the South,

say, that the usual task of a slave in South Carolina and Georgia, was

about the third of a day's work for a Northern laborer.

THE

EDUCATION, LABOR, AND WEALTH OF THE SOUTH.

BY SAMUEL A. CARTWRIGHT, M.D.,

OF LOUISIANA.

NOTE.--This article of Dr. Cartwright's was

designed by the Editor to follow "Cotton is King,"

but the copy was not received until the

stereotyping had progressed nearly to

completion.--PUBLISHER.

* * * * *

It has long been a favorite argument of the

abolitionists to assert that slave labor is

unproductive, that the prevalence of slavery tends

to diminish not only the productions of a country,

but also the value of the lands. On this ground,

appeals are constantly made to the

non-slaveholders of the South, to induce them to

abolish slavery; assigning as a reason, that their

lands would rise in value so as to more than

compensate the loss of the slaves.

That we may be able to ascertain how much truth

there is in this assertion, let us refer to

_figures_ and _facts_. The following deductions

from the Report of the Auditor of Public Accounts

of the State of Louisiana, speak in a language too

plain to be misunderstood by any one, and prove

conclusively, that, so far at least as the slave

States are concerned, a dense slave population

gives the highest value and greatest

productiveness to every species of property.

Similar deductions might he drawn from the

Auditors' Reports of every slave State in the

Union EDITOR.

1. _Annual Report of the Auditor of Public

Accounts of the State of Louisiana._ Baton Rouge,

1859.

2. _Annual Report of the Superintendent of Public

Education._ Baton Rouge, 1859.

3. _Les Lois concernant, les Ecoles Publique dons

l'Etat de la Louisiane_, 1849.

4. _Agricultural Productions of Louisiana._ By

Edward J. Forstal, New Orleans, 1845.

5. _Address of the Commissioners for the Raising

the Endowment of the University of the South._ New

Orleans, 1859.

IT is much easier to acquire knowledge from things cognizable to the

senses than from books. American civilization is founded upon the laws

of nature and upon moral virue. "Honesty is the best policy," says

Washington, its founder. The laws of nature are discovered by

observation and experience. A practical direction is given to them by

that species of knowedge, which is derived from handling the objects of

sense and working upon the materials the earth produces. Moral virtue

puts a bridle on the evil passions of the heart, and, at the same time,

infuses into it an invincible courage in demanding what is right. A

knowledge of nature enables its possessor to bridle the natural forces

of air, earth, fire, and water--to hold the reins and drive ahead. With

its rail-roads and telegraphs, American civilization is waging war with

time and space, and, by its moral power and Christian example, with sin

and evil. With its labor-saving machiney, its thirty millions do more

work for God and man than three hundred millions of such people as

inhabit Asia, Africa, Central, and South America, and Mexico. Its thirty

millions are equal to any hundred millions of most of the governments of

Europe. It is far ahead of the most enlightened nations of Europe,

because its people are in the possession of all the blessings and

comforts that heaven, through nature's laws, accord to earth's

inhabitants, while three-fourths of the two hundred and fifty millions

of Europe are writhing in an artificially created purgatory--deprived of

all the good things of earth. Whoever would catch up with the annals of

American progress, fall into line with American policy, and get within

the influence of the guiding spirit of American policy, must not depend

upon libraries for information, or he will be left far behind the age in

which he lives; must look to the statistics of the churches, to the

reports of legislative and commercial bodies, and to the monthly reviews

recording the principal transactions of the busy world around him. If he

wants to keep pace with the exploits of mankind under European

civilization, in cutting one another's throats, sacking cities,

destroying commerce, and laying waste the smiling fields of agriculture,

the daily press will give the required information; but he can not rely

upon it for these statistical details and stubborn facts which tell what

the Caucasian in America, aided by his black man, Friday, is doing for

Christianity, for liberty, for civilization, and for the good of the

world. Some of these details are regarded as too dry and uninteresting,

and others too long for admission in the daily press. Much is written

and said about the benefits of education. The rudiments are alike

important in both kinds of civilization, American and European. But

after acquiring the rudimentary knowledge, the paths of education in the

two hemispheres diverge from each other at right angles. The further the

American travels in the labyrinths of that system of education, so

fashionable in Europe, purposely designed to bury active minds in the

rubbish of past ages, or tangle them in metaphysical abstractions and

hide from them the beauty of truth and the matter-of-fact world around

them, the less he is qualified to appreciate the blessings and benefits

of republican institutions, and the more apt he is to be found in

opposition to American policy. By hard studies on subjects of no

practical importance, physical or moral, the European system of

education drives independence out of the mind, and virtue out of the

heart, as a pre-requisite qualification for obedience to governments

resting upon diplomacy, falsehood, artificial and unnatural distinctions

among men. But in the United States, the various State governments being

founded on moral truths and nature's laws, and not on the opinions of a

privileged order, our system of education should be in harmony with our

system of government; our youth should be taught to love virtue for

virtue's sake; to study nature, bow to her truths, and to give all the

homage that the crowned heads receive in Europe, to nature and to truth.

Our government sets up no religious creed or standard of morals, but

leaves every one perfectly free in religion and morals, to be governed

by the Bible as _he understands it_, provided he does not trespass upon

the rights of others. The principal books in our libraries give little

or no aid in qualifying our youth for public office or to direct the

legislation or policy of a government resting upon natural laws. The

practical operation of our system is scarcely anywhere else recorded

than in church history, gospel triumph, legislative reports, reviews,

and pamphlets. There the facts may be found, but they are isolated and

disconnected, teaching nothing; but could be made a most potent means,

not only of instruction in the practical operation of our system of

government, but of developing the human faculties, if introduced into

our schools. They are full of objects for comparison. By comparison the

mind is taught the difference between things; comparisons are at the

bottom of all useful and practical knowledge. "They are suggestive,"

says Prof. Agassiz, "of further comparisons. When the objects of nature

are the subjects of comparison, the mind is insensibly led to make new

inquiries, is filled with delight at every step of progress it makes in

nature's ever young and blooming fields, and study becomes a pleasure.

No American knows what a good country he has got until he visits Europe

and draws comparisons between the condition of the laboring classes

there and those at home. Even in London, about half the people have

neither church-room nor school-room."

The _Annual Report of the Auditor of Public accounts of the State of

Louisiana_ abounds with objects which have only to be compared in their

various relations to one another to give the mind a clear perception of

the operation and practical working of some of the most important

natural laws and moral truths lying at the bottom of American

civilization and progress. Without comparisons they are like

hieroglyphical characters telling nothing. Comparisons will decipher

them and make them speak a language full of instruction, which every one

can understand.

The more thorough the education in European colleges, or in American

schools on a similar model, the more there will be to _unlearn_ before

American institutions can be understood or their value appreciated, and

the less will the American citizen be qualified to vote understandingly

at the polls. The reason is, that the system of education which directs

the policy of goverments founded upon artificial distinctions, is from

necessity inimical to a government founded upon natural distinctions and

moral truth. Education on the British model has set the North against

the South, and has waylaid every step of American progress, from the

acquisition of Louisiana to the last foot of land acquired from Mexico

or the Indians, and it now stands across the path of the all-conquering

march of American civilization into Cuba, Central America, and Mexico.

The vicious system of education founded upon the European model has

almost reconquered Massachusetts and several other Northern States,

converting them, in many essential particulars, into British provinces.

The people of the North are virtuous and democratic at heart; but they

have been turned against their own country and the sentiments which

experience teaches to be truths, the obvious benefits of negro slavery,

for instance, by an education essentially monarchical. To sustain

itself, American policy should have its own schools, to guide and direct

it. Heretofore it has been guided and directed almost entirely by the

light and knowledge derived from the great school of experience, in

which the democratic masses are taught without the aid of other books

than the Bible and hymn book. In that school they learned that the negro

was not a white man with a black skin, but a different being, intended

by nature to occupy a subordinate place in society; that school made

known that the only place which nature has qualified him to fill was the

place of a servant. That place was accordingly assigned him in the new

order of civilization called American civilization, founded upon moral

virtue and natural distinctions, and not upon artifice and fraud; upon

nature's laws and God's truths, and not upon the fallacies of human

reason, as that of Europe. They had not even the assistance of book

education to tell them that the white man bore the name of Japheth in

the Bible, and the negro that of Canaan; and that the negro's servile

nature was expressed in his Hebrew name. American theologians had not

paid sufficient attention to the Hebrew, and could not inform the

American reader that both the Hebrew Bible and its Greek translation,

called the Septuagint, plainly, and in direct terms, recognize two

classes or races of mankind, one having a black skin, and the other

being fair or white; and that, besides these two races, it recognizes a

third race under the term Shem, a name which has no reference to color;

but as the other two were plainly designated as _whites_ and _blacks_,

the inference is, that the third class was red or yellow, or of an

intermediate color. In the Septuagint (the Bible which our Saviour

quotes), _Æthiop_ is the term used to designate the sons of Ham, a term

synonymous with the Latin word _niger_, from which the Spanish word

_negro_ is derived. The Bible tells in unmistakable terms that Japheth,

or the white race, was to be _enlarged_. The discovery of the western

hemisphere opened a wide field for the _enlargement_ of the white race,

pent up for thousands of years in a little corner of the eastern

hemisphere. The new hemisphere was found to be inhabited by nomads of

the race of Shem, neither white nor black. The historical fact is, that

the white race is every year _enlarging_ itself by dispossessing the

nomadic sons of Shem, found on the American continent, of their tents,

and dwelling in them; and that the black race are its servants. Thus

literally, in accordance with the prophecy, "_Japheth will be enlarged,

he shall dwell in the tents of Shem, and Canaan_ (the negro) _shall be

his servant_." The prophecy is not fulfilled, but only in process of

fulfillment. It clearly points to a new order of civilization, in a

wider world for enlargement than the old, in which the black race was to

serve the white. The will of God that such a new order of civilization

should be established, in which the negro and white man should mutually

aid each other, and supply each other's deficiencies, is not only

revealed in Hebrew words, written thousands of years ago, but revealed

also in the laws of nature, and revealed by _Ethiop nowhere else but in

our slaveholding States, stretching forth her arms to God_. American

civilization, founded upon revealed truth and nature's laws, puts the

negro in his natural position, that of subordination to the white man.

The observation and experience of those who founded a government resting

on the basis of moral truth and natural, instead of artificial

distinctions, revealed to them the necessity of consigning to the negro

an inferior position, in order to carry out that democratic principle

which demands a place for every thing, and every thing in its place.

What are called the free States have provided no place for the poor

negro. He is an outcast and a wanderer, hurtful instead of helpful to

society. Mexico, Central and South America, in catching at the shadow,

lost the substance of republicanism. Republican government has utterly

failed with them, because they fell into the error of supposing that all

men of all races are naturally equal to one another. The white race in

those countries, acting upon that error, emancipated the inferior negro

race, and amalgamated with that and with the Indian race. This disregard

of the distinctions made by nature, between the white, black, and Indian

races, was fatal to American civilization in those countries.

Mr. Jefferson never meant to say that negroes were equal to white men;

but that white men, whether born in England or America were equal to one

another. Our fathers contended for their own equality among Englishmen,

which not being granted to them, they declared their independence. But

scarcely had their swords won that independence, when the governing

classes of Great Britain began to teach the rising generation, through

the medium of books, schools, and colleges, that the democratic

doctrine, which declared all white men equal to one another, _included

negroes_. Thus making the learned world believe that democracy and negro

slavery are incompatible--that there can be no such thing as a

democracy, or a government where the people rule, so long as black

people are held in slavery. The schools not only taught the doctrine

that negro slavery is anti-republican, but that it is a moral, social

and political evil, and soon it was denounced from the pulpit as _sin

against God_!

Under the influence of such an education, imported from Europe, the

American people, even in the South, began to regard negro slavery as an

evil--not from any thing they saw, but from what they had been taught.

Thence all manner of experiments were made with the negro to make his

condition better out of slavery than in it. All of which proving a

failure, the South took issue with Old and New England on the question

of negro slavery being an evil, social, political, or moral, and called

for the proof. No proof could be given except that drawn from England,

from hearsay evidence, and from theoretical teaching of that system of

education designed to support European despotisms, and to destroy

American republicanism. This has opened the eyes of the South to the

necessity of establishing schools and colleges of its own to uphold

American civilization. The address of the commissioners for the raising

of the endowment of the University of the South commends it to the

attention of the American people, not as a sectional or Southern

university, but as an American university, to be the house and home of

the spirit of American civilization--a dwelling-place not lighted with

fox-fire tapers or artificial lights to disguise nature, as the

institutions of learning in Europe are, but with the light inherent in

nature's truths and in the revealed word of God, honestly translated and

interpreted. Some schools to aid American civilization have already been

established, but there is a sad outcry for the proper kind of school

books; those of Old and New England being rotten to the core with

abolitionism and with that false democracy which would make the rising

generation believe that the heroes of the American Revolution fought for

ruining the negro by giving him liberty, fought to annul God's decrees,

which made him a servant of servants, instead of fighting for the

principle asserting their own equality with the lords of England and the

crowned heads of Europe. Fortunately the work before us, the _Report of

the Auditor of the Public Accounts of Louisiana_, will answer very well

to supply the want of a proper kind of school book to indoctrinate

beginners in the mysteries of the political institutions of their own

country, and at the same time to discipline and expand their minds. It

is only one of the numerous books of its class, which might be

advantageously pressed into the service of the schools for a similar

purpose. The statistics of the United States Census, and De Bow's

_Industrial Resources_, and the _Minutes of the Progress of the

American Churches_, would prove a very good beginning of a high school

and college library. Comparisons being the basis of all useful and

practical knowledge, in the works just referred to, and in the auditor's

report and others of its class, will be found ample materials for

comparison. Comparison will infuse a soul into the dry bones of the

facts and figures of our religious and political institutions, and make

them declare the hidden truths of nature which lie at the bottom of

American republicanism, Christianity, prosperity, and progress. The task

of comparing will be highly instructive to the youthful mind, and at the

same time agreeable and interesting. As an example, here is the way a

beginning is recommended, for a comparison in secular affairs.

LESSON NO. 1.--Let Lesson No. 1 consist in comparing the counties (or

parishes, as they are called in Louisiana) having the largest white

population and the fewest negroes, with those counties having the

heaviest negro population and the fewest white people.

There are five parishes, or counties, found in the report of the auditor

of public accounts, in which the white population exceeds the negro

slaves three to one. Let these parishes be compared with five others in

which the slave population exceeds the white seven to one.

Table I, represents the first class of parishes, and Table II, the

second. Thus:

TABLE I.

Total acres of /-------------Population---------------\

land owned. Whites. Slaves. Free Negroes.

Calcasieu, 35,486 2,367 947 280

Livingston, 60,885 3,998 1,297 7

Sabine, 85,446[275] 3,585 1,409 ---

Vermillion, 73,654 3,260 1,378 19

Winn, 43,406 4,314 1,007 38

------- ------ ------ ---

298,877 17,524 6,038 343

17,524

------

Total whites and slaves, 23,562

343

------

Aggregate population, 23,905

TABLE II.

Total acres of /-------------Population---------------\

land owned. Whites. Slaves. Free Negroes.

Carroll, 246,582 2,409 9,529 ---

Concordia, 318,395 1,384 11,908 11

Madison, 304,494 1,293 9,863 ---

Tensas, 323,797 1,255 13,285 328

W. Feliciana, 230,966 1,985 10,450 68

--------- ------ ------ ---

1,224,234 8,326 55,035 407

8,326

------

Total whites and slaves, 63,361

407

------

Aggregate population, 63,768

It will be seen from the above, that the white population of the

parishes in table I exceeds the slaves nearly three to one; while, in

the parishes in table II, the slaves exceed the whites nearly seven to

one.

If the land were divided equally among the aggregate population, each

inhabitant of the parishes in table I would have 12 acres, and each

inhabitant of the parishes in table II would have 22 acres. Here lesson

1 ends, by proving that there is not as great a demand for land, by

nearly one half, where the population consists of one white man and

seven negroes. By referring to a map of Louisiana, it will be seen that

the territorial extent of the parishes in table I is much greater than

those in table II. Hence it is not for the want of territory, that a

population consisting of three whites to one negro, owns less land by

nearly one half, than a population consisting of seven negroes to one

white man.

LESSON NO. 2.--Lesson No. I requires the value of the land per acre, in

tables I and II, to be ascertained and compared, with a view of solving

the important problem: "_Which gives the most value to land, a dense

white population with a few negroes, or a dense slave population with a

few white people?_"

By referring to the report of the auditor of accounts of Louisiana, it

will be seen that the assessed value of the lands of the parishes in

table I amounts to $1,642,073, or $5 49 per acre; while that of table II

amounts to $23,446,654, or $16 46 per acre. A population consisting of

seven negro slaves to one white man, makes land three times as valuable

as a population of three white men to one negro. The comparison drawn in

this lesson, puts a soul in the dry bones of the facts and figures

contained in the report of the auditor of public accounts, and makes

them tell what it is which gives value to Southern land.

LESSON NO. 3.--Let this lesson be devoted to drawing comparisons to

ascertain: "_Which pays the most taxes to the State, five parishes

containing 17,524 whites with a few negroes, or five parishes containing

less than half the whites (8,326) with a great many negroes?_" By

referring to the report of the auditor it will be seen, that the 17,524

whites of the five parishes in table I pay the State only $25,487,93, or

less than $1 50 each, while the 8,326 whites in the five parishes in

table II pay the State $169,900 per annum, or upward of $20 each. The

aggregate population of the parishes in table I pay only $1 06 each,

while the aggregate population of the parishes in table II pay $2 66

each. Every three whites and twenty negroes pay the State $61 18. By

making a calculation it will appear that it will require forty-three

whites and fifteen negroes of the parishes in table I, to pay the State

as much as three whites and twenty negroes pay in the parishes in table

II.

COROLLARY.--Three white men with twenty negroes, financially considered,

are worth as much to the State as forty-three white men with fifteen

negroes.

This strange truth meets a steady explanation in the fact found in

Lesson No. 2, that in those parishes where every three white inhabitants

own twenty negroes, the land is more than three times as valuable as in

the parishes, where every forty-three of the white population possess

only fifteen negroes.

LESSON NO. 4.--In the last lesson the truth was brought out that

forty-three white men and fifteen negroes are worth no more to the

State, financially considered, than three white men and twenty negroes.

Let this lesson examine the question: "_Whether forty-three white men in

command of fifteen negroes are worth AS MUCH to the State,

agriculturally and commercially considered, as three white men in

command of twenty negroes?_" This is a bold question and requires some

calculations. In making the calculations to base the comparisons upon,

sugar will be estimated at $60 per hogshead; molasses at $7 per barrel;

corn at $1 per bushel, and cotton at $40 dollars per bale. At these

rates the value of the agricultural productions in the five parishes,

where the white population is nearly three times as great as the negro,

amounts to $446,550, in a population of 17,524 whites, 6,038 negro

slaves, and 343 free negroes--the aggregate population 23,905, which

gives to each inhabitant $18 68.

The value of the agricultural productions in the five parishes, viz:

Carroll, Concordia, Madison, Tensas, and West Feliciana, where the negro

slaves are nearly seven times as numerous as the white population,

amounts to $8,854,770. In other words, 55,035 negroes under the command

of 8,326 whites, in an aggregate population of 63,768 (407 being added

for free negroes), produced $8,854,770 worth of agricultural products in

one year, estimating cotton at $40 per bale, sugar $60 per hogshead, and

corn at $1 a bushel; this amount divided by the aggregate population

gives each individual, black and white, old and young, $138 87. Three

whites in command of twenty negroes produce $3,194 worth of agricultral

products. This lesson was to solve the question whether forty-three

white men in command of fifteen negroes are worth as much to the State,

agriculturally and commercially considered, as three white men in

command of twenty negroes? It has been proved that in those five

parishes where the whites nearly treble the negroes, each inhabitant

only produces $18 68. This would give to forty-three white and fifteen

negroes only $1,081 70 as their share of the value of the agricultural

productions--whereas, the share of three whites and twenty negroes, in

those parishes where the negro population is nearly seven to one of the

white, has been ascertained to be $3,194. The student of political

economy is now prepared to solve another question: "What number of

inhabitants are required in those parishes where labor is isolated or

disassociated, to produce as much as three white and twenty negroes

produce in those parishes where labor is associated? The answer is 171;

viz: 113 whites and 58 negroes. The question is proved to be correctly

solved by multiplying 171 by $18.68 which gives $1,394 25, the exact

amount and a quarter over, that twenty negroes and three whites produce

in those parishes where labor is associated, or where the slave

population is nearly seven times more numerous than the white.

LESSON NO. 5.--Let two more lots of parishes be compared; one in which

the white population is not quite double that of the negro slaves, and

the other in which the negro slaves are not quite double the number of

the whites.

TABLE III.

_Parishes where whites exceed negroes less than two to one._

Whites. Slaves. Free negroes. Val. ag. prod.' 58.

Caldwell, 2,607 1,830 8 $121,920

St. Tammany, 2,588 1,945 -- 67,170

Union, 7,191 4,154 5 691,641

Washington, 2,910 1,551 10 47,532

Jackson, 5,220 3,803 1 702,742

------ ------ -- ----------

20,516 13,283 24 $1,631,005

Dividing the total value of the agricultural products by the aggregate

population, gives $48 22 to each individual, as the average in five

parishes, where the negro slaves are somewhat more than half the whole

population. This is a considerable improvement on the five parishes in

table I, where the whites exceed the negroes nearly three to one, the

average to each inhabitant being only $18 68, instead of $48 22.

TABLE IV.

_Parishes where negroes exceed whites less than two to one._

Whites. Slaves. Free negroes. Val. ag. prod. '58.

Claiborne, 4,618 7,003 58 $857,675

De Soto, 4,459 7,301 29 739,945

Morehouse, 3,620 5,468 14 785,370

Nachitoches, 5,987 7,939 775 1,120,718

Caddo, 4,073 5,978 44 1,056,130

Bossier, 3,646 7,195 11 1,155,010

------ ------ --- ---------

26,403 40,784 931 5,674,848

The total value of the agricultural productions, divided by the

aggregate population, 68,168, gives to each inhabitant $83 25. In table

II the aggregate population was 63,768, nearly seven negroes to one

white man; the value of the agricultural products divided, gave each

$138 07, instead of $83 25. The parishes of table II, with an aggregate

population of 63,768, seven sixths of whom were slaves, produced

$8,854,770 worth of agricultural products; whereas, the parishes of

table IV, containing a population of 68,168, the slaves being less than

double the number of whites, produced three millions less of

agricultural products than a smaller aggregate population produced in

those parishes where the negroes outnumbered the whites nearly seven to

one.

The report of the auditor of public accounts for the year 1859, does not

contain the necessary data for making comparisons in the parishes on the

lower stem of the Mississippi river, by reason of crevasses and other

disastrous causes. The valuable pamphlet of Edward J. Forstale, on the

agricultural products of Louisiana, will supply that deficiency, though

of a much older date. It appears from Mr. Forstale, that, so far back as

1844, "on well conducted estates, the average value of sugar and

molasses, per slave, was $237 50, estimating sugar at 4 cents, and

molasses at 15 cents," while the general average in the sugar district,

per slave, was, in the year 1844, only $150 31, from which he deducted

$75 for expenses. By examining his Monograph, it will be seen that the

great bulk of the sugar and molasses was produced in those parishes

having the heaviest negro population in proportion to the white. Thus,

St. Martin's, with a total population more than three times as large as

St. Charles, and with a negro population more than twice as numerous,

produced, in 1844, only 5,000 hogsheads, while St. Charles produced

upward of 12,000. The white population of St. Charles is only 883, while

that of the slaves is 3,769. The white population of St. Martin is

6,400, and the negro population 8,200. Assumption and Ascension are

adjoining parishes. Assumption contains more than three thousand whites,

and three hundred slaves over and above the population of Ascension. It

has more land than Ascension, yet it pays $2,200 less taxes on lands

than Ascension, and its gross taxes are $1,500 less than Ascension. The

value of its agricultural products is likewise less.

These lessons by comparison might be indefinitely extended, by dropping

the report of the auditor of public accounts of Louisiana, and taking up

the statistics of the churches, and the last United States census. The

statistics of the American churches prove that the slaveholding States

contain more Christian communicants, in proportion to the population,

including black and white, than the non-slaveholding--South Carolina

more than Massachusetts, Virginia more than Pennsylvania, Kentucky more

than Ohio. The report proves that in the cotton and sugar region, the

white people who have few or no negroes, are poor and helpless, but when

supplied with seven times their own number of negroes, they are the

richest and most powerful agricultural people on the earth. The census

will prove that the landed property of those who are thus supplied with

from three to seven times their own number of negroes, if sold at its

assessed value, and the proceeds of sales divided equally among all the

inhabitants, black and white, each individual would have a larger sum

than any Pennsylvanian, New Yorker, or New Englander, would have, if the

land in the richest counties were sold at its assessed value, and the

proceeds of sales divided equally among the inhabitants of the said

county. For instance, if the land in some of the richest counties of

Pennsylvania, say Adams, Berks, Centre, Chester, and Washington, were

all sold, and the proceeds divided among the inhabitants, each

individual would have only about half as much as each negro and white

man would have, if the lands of Carroll, Madison, Concordia, and Tensas,

where the negroes outnumber the whites seven to one, were all sold, and

the proceeds equally divided among blacks and whites.

Comparisons, instituted upon the data furnished by the United States

census, will show that what Virginia wants _is more negroes_, and what

Pennsylvania wants is _more white laborers_. In some counties in

Pennsylvania, Cambria and Carbon for instance, the land, if sold and

proceeds divided, would not give each inhabitant $75 a piece, the most

of the land being uncultivated for want of laborers. Ohio, Wyoming, and

Nicholas counties, in Virginia, with an aggregate population exceeding

thirty thousand, have only 222 negro slaves. The land, if sold and

divided, would not give each inhabitant one hundred dollars. In Accomac,

Albemarle, York, Prince Edward, and Prince George, the negro population

is about equal to the white. The land, if sold and equally divided,

would give each individual from $150 to $220, which is nearly as much as

the inhabitants of the best counties of Pennsylvania would have from the

proceeds of sales of these lands. Land, per acre, is cheaper in Virginia

than in Pennsylvania, because much the largest portion of the Virginia

lands are unimproved for the want of laborers, while the largest portion

of the Pennsylvania lands are under cultivation. The cotton States and

Louisiana are sucking the life-blood out of Virginia by draining that

noble old State of her agricultural laborers. The high price of negroes

is ruining Virginia. In Sussex, Southampton, Northampton, and many other

counties, which send most negroes to the cotton States, the inhabitants

have lost more in the fall in the price of their land, than they have

gained in the high price they got for their negroes. The land, if sold

and divided, would give each individual only fifty-seven dollars, less

than three dollars an acre. Oxford is Great Britain's eye, or rather the

telescope which is used to see afar off, to direct British policy. Mr.

Jefferson saw the importance of a university of the first class, to be

used as a telescope to look into the distance, to direct Virginia, or

what ought to be the same thing, American policy, as Oxford directs

British policy. Hence he devoted the latter years of his life to

establishing an institution for that very purpose.

Long before the West India emancipation act was passed, it was known by

the learned graduates and fellows of Oxford, that negroes would not work

as free laborers; and that their emancipation would ruin the British

West Indies. British policy, however, to build up India, imperatively

demanded the sacrifice to be made, as Russian policy demanded the

sacrifice of Moscow. The African race furnished the only laborers, who

could compete with the Mongolian race in producing the rich products of

tropical agriculture. Great Britain had a hundred and fifty millions of

the bronze and yellow-skin Asiatics under her command, and only wanted

the black-skin Africans out of the way, to monopolize tropical

agriculture. To carry out the British policy of becoming, not only

mistress of the seas, but mistress of the boundless wealth of tropical

and tropicoid climates, the learned graduates of Oxford and Cambridge

raised a hue and cry against the inhumanity of the _middle passage_. So

little truth was there in it, that when the committee of the United

States Senate, appointed to consider the causes of the mortality

prevailing on emigrant ships from Europe to this country, and the means

for the better protection of the health of the passengers, did me the

honor in 1854 to request my views on the subject, I replied (see

"_Report of the Select Committee of U. S. Senate on the Sickness and

Mortality on Emigrant Ships_," pages 119-144--Washington, 1854),

recommending certain rules to be adopted to preserve the health and

ameliorate the condition of emigrants on shipboard, which appeared to me

to be the best. But, subsequently, a little volume fell into my hands

containing the rules of the African slave-traders, half a century ago,

which were so much better than those I had recommended, I called the

attention of the chairman of the Senate's committee, the Hon. Hamilton

Fish, to them, advising him by all means to adopt the African

slave-traders' rules, if he had any regard for the health and comfort of

the European emigrants. In the latter part of the last century no one

pretended, as now, that the negro lost any thing by exchanging slavery

in Africa for the more benign system of slavery in America. But it was

the imaginary sufferings on the middle passage, which brought humanity

with her eyes shut to lend to British policy a helping hand to close

Africa and prevent her sable sons from exchanging their barbarous

masters for civilized ones. America consented to that policy. The

Southern tobacco-planters, believing they had as many negroes as the

cultivation of tobacco required, had petitioned the king before the

Revolution, to close the African slave trade. He did not do it. After

the Revolution it was not only closed, but declared to be piracy, by the

federal government. The policy which closed it may have been good policy

or bad at that time. It soon gave the non-slaveholding States the

ascendency in the Union. The question, whether they shall retain that

ascendency, will depend very much upon whether they continue to abuse

the power they acquired over the South by cutting off the supply of

Southern laborers. Having ascertained that the negro would not work as a

free man, the next move of British policy was, to set those free who

were already in America. All parties in England, some by one artifice

and some by another, were ultimately led to promote the British policy

of negro abolitionism. From England it was brought over to the United

States, took root and grew so rapidly as soon to become a most

disturbing element in both church and state. We had no colleges at the

North, and scarcely any churches which knew the advantages humanity and

Christianity derived from the mutual aid the black and white races

afford each other. The most of them are and were virtually European

colleges located in America. This has enabled those learned men in Great

Britain, who guide and direct British policy, to make a nose of wax of

the great body of the educated classes in the United States. The

prominence given to the Latin language, to the neglect of the Greek and

Hebrew, in our schools and colleges, has greatly tended to fill the

heads of the students with monarchical ideas, and to prevent them from

understanding and appreciating the institutions of their own country.

The study of Homer and the Greek classics favors genuine republicanism,

by fostering a high-toned moral virtue, and by creating a love for

nature and for political institutions founded upon her laws; while the

study of Virgil, and other Latin text-books, used in our schools and

colleges, has a strong tendency to lead to a sickly sentimental

admiration for nominal instead of real freedom, and for governments

founded upon usurpations and artificial distinctions, as that of the

Cæsars was, and as that of Great Britain is. There is as much difference

between Homer and Virgil as between nature and art. The Latin, being a

derivative language, and of very little use, would long since have been

banished from the schools, but for the aid monarchy derives from its

binding men of letters, as Virgil bound the Muses, to the footstool of

thrones, to flatter the frail humanity thereon with the incense of

divine honors. Homer's Muses, like true Americans, pay no higher honors

to the diadem on the king's head than to the gaudy plumage of the

peacock's tail. Young America would derive great advantages from an

intimate acquaintance with Homer. He wrote in a language which gives to

all the arts and sciences their technical terms. Hence, the previous

study of the Greek makes the acquaintance of the various sciences

comparatively easy to the learner. The Greek and Hebrew being original

languages, can be acquired in much less time than the Latin, which is a

derivative language. It is to be hoped that the great University of the

South, about to be established on the cool and salubrious plateau of the

Cumberland Mountains, if it does not banish Latin, will at least give a

greater degree of prominence to the Greek and Hebrew, the two languages

in which the Scriptures were originally written. By comparing "_The

Annual Report of the Superintendent of Public Education_, 1859, with

"_Les Lois concernant les Ecoles Publique dans l'Etat de la Louisiane_,

1849," it will be perceived, that the New England system of public

education is not adapted to Louisiana and the South. The laws are

excellent, if the system itself was in conformity to the spirit of our

political institutions. After ten years' trial, we learn from the Report

of the Superintendent, that they can not be carried out, as no laws can

be, which are theoretical, burdensome, troublesome, expensive, and void

of practical benefits. If a law were passed by the State of Louisiana

appropriating three hundred thousand dollars per annum to furnishing

every family with a loaf of bread every day, it could not be executed.

More than half the families would not accept the bread. The Report of

the Superintendent of Public Education proves that more than half the

families in Louisiana will not accept of the mental food the State

offers to their children. Some parishes will not receive any of it.

Tensas, for instance, which is taxed $16,000 for the support of public

schools, has "not a single public school," says the Report, "in it, yet

nearly every planter has a school in his own house." The truth is, that

government does more harm than good by interfering with the domestic

concerns of our people. If let alone, they would not need governmental

aid in furnishing food for either the body or the mind. The South would

have been far ahead in education, manufactures, and internal

improvements, if the federal government had not interfered, to shut out

the only kind of laborers who can labor in the cane and cotton field and

live. The system of public education, all admit, has failed in the

country, but, it is asserted, has succeeded very well in New Orleans. If

the tree be judged by its fruits it is poisonous instead of salutary, to

republican institutions, in our great cities. If the boys whom it has

taught to read novels, had been put to trades, they could not have been

driven away from the polls after they had grown to be men. There has

been virtually no election in New Orleans, and in many of our large

cities, for the last five or six years; whether from fear or

indifference, it proves that the system of education is defective.

America wants a University to raise the standard of morals, manners, and

learning, so high, that every individual will be as secure from personal

violence at the sacred ballot-box, as at the church altar. America wants

schools to raise the standard of moral virtue so high, that every

American citizen, naturalized or native, may confidently rely upon

government putting forth its whole power to protect him in all the

rights and privileges of an American citizen, both at home and abroad.

FOOTNOTE:

[275] Report of 1857, for the land in this parish.

CONCLUDING REMARKS.

BY THE EDITOR.

HAVING thus finished our labors, and embodied in this work a range of

discussion on slavery, occupying the whole ground, we have a word to say

to those who are engaged in fomenting these mad schemes of the

abolitionists. We ask you candidly and dispassionately to compare the

spirit, tone, and style of argument in the work before you, with the

writings and speeches of the anti-slavery propagandists, such as

Cheever, Channing, Wendell Phillips, and _Sherman's protege_. In

unsparing and vituperative denunciation they certainly excel; but are

they not filled with the most gross exaggerations and misrepresentations,

not to say willful falsehoods. Nowhere do you find that Christian candor

and fairness of argument, that should characterize the search after

truth, but in their stead only positive assertions, and inflammatory

appeals to the most vindictive passions of human nature.

In this crusade of the North against the South, there is a most

unwarrantable and impertinent interference with the concerns of others,

that ought to be most sternly rebuked; and it is one of the encouraging

signs of the times, that the Southern people are at last roused from

their inaction, and are vigorously engaged in adopting means of

self-protection. Many, however, in the North are engaged in this crusade

in order to divert attention from their own plague-spot--AGRARIANISM. We

all recollect the Patroon of Albany and the Van Rensellaer mobs,--the

Fourerism and Socialism of the free States, and the ever-active

antagonism of labor and capital. They are like the fleeing burglar, who,

more loudly than his pursuers, cries stop thief! For the time perhaps

they have succeeded in hounding on the rabble in full cry after the

South, and in diverting attention from themselves. But how will they

fare in the end? It is said of a certain animal, that when once it has

tasted human blood it never relinquishes the chase; so when the mob

shall have tasted the sweets of plunder and rapine in their raids upon

the South, will they spare the hoarded millions of the money-princes and

nabobs of the North? Are there not thousands of needy and thriftless

adventurers, or of starving and vicious poor, in the free States and

cities of the North, who look with ill-concealed envy, or with gloating

rapacity, on the prosperity and wealth of the aristocrats, as they term

them, of the spindle and loom, and of the counting-house? Ye

capitalists, ye merchant princes, ye master manufacturers, you may

excite to frenzy your Jacobin clubs, you may demoralize their minds of

all ideas of right and wrong, but remember! the gullotine is suspended

over your own necks!! The agrarian doctrines will ere long be applied to

yourselves, for with whatsoever measure ye mete, it shall be measured to

you again.

Ye who profess to be the ministers of the Prince of peace, yet are

engaged in preaching Sharp's rifles, or Brown's pikes; who teach that

murder is no crime, if committed by a slave upon his best friend, his

master; that midnight incendiarism is meritorious; that the breach of

every command in the decalogue is commendable, if perpetrated under the

guise of abolition philanthropy; who claim to possess a "higher law"

than the law of God; in fine, who preach every thing except Jesus

Christ, and him crucified; how shall you escape the sentence of holy

writ: "If any man shall add unto these things, God shall add unto him

all the plagues that are written in this book; and if any man shall take

away from the words of the book of this prophecy, God shall take away

his part out of the book of life, and out of the holy city, and from the

things which are written in this book."

Ye politicians, who, for the sake of place, power, and the spoils of

office, are engaged in alienating the feelings of both sections of our

Union; in producing division in our national councils; whose course is

fast bringing about the dissolution of our Union; to whose skirts will

cling the blood of the martyrs of liberty, so vainly shed?

Ye people of the North, our brothers by blood, by political

associations, by a community of interest; why will ye be led away by a

cruel and misguided philanthropy, or by designing demagogues? why will

ye strive to inflict the most irreparable injury upon the objects of

your misplaced sympathy? reduce to ruins this fair fabric of liberty,

and this happy land to desolation? Your own leaders acknowledge that,

hitherto, your agitation, far from bettering the condition of the

slaves, has only made it worse; and in some respects this is true. So

long as you confine yourselves to making or hearing abolition speeches,

or forming among yourselves anti-slavery societies; so long as you

confine the agitation to yourselves, you neither injure nor benefit the

slaves; your exuberant philanthropy escapes through the safety-valve in

the shape of gas. But when you attempt to circulate among them

incendiary documents, intended to render them unhappy, and discontented

with their lot, it becomes our duty to protect them against your

machinations. This is the sole reason why most, if not all the slave

States, have forbidden the slaves to be taught to read. But for your

interference, most of our slaves would now have been able to read the

word of God for themselves, instead of being dependent, as they now are,

on that _oral_ instruction, which is now so generally afforded them.

When emissaries come among them, to give them _oral_ instruction

different from that contained in the word of God, instead of abridging

the privileges of the slave, we deal directly with the emissary, and

justly, too; for we are acting not only in self-defense, but we are

guarding this dependent race, committed by God to our care, from those

malign influences which would work evil, not only to us, but to

themselves, also. Could you succeed in your efforts--which you will find

to be impossible--as the red republicans did in St. Domingo, or as the

English abolitionists did in Jamaica and Barbadoes, so far from having

bettered the condition of the blacks, you would have inflicted on them

an irreparable injury. But of this you will soon have an opportunity of

satisfying yourselves. We have among us a few hundred thousand of this

race, who have been emancipated through a mistaken philanthropy, and

who, though not injurious, are almost useless to us; these we have

concluded to colonize among you, that your lecturers, while lauding the

black man as being far superior to the white race, may never be in want

of a specimen of the genuine article, to point to, as a proof of the

truth of their arguments. Some of the slave States--and most, if not all

of them, will pursue the same policy--have already passed laws for the

removal of the free blacks from their borders, but allowing them the

option of remaining, by choosing their masters, and returning to a state

of servitude; and strange as you may think it, many have already done

so, in preference to going among their friends, the abolitionists. This

is done, not so much because we wish to be rid of this heterogeneous

element of our population, for at worst, they are, _with us_, only a

kind of harmless dead weight, but because we wish to send them North as

missionaries, to convert the abolitionists and free soilers. If we may

judge from the census and votes in the different counties in Ohio, the

experiment will be entirely successful, as those counties having the

largest black population, voted, in 1859, against the anti-slavery

ticket; whilst those which voted for it, possess but a meagre black

population. Is this because an intimate acquaintance with the negro,

convinces the community that freedom is not the normal or proper

condition for him; or is it because he prefers to reside amongst those

who make least pretensions of friendship for him? The anti-slavery men

may take either horn of the dilemma.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR. 8

COTTON IS KING.

Preface to the Third Edition. 19

Preface to the Second Edition. 26

Preface to the First Edition. 31

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY STATEMENTS.

Character of the Slavery controversy in the United

States; In Great Britain; Its influence in

modifying the policy of Anti-Slavery men in

America; Course of the Churches; Political Parties;

Result, COTTON IS KING; Necessity of reviewing the

policy in relation to the African race; Topics

embraced in the discussion. 33

CHAPTER II.

THE EARLY MOVEMENTS ON THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY; THE

CIRCUMSTANCES UNDER WHICH THE COLONIZATION SOCIETY TOOK

ITS RISE; THE RELATIONS IT SUSTAINED TO SLAVERY AND TO

THE SCHEMES PROJECTED FOR ITS ABOLITION; THE ORIGIN OF

THE ELEMENTS WHICH HAVE GIVEN TO AMERICAN SLAVERY ITS

COMMERCIAL VALUE AND CONSEQUENT POWERS OF EXPANSION;

AND THE FUTILITY OF THE MEANS USED TO PREVENT THE

EXTENSION OF THE INSTITUTION.

Emancipation in the United States begun; First

Abolition Society organized; Progress of

Emancipation; First Cotton Mill; Exclusion of

Slavery from N. W. Territory; Elements of Slavery

expansion; Cotton Gin invented; Suppression of the

Slave Trade; Cotton Manufactures commenced in

Boston; Franklin's Appeal; Condition of the Free

Colored People; Boston Prison-Discipline Society;

Darkening Prospects of the Colored People. 35

CHAPTER III.

State of public opinion in relation to colored

population; Southern views of Emancipation;

Influence of Jefferson's opinions; He opposed

Emancipation except connected with Colonization;

Negro equality not contemplated by the Fathers of

the Revolution; This proved by the resolutions of

their conventions; The true objects of the

opposition to the slave trade; Motives of British

Statesmen in forcing Slavery on the colonies;

Absurdity of supposing negro equality was

contemplated. 41

CHAPTER IV.

Dismal condition of Africa; Hopes of Wilberforce

disappointed; Organization of the American

Colonization Society; Its necessity, objects, and

policy; Public sentiment in its favor; Opposition

developes itself; Wm. Lloyd Garrison, James G.

Birney, Gerrit Smith; Effects of opposition;

Stimulants to Slavery; Exports of Cotton; England

sustaining American Slavery; Failure of the Niger

Expedition; Strength of Slavery; Political action;

Its failure; Its fruits. 48

CHAPTER V.

THE RELATIONS OF AMERICAN SLAVERY TO THE INDUSTRIAL INTERESTS

OF OUR COUNTRY; TO THE DEMANDS OF COMMERCE; AND TO THE PRESENT

POLITICAL CRISIS.

Present condition of Slavery; Not an isolated

system; Its relations to other industrial

interests; To manufactures, commerce, trade, human

comfort; Its benevolent aspect; The reverse

picture; Immense value of tropical possessions to

Great Britain; England's attempted monopoly of

Manufactures; Her dependence on American Planters;

Cotton Planters attempt to monopolize Cotton

markets; _Fusion_ of these parties; Free Trade

essential to their success; Influence on

agriculture, mechanics; Exports of Cotton, Tobacco,

etc.; Increased production of Provisions; Their

extent; New markets needed. 55

CHAPTER VI.

Foresight of Great Britain; Hon. George Thompson's

predictions; Their failure; England's dependence on

Slave labor; Blackwood's Magazine; London

Economist; McCullough; Her exports of cotton goods;

Neglect to improve the proper moment for

Emancipation; Admission of Gerrit Smith; _Cotton_,

its exports, its value, extent of crop, and cost of

our cotton fabrics; _Provissions_, their value,

their export, their consumption; _Groceries_,

source of their supplies, cost of amount consumed;

Our total indebtedness to Slave labor; How far Free

labor sustains Slave labor. 61

CHAPTER VII.

Economical relations of Slavery further considered;

System unprofitable in grain growing, but

profitable in culture of Cotton; Antagonism of

Farmer and Planter; "Protection," and "Free Trade"

controversy; Congressional Debates on the Subject;

Mr. Clay; Position of the South; "Free Trade,"

considered indispensable to its prosperity. 67

CHAPTER VIII.

Tariff controversy continued; Mr. Hayne; Mr.

Carter; Mr. Govan; Mr. Martindale; Mr. Buchanan;

Sugar Planters invoked to aid Free Trade; The West

also invoked; Its pecuniary embarrassments for want

of markets; Henry Baldwin; Remarks on the views of

the parties; State of the world; Dread of the

protective policy by the Planters; Their schemes to

avert its consequences, and promote Free Trade. 73

CHAPTER IX.

Character of the Tariff controversy; Peculiar

condition of the people; Efforts to enlist the West

in the interests of the South; Mr. McDuffie; Mr.

Hamilton; Mr Rankin; Mr. Garnett; Mr. Cuthbert; the

West still shut out from market; Mr. Wickliffe; Mr.

Benton; Tariff of 1828 obnoxious to the South;

Georgia Resolutions; Mr. Hamilton; Argument to

Sugar Planters. 79

CHAPTER X.

Tariff controversy continued; Tariff of 1832; The

crisis; _Secession_ threatened; Compromise finally

adopted; Debates; Mr. Hayne; Mr. McDuffie; Mr.

Clay; Adjustment of the subject. 86

CHAPTER XI.

Results of the contest on Protection and Free

Trade; More or less favorable to all; Increased

consumption of Cotton at home; Capital invested in

Cotton and Woolen factories; Markets thus afforded

to the Farmer; South successful in securing the

monopoly of the Cotton markets; Failure of Cotton

cultivation in other countries; Diminished prices

destroyed Household Manufacturing; Increasing

demand for Cotton; Strange Providences; First

efforts to extend Slavery; Indian lands acquired;

No danger of over-production; Abolition movements

served to unite the South; Annexation of territory

thought essential to its security; Increase of

provisions necessary to its success; Temperance

cause favorable to this result; The West ready to

supply the Planters; It is greatly stimulated to

effort by Southern markets; _Tripartite Alliance_

of Western Farmers, Southern Planters, and English

Manufacturers; The East competing; The West has a

choice of markets; Slavery extension necessary to

Western progress; Increased price of Provisions;

More grain growing needed; Nebraska and Kansas

needed to raise food; The Planters stimulated by

increasing demand for Cotton; Aspect of the

Provision question; California gold changed the

expected results of legislation; Reciprocity Treaty

favorable to Planters; Extended cultivation of

Provisions in the Far West essential to Planters;

Present aspect of the Cotton question favorable to

Planters; London _Economist's_ statistics and

remarks; Our Planters must extend the culture of

Cotton to prevent its increased growth elsewhere. 91

CHAPTER XII.

Consideration of foreign cultivation of Cotton

further considered; Facts and opinions stated by

the London _Economist_; Consumption of Cotton

tending to extend the production; India affords the

only field of competition with the United States;

Its vast inferiority; Imports from India dependent

upon price; Free Labor and Slave Labor can not be

united on the same field; Supply of the United

States therefore limited by natural increase of

slaves; Limited supply of labor tends to renewal of

slave trade; Cotton production in India the only

obstacle which Great Britain can interpose against

American Planters; Africa, too, to be made

subservient to this object; Parliamentary

proceedings on this subject; Successful Cotton

culture in Africa; Slavery to be permanently

established by this policy; Opinions of the

_American Missionary_; Remarks showing the position

of the Cotton question in its relations to slavery;

Great Britain building up slavery in Africa to

break it down in America. 100

CHAPTER XIII.

Rationale of the Kansas-Nebraska movement; Western

agriculturists merely feeders of Slaves; Dry goods

and groceries nearly all of Slave labor origin;

Value of Imports; How paid for; Planters pay for

more than three-fourths; Slavery intermediate

between Commerce and Agriculture; Slavery not

self-sustaining; Supplies from the North essential

to its success; Proximate extent of these supplies;

Slavery, the central power of the industrial

interests, depending on Manufactures and Commerce;

Abolitionists contributing to this result;

Protection prostrate; Free Trade dominant; The

South triumphant; Country ambitious of territorial

aggrandizement; The world's peace disturbed; Our

policy needs modifying to meet contingencies;

Defeat of Mr. Clay; War with Mexico; Results

unfavorable to renewal of Protective policy;

Dominant political party at the North gives its

adhesion to Free Trade; Leading Abolition paper

does the same; Ditches on the wrong side of

breastworks; Inconsistency; Free Trade the main

element in extending Slavery; Abolition United

States Senators' voting with the South; North thus

shorn of its power; _Home Market_ supplied by

Slavery; People acquiesce; Despotism and Freedom;

Preservation of the Union paramount; Colored people

must wait a little; Slavery triumphant; People at

large powerless; Necessity of severing the Slavery

question from politics; Colonisation the only hope;

Abolitionism prostrate; Admissions on this point,

by Parker, Sumner, Campbell; Other dangers to be

averted; Election of Speaker Banks a Free Trade

Triumph; Neutrality necessary; Liberia the colored

man's hope. 123

CHAPTER XIV.

THE INDUSTRIAL, SOCIAL, AND MORAL CONDITION OF THE FREE

PEOPLE OF COLOR IN THE BRITISH COLONIES, HAYTI, AND IN

THE UNITED STATES; AND THE INFLUENCE THEY HAVE EXERTED

ON PUBLIC SENTIMENT IN RELATION TO SLAVERY, AND TO THEIR

OWN PROSPECTS OF EQUALITY WITH THE WHITES.

Effects of opposition to Colonization on Liberia;

Its effects on free colored people; Their social

and moral condition; Abolition testimony on the

subject; American Missionary Association; Its

failure in Canada; Degradation of West India free

colored people; American and Foreign Anti-Slavery

Society; Its testimony on the dismal condition of

West India free negroes; London _Times_ on same

subject; Mr. Bigelow on same subject; Effect of

results in West Indies on Emancipation; Opinion of

Southern Planters; Economical failure of West India

Emancipation; Ruinous to British Commerce; Similar

results in Hayti; Extent of diminution of exports

from West Indies resulting from Emancipation;

Results favorable to American Planter; Moral

condition of Hayti; Later facts in reference to the

West Indies; Negro free labor a failure; necessity

of education to render freedom of value; Franklin's

opinion confirmed; Colonization essential to

promote Emancipation. 132

CHAPTER XV.

Moral condition of the free colored people in

United States; What have they gained by refusing to

accept Colonization? Abolition testimony on the

subject; Gerrit Smith; New York _Tribune_; Their

moral condition as indicated by proportions in

Penitentiaries; Census Reports; Native whites,

foreign born, and free colored, in Penitentiaries;

But little improvement in Massachusetts in seventy

years; Contrasts of Ohio with New England;

Antagonism of Abolitionism to free negroes. 149

CHAPTER XVI.

Disappointment of English and American

Abolitionists; Their failure attributed to the

inherent evils of Slavery; Their want of

discrimination; The differences in the system in

the British Colonies and in the United States;

Colored people of United States vastly in advance

of all others; Success of the Gospel among the

Slaves; _Democratic Review_ on African

civilization; Vexation of Abolitionists at their

failure; Their apology not to be accepted; Liberia

attests its falsity; The barrier to the colored

man's elevation removable only by Colonization;

Colored men begin to see it; Chambers, of

Edinburgh; His testimony on the crushing effects of

New England's treatment of colored people; Charges

Abolitionists with insincerity; Approves

Colonization; Abolition violence rebuked by an

English clergyman. 154

CHAPTER XVII.

Failure of free colored people in attaining an

equality with the whites; Their failure also in

checking Slavery; Have they not aided in its

extension? Yes; Facts in proof of this view;

Abolitionists bad Philosophers; Colored men's

influence destructive of their hopes; Summary

manner in which England acts in their removal; Lord

Mansfield's decision; Granville Sharp's labors and

their results; Colored immigration into Canada;

Information supplied by Major Lachlan; Demoralized

condition of the blacks as indicated by the crimes

they committed; Elgin Association; Public meeting

protesting against its organization; Negro meeting

at Toronto; Memorial of municipal council; Negro

riot at St. Catherine's; Col. Prince and the

Negroes; Later cases of presentation by Grand Jury;

Opinion of the Judge; Darkening prospects of the

colored race; Views of Rev. Henry Ward Beecher;

Their accuracy; The lesson they teach. 172

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE MORAL RELATIONS OF PERSONS HOLDING THE "PER SE"

DOCTRINE ON THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY, TO THE PURCHASE

AND CONSUMPTION OF SLAVE LABOR PRODUCTS.

Moral relations of Slavery; Relations of the

consumer of Slave labor products to the system;

Grand error of all Anti-Slavery effort: Law of

_particeps criminis_; Daniel O'Connell; _Malum in

se_ doctrine; Inconsistency of those who hold it;

English Emancipationists; Their commercial

argument; Differences between the position of Great

Britain and the United States; Preaching versus

practice by Abolitionists; Cause of their want of

influence over the Slaveholder; Necessity of

examining the question; Each man to be judged by

his own standard; Classification of opinions in the

United States, in regard to the morality of

Slavery; Three Views; A case in illustration;

Apology of _per se_ men for using Slave grown

products insufficient; Law relating to "confusion

of goods;" _per se_ men _participes criminis_ with

Slaveholder; Taking Slave grown products under

_protest_ absurd; World's Christian Evangelical

Alliance; Amount of Slave labor Cotton in England

at that moment; Pharisaical conduct; The Scotchman

taking his wife under protest; Anecdote; American

Cotton more acceptable to Englishmen than

Republican principles; Secret of England's policy

toward American Slavery; The case of robbery again

cited, and the English Satirized; A contrast;

Causes of the want of moral power of Abolitionists;

Slaveholder no cause to cringe; Other results;

Effect of the adoption of the _per se_ doctrine by

ecclesiastical bodies; Slaves thus left in all

their moral destitution; Inconsistency of _per se_

men denouncing others; What the Bible says of

similar conduct. 203

Conclusion. 215

APPENDIX.

Early movements in the American Colonies on the Slavery

question. 227

Free colored population in Canada. 239

Important decisions relating to Negroes in Common Schools. 245

Massachusetts Black Militia. 246

South Side Views. 246

Colored people emigrating from Louisiana to Hayti. 248

The Coolie Traffic. 248

TABLE I.--Cotton, its influence on Commerce, Manufactures,

Slavery, Emancipation, etc., from its earliest use in

England to present date; Sources of its supplies; Dates

of inventions increasing its use; Dates of movements

designed to favor the blacks; Dates of occurrences

antagonistic to their hopes. 250

TABLE II.--Tabular statement of Agricultural products and

products of Animals exported; Total value of products of

Animals and Agriculture raised in the United States; Value

of amount left for consumption and use; Value of Cotton

exported, of total crop, and of amount left for consumption;

Do. of Tobacco, and its products. 254

TABLE. III.--Total imports of more important Groceries for

1853; Re-exports of do.; Proportion from Slave labor

countries. 254

TABLE IV.--Free colored and Slave population of United

States; Diminution of free colored population in New

England; Rapid increase in Ohio, etc. 255

TABLE. V.--Influence of colored population on public

sentiment in Ohio; Vote for and against Abolition

candidate for Governor, by counties. 259

TABLE VI.--Total Cotton crop of United States, with the

amounts exported, the consumption of the United States,

North of Virginia, and the Stock on hand, September 1,

of each year, from 1840 to 1859, inclusive. 260

TABLE VII.--Statement of the value of Cotton Manufactures,

of Foreign Production, which were imported into the United

States; And the value of the Cotton goods Manufactured in

the United States, and exported, during the years stated;

Also a statement showing the amount of Coffee imported into

the United States annually, with the amount taken for

consumption, during the years 1850 to 1858, inclusive. 261

TABLE VIII.--Statement exhibiting the value of the exports

from the United States of breadstuffs and provisions; The

amount and value of Cotton exported, with the average

cost per pound; and the amount of Tobacco exported from

1821 to 1859 inclusive. 262

TABLE IX.--Statement exhibiting the value of Foreign goods

imported and taken for consumption in the United States;

The value of Domestic produce of the United States exported,

exclusive of Specie; The value of Specie and bullion

imported, and the value of Specie and bullion exported,

from 1821 to 1859 inclusive. 263

TABLE X.--Statement showing the amount of Cane Sugar and

Molasses consumed in the United States annually, with

the proportions that are Domestic and Foreign, for 1850

to 1858, inclusive. 264

TABLE XI.--Cotton imported into Great Britain from various

countries, quantity re-exported, and Stock on hand,

December 31, from 1840 to 1858, inclusive; Also, average

Weekly consumption of Cotton in Europe, from 1850 to 1858,

inclusive. 266

TABLE XII.--Cotton is King, Summary statement of the value

of exports of the growth, produce, and manufacture of the

United States, for the year ending June 30, 1859; The

productions of the North and of the South, respectively,

being placed in opposite columns; and the articles of a

mixed origin being stated separately. 267

LIBERTY AND SLAVERY: OR, SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF MORAL AND POLITICAL

PHILOSOPHY.

Introduction. 271

CHAPTER I.

THE NATURE OF CIVIL LIBERTY.

The commonly-received definition of Civil Liberty;

Examination of the commonly-received definition of

Civil Liberty; No good law over limits or abridges

the Natural Liberty of Mankind; The distinction

between Rights and Liberty; The Relation between

the State of Nature and Civil Society; Inherent and

Inalienable Rights; Conclusion of the First

Chapter. 273

CHAPTER II.

THE ARGUMENTS AND POSITIONS OF ABOLITIONISTS.

The first fallacy of the Abolitionists; The second

fallacy of the Abolitionists; The third fallacy of

the Abolitionists; The fourth fallacy of the

Abolitionists; The fifth fallacy of the

Abolitionists; The sixth fallacy of the

Abolitionists; The seventh fallacy of the

Abolitionists; The eighth fallacy of the

Abolitionists; The ninth fallacy of the

Abolitionists; The tenth, eleventh, twelfth,

thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth

fallacies of the Abolitionists; or their seven

arguments against the right of a man to hold

property in his fellow-man; The seventeenth fallacy

of the Abolitionists; or, the Argument from the

Declaration of Independence. 290

CHAPTER III.

THE ARGUMENT FROM THE SCRIPTURES.

The Argument from the Old Testament; The Argument

from the New Testament. 337

CHAPTER IV.

THE ARGUMENT FROM THE PUBLIC GOOD.

The Question; Emancipation in the British Colonies;

The manner in which Emancipation has ruined the

British Colonies; The great benefit supposed, by

American Abolitionists, to result to the freed

Negroes from the British Act of Emancipation; The

Consequences of Abolition in the South; Elevation

of the Blacks by Southern Slavery. 380

CHAPTER V.

THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.

Mr. Seward's Attack on the Constitution of his

Country; The Attack of Mr. Sumner on the

Constitution of his Country; The Right of Trial by

Jury not impaired by the Fugitive Slave Law; The

Duty of the Citizen in regard to the Constitution

of the United States. 380

THE BIBLE ARGUMENT: OR, SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF DIVINE REVELATION.

1. Including a full investigation of the Scripture texts

upon this subject. 461

2. Statistical view of Slavery, contrasting the relative

condition of the North and South, in the light of the

Statistics of the United States census. 522

SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF SOCIAL ETHICS.

INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON SOCIAL LIFE.

Necessity of Investigation; Vindicators of Slavery;

Slavery a means of Civilization; Prejudices of

Abolitionism; Discussion of the Declaration of

Independence; Rights of Society; Self-preservation;

The greatest good to the greatest number; Ambiguity

in moral Investigation; Influence of Slavery on

Civilization; The Slavery of England's

Civilization; How Slavery retards the evils of

Civilization; Servitude Inevitable; Abuses of

Slavery and of Free Labor; Social ties, master and

slave; Intellectual advancement; Morals of Slavery,

and of Free Labor; Marriage relation and

licentiousness; Virtues of Slavery; Security from

Evils; Insecurity of Free Labor; Menial occupations

necessary; Utopianism; Slavery and the servitude of

Civilization contrasted; The African an inferior

variety of the human race; Elevating influence of

Slavery on the slave, on the master, on statesmen;

Duties of master; Elevation of female character;

Necessity of Slavery in tropical climates; Examples

from history; Southern States; Insurrections

impossible; Military strength of Slavery

Advantageous consequences of the increase of

slaves; Destructive consequences of Emancipation to

our country, and to the world; Kakistocracy; White

emigration; Amalgamation; Deplorable results of

Fanaticism. 549

SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE.

Statement of the Question; Slave Trade increased by

the efforts made to suppress it; Title to Slaves,

to Lands; Abstract Ideas; Is Slavery Sin? Argument

from the Old Testament; Argument from the New

Testament; The "Higher Law;" Political Influence of

Slavery; Free Labor Police; In war, Slavery is

Strength; Code of Honor: Mercantile Credit;

Religion and Education; Licentiousness and Purity;

Economy of Slave Labor, and of Free Labor;

Responsibility of Power; Kindness and Cruelty;

Curtailment of Privileges; Punishment of Slaves,

children and soldiers; Police of Slavery; Condition

of Slaves; Condition of Free Laborers in England;

Slavery a necessary condition of Human Society;

Moral Suasion of the Abolitionists; Coolie Labor;

Results of Emancipation in the West Indies; Revival

of the Slave Trade by Emancipationists; Results of

Emancipation in the United States; Radicalism of

the present Age. 629

Ignorance of Abolitionists; Argument of

Abolitionists refuted; Abolitionism leads to

Infidelity; Law of Force a law of Love; Wages of

Slaves and of hired labor; Results of emancipation

to the world; Falsehoods of Abolitionists; English

estimate of our Northern citizens; British

interference in the politics of our country;

Sensitiveness of the Southern People; Rise and

progress of Fanaticism. 671

SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF ETHNOLOGY.

Philosphy of the Negro constitution, elicited by

questions propounded by Dr. C. R. Hall, of Torquay,

England, through Prof. Jackson of Massachusetts

Medical College, Boston, to Samuel A. Cartwright,

M. D. New Orleans. 691

Natural history of the prognathous species of

mankind. 707

On the Caucasians and the Africans. 717

SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 731

DECISION OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES IN THE

DRED SCOTT CASE. 741

THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.

Alleged Immorality of the Law answered; Duty of

Obedience; Government a Divine Institution; The

Warrant of Government is not the consent of the

governed; Infidel Doctrines; Deductions from this

Doctrine; Decision of The Supreme Court; Objections

answered; Conscience and the Law; Duty of Executive

Officers; Duty of Private Citizens; Objections

answered; Right of Revolution; Summary application

of these principles to the Fugitive Slave Law;

Conclusion. 807

THE BIBLE ARGUMENT ON SLAVERY.

Infatuation of the Abolitionists; Necessity of

Correct Opinions; Statement of the Question;

Slavery as Treated by Christ and his Apostles;

Slaveholding not Sinful; Answer to this Argument;

Dr. Channing's Answer; Admissions; Reply to the

Abolition Argument; Mr. Birney's Admissions;

Argument from the Old Testament; Polygamy and

Divorce; Inalienable Rights. 837

THE EDUCATION, LABOR, AND WEALTH OF THE SOUTH. 875

CONCLUDING REMARKS. 893

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