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Transcriber's Notes:
Spelling and punctuation anomalies were retained, such as
"Masachusettes" and "philanthrophy" on page 40. The table of
contents can be found at the end of this book.
COTTON IS KING,
AND
PRO-SLAVERY ARGUMENTS:
COMPRISING THE WRITINGS OF
HAMMOND, HARPER, CHRISTY, STRINGFELLOW, HODGE, BLEDSOE, AND CARTWRIGHT,
ON THIS IMPORTANT SUBJECT.
BY
E. N. ELLIOTT, L.L.D., PRESIDENT OF PLANTERS' COLLEGE, MISSISSIPPI.
WITH AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF INTERNATIONAL LAW, BY THE
EDITOR.
PUBLISHED AND SOLD EXCLUSIVELY BY SUBSCRIPTION.
AUGUSTA, GA: PRITCHARD, ABBOTT & LOOMIS. 1860.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1860, by M. P. ABBOTT
AND GEO. M. LOOMIS,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for
the Southern District of Georgia.
INTRODUCTION.
THERE is now but one great question dividing the American people, and
that, to the great danger of the stability of our government, the
concord and harmony of our citizens, and the perpetuation of our
liberties, divides us by a geographical line. Hence estrangement,
alienation, enmity, have arisen between the North and the South, and
those who, from "the times that tried men's souls," have stood shoulder
to shoulder in asserting their rights against the world; who, as a band
of brothers, had combined to build up this fair fabric of human liberty,
are now almost in the act of turning their fratricidal arms against each
other's bosoms. All other parties that have existed in our country, were
segregated on questions of policy affecting the whole nation and each
individual composing it alike; they pervaded every section of the Union,
and the acerbity of political strife was softened by the ties of blood,
friendship, and neighborhood association. Moreover, these parties were
constantly changing, on account of the influence mutually exerted by the
members of each; the Federalist of yesterday becomes the Republican of
to-day, and Whigs and Democrats change their party allegiance with every
change of leaders. If the republicans mismanaged the government, they
suffered the consequences alike with the federalists; if the democrats
plunged our country into difficulties, they had to abide the penalty as
well as the whigs. All parties alike had to suffer the evils, or enjoy
the advantages of bad or good government. But it has been reserved to
our own times to witness the rise, growth, and prevalence of a party
confined exclusively to one section of the Union, whose fundamental
principle is opposition to the rights and interests of the other
section; and this, too, when those rights are most sacredly guaranteed,
and those interests protected, by that compact under which we became a
united nation. In a free government like ours, the eclecticism of
parties--by which we mean the affinity by which the members of a party
unite on questions of national policy, by which all sections of the
country are alike affected--has always been considered as highly
conducive to the purity and integrity of the government, and one of the
causes most promotive of its perpetuity. Such has been the case, not
only in our own country, but also in England, from whom we have mainly
derived our ideas of civil and religious liberty, and even, to some
extent, our form of government. But there, the case of oppressed and
down-trodden Ireland, bears witness to the baneful effects of
geographical partizan government and legislation.
In our own country this same spirit, which had its origin in the
Missouri contest, is now beginning to produce its legitimate fruits:
witness the growing distrust with which the people of the North and the
South begin to regard each other; the diminution of Southern travel,
either for business or pleasure, in the Northern States; the efforts of
each section to develop its own resources, so as virtually to render it
independent of the other; the enactment of "unfriendly legislation," in
several of the States, towards other States of the Union, or their
citizens; the contest for the exclusive possession of the territories,
the common property of the States; the anarchy and bloodshed in Kansas;
the exasperation of parties throughout the Union; the attempt to
nullify, by popular clamor, the decision of the supreme tribunal of our
country; the existence of the "underground railroad," and of a party in
the North organized for the express purpose of robbing the citizens of
the Southern States of their property; the almost daily occurrence of
fugitive slave mobs; the total insecurity of slave property in the
border States;[1] the attempt to circulate incendiary documents among
the slaves in the Southern States, and the flooding of the whole country
with the most false and malicious misrepresentations of the state of
society in the slave States; the attempt to produce division among us,
and to array one portion of our citizens in deadly hostility to the
other; and finally, the recent attempt to excite, at Harper's Ferry, and
throughout the South, an insurrection, and a civil and servile war, with
all its attendant horrors.
All these facts go to prove that there is a great wrong somewhere, and
that a part, or the whole, of the American people are demented, and
hurrying down to swift destruction. To ascertain where this great wrong
and evil lies, to point out the remedy, to disabuse the public mind of
all erroneous impressions or prejudices, to combat all false doctrines
on _this_ subject, and to establish the truth, shall be the aim of the
following pages. In preparing them we have consulted the works of most
of the writers on both sides of this question, as well as the statistics
and history tending to throw light upon the subject. To this we would
invite the candid and dispassionate attention of every patriot and
philanthropist. To all such we would say, in the language of the Roman
bard,
"Si quid novisti vectius istis,
Candidus imperti; si non,
His utere mecum."
In the following pages, the words slave and slavery are not used in the
sense commonly understood by the abolitionists. With them these terms
are contradistinguished from servants and servitude. According to their
definition, a slave is merely a "chattel" in a human form; a _thing_ to
be bought and sold, and treated worse than a brute; a being without
rights, privileges, or duties. Now, if this is a correct definition of
the word, we totally object to the term, and deny that we have any such
institution as _slavery_ among us. We recognize among us no class,
which, as the abolitionists falsely assert, that the Supreme Court
decided "had no rights which a white man was bound to respect." The
words _slave_ and _servant_ are perfectly synonymous, and differ only in
being derived from different languages; the one from Sclavonic, the
other from the Latin, just as feminine and womanly are respectively of
Latin and Saxon origin. The Saxon synonym _thrall_ has become obsolete
in our language, but some of its derivations, as thralldom, are still in
use. In Greek the same idea was expressed by _doulos_, and in Hebrew by
_ebed_. The one idea of servitude, or of obedience to the will of
another, is accurately expressed by all these terms. He who wishes to
see this topic thoroughly examined, may consult "Fletcher's Studies on
Slavery."
The word _slavery_ is used in the following discussions, to express the
condition of the _African race_ in our Southern States, as also in other
parts of the world, and in other times. This word, as defined by most
writers, does not truly express the relation which the African race in
our country, _now_ bears to the white race. In some parts of the world,
the relation has essentially changed, while the word to express it has
remained the same. In most countries of the world, especially in former
times, the _persons_ of the slaves were the absolute property of the
master, and might be used or abused, as caprice or passion might
dictate. Under the Jewish law, a slave might be beaten to death by his
master, and yet the master go entirely unpunished, unless the slave died
outright under his hand. Under the Roman law, slaves had no rights
whatever, and were scarcely recognized as human beings; indeed, they
were sometimes drowned in fish-ponds, to feed the eels. Such is not the
labor system among us. As an example of faulty definition, we will
adduce that of Paley: "Slavery," says he, "is an obligation to labor for
the benefit of the master, without the contract or consent of the
servant." Waiving, for the present, the accuracy of this definition, as
far as it goes, we would remark that it is only half of the definition;
the only idea here conveyed is that of compulsory and unrequited labor.
Such is not our labor-system. Though we prefer the term slave, yet if
this be its true definition, we must protest against its being applied
to our system of African servitude, and insist that some other term
shall be used. The true definition of the term, as applicable to the
domestic institution in the Southern States, is as follows: Slavery is
the duty and obligation of the slave to labor for the mutual benefit of
both master and slave, under a warrant to the slave of protection, and a
comfortable subsistence, under all circumstances. The person of the
slave is not property, no matter what the fictions of the law may say;
but the right to his labor is property, and may be transferred like any
other property, or as the right to the services of a minor or an
apprentice may be transferred. Nor is the labor of the slave solely for
the benefit of the master, but for the benefit of all concerned; for
himself, to repay the advances made for his support in childhood, for
present subsistence, and for guardianship and protection, and to
accumulate a fund for sickness, disability, and old age. The master, as
the head of the system, has a right to the obedience and labor of the
slave, but the slave has also his mutual rights in the master; the right
of protection, the right of counsel and guidance, the right of
subsistence, the right of care and attention in sickness and old age. He
has also a right in his master as the sole arbiter in all his wrongs and
difficulties, and as a merciful judge and dispenser of law to award the
penalty of his misdeeds. Such is American slavery, or as Mr. Henry
Hughes happily terms it, "Warranteeism."
In order that the subject of American slavery may be thoroughly
discussed, we have availed ourselves of the labors of several of the
ablest writers in the Union. These have been taken, not from one section
only, but from both sections of our country. It is true, most of them
are citizens of the Southern States, and for this there is a good and
obvious reason; no one can correctly discuss this subject, or any other,
who is practically unacquainted with it. This was the error of the
French nation, when they undertook to legislate the African savages of
St. Domingo into free citizens of the model republic; of the English
nation when they undertook to interfere in the internal affairs of
their colonies; and thus must it always be, when men undertake to think
or write, or act, in reference to any subject, of whose fundamental
truths, they are profoundly ignorant. It is true, that in every part of
the civilized world there are noble minds, rising superior to the
prejudices of education, and the influence of the society in which they
are placed, and defending the truth for its own sake; to all such we
render their due homage.
It is objected to the defenders of American slavery, that they have
changed their ground; that from being apologists for it as an inevitable
evil, they have become its defenders as a social and political good,
morally right, and sanctioned by the Bible and by God himself. This
charge is unjust, as by reference to a few historical facts will
abundantly appear. The present slave States had little or no agency in
the first introduction of Africans into this country; this was achieved
by the Northern commercial States and by Great Britain. Wherever the
climate suited the negro constitution, slavery was profitable and
flourished; where the climate was unsuitable, slavery was unprofitable,
and died out. Most of the slaves in the Northern States were sent
southward to a more congenial clime. Upon the introduction into Congress
of the first abolition discussions, by John Quincy Adams, and Joshua
Giddings, Southern men altogether refused to engage in the debate, or
even to receive petitions on the subject. They averred that no good
could grow out of it, but only unmitigated evil.
The agitation of the abolition question had commenced in France during
the horrors of her first revolution, under the auspices of the Red
Republicans; it had pervaded England until it achieved the ruin of her
West India colonies, and by anti-slavery missionaries it had been
introduced into our Northern States. During all this agitation the
Southern States had been quietly minding their own business, regardless
of all the turmoil abroad. They had never investigated the subject
theoretically, but they were well acquainted with all its practical
workings. They had received from Africa a few hundred thousand pagan
savages, and had developed them into millions of civilized Christians,
happy in themselves, and useful to the world. They had never made the
inquiry whether the system were fundamentally wrong, but they judged it
by its fruits, which were beneficent to all. When therefore they were
charged with upholding a moral, social, and political evil; and its
immediate abolition was demanded, as a matter not only of policy, but
also of justice and right, their reply was, we have never investigated
the subject. Our fathers left it to us as a legacy, we have grown up
with it; it has grown with our growth, and strengthened with our
strength, until it is now incorporated with every fibre of our social
and political existence. What you say concerning its evils _may_ be true
or false, but we clearly see that your remedy involves a vastly greater
evil, to the slave, to the master, to our common country, and to the
world. We understand the nature of the negro race; and in the relation
in which the providence of God has placed them to us, they are happy and
useful members of society, and are fast rising in the scale of
intelligence and civilization, and the time may come when they will be
capable of enjoying the blessings of freedom and self-government. We are
instructing them in the principles of our common Christianity, and in
many instances have already taught them to read the word of life. But we
know that the time has not yet come; that this liberty which is a
blessing to _us_, would be a curse to _them_. Besides, to us and to you,
such a violent disruption would be most disastrous, it would topple to
its foundations the whole social and political edifice. Moreover, we
have had warning on this subject. God, in his providence, has permitted
the emancipation of the African race in a few of the islands contiguous
to our shores, and far from being elevated thereby to the condition of
Christian freemen, they have rapidly retrograded to the state of pagan
savages. The value of property in those islands has rapidly depreciated,
their production has vastly diminished, and their commerce and
usefulness to the world is destroyed. We wish not to subject either
ourselves or our dependents to such a fate. God has placed them in our
hands, and he holds us responsible for our course of policy towards
them.
This courteous, common-sense, and practical reply, far from closing the
mouths of the agitators, only encouraged them to redouble their
exertions, and to imbitter the epithets which they hurled at the
slave-holders. They exhausted the vocabulary of billingsgate in
denouncing those guilty of this most henious of all sins, and charged
them in plain terms, with being _afraid_ to investigate or to discuss
the subject. Thus goaded into it, many commenced the investigation. Then
for the first time did the Southern people take a position on this
subject. It is due to a citizen of this State, the Rev. J. Smylie, to
say that he was the first to promulgate the truth, as deduced from the
Bible, on the subject of slavery. He was followed by a host of others,
who discussed it not only in the light of revelation and morals, but as
consistent with the Federal Constitution and the Declaration of
Independence; until many of those who had commenced their career of
abolition agitation by reasoning from the Bible and the Constitution,
were compelled to acknowledge that they both were hopelessly
pro-slavery, and to cry: "give us an anti-slavery constitution, an
anti-slavery Bible, and an anti-slavery God." To such straits are men
reduced by fanaticism. It is here worthy of remark, that most of the
early abolition propagandists, many of whom commenced as Christian
ministers, have ended in downright infidelity. Let us then hear no more
of this charge, that the defenders of slavery have changed their ground;
it is the abolitionists who have been compelled to appeal to "a higher
law," not only than the Federal Constitution, but also, than the law of
God. This is the inevitable result when men undertake to be "wise above
what is written." The Apostle, in the Epistle to Timothy, has not only
explicitly laid down the law on the subject of slavery, but has, with
prophetic vision, drawn the exact portrait of our modern abolitionists.
"Let as many servants as are under the yoke count their own masters
worthy of all honor, that the name of God and his doctrine be not
blasphemed. And they that have believing masters, let them not despise
them, because they are brethren; but rather do them service, because
they are faithful and beloved, partakers of the benefit. These things
teach and exhort. If any man teach otherwise, and consent not to
wholesome words, even the words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the
doctrine which is according to godliness, he is proud, knowing nothing,
but doting about questions and strifes of words, whereof cometh envy,
strife, railings, evil surmisings, perverse disputings, of men of
corrupt minds and destitute of the truth, supposing that gain is
godliness; from such withdraw thyself."
Can any words more accurately and vividly portray the character and
conduct of the abolitionists, or more plainly point out the results of
their efforts? Is it any wonder that after having received such a
castigation, they should totally repudiate the authority of God's law,
and say, "Not _thy_ will, but _mine_ be done." It is here explicitly
declared that this doctrine, the obedience of slaves to their masters,
are the words of our Lord Jesus Christ; and the arguments of its
opposers are characterized as doting sillily about questions and strifes
of words, and therefore unworthy of reply and refutation. But the
consequences are more serious; look at the catalogue. Envy, the root of
the evil; strife, see the divisions in our churches, and in our
political communities; railings, their calling slaveholders robbers,
thieves, murderers, outlaws; evil surmisings, can any good thing come
out of Nazareth, or from the Slave States? Perverse disputings of men of
corrupt minds, their wresting the Scriptures from their plain and
obvious meaning to compel them to teach abolitionism. Finally; the duty
of all Christians: from such withdraw thyself.
The monographs embraced in this compendium of discussions on slavery,
were written at different periods; some of them several years ago, and
some of them were prepared expressly for this work, and some have been
re-written in order to continue the subject down to the present time.
There is this further advantage in combining works of different dates,
that by comparing them it is evident that the earlier and later writers
both stood on, substantially, the same ground, and take the same general
views of the institution. The charge of inconsistency must, therefore,
fall to the ground. To the reading public, most of the matter contained
in these pages will be new; as, though some of them have been before the
public for several years, they have had but a limited circulation, no
efforts having been made by the Southern people to scatter them
broadcast throughout the land, in the form of _Sunday school books_, or
_religious tracts_. Nor will it be expected by the reader, that the
authors of the works on the different topics embraced in this
discussion, should have been able to confine their arguments strictly
within the assigned limits. The subjects themselves so inosculate, that
it would be strange indeed if the writers should not occasionally
encroach upon each other's province; but even this, from the variety of
argument, and mode of illustration, will be found interesting.
The work of Professor Christy, on the Economical Relations of Slavery,
contains a large amount of the most accurate, valuable and well arranged
statistical matter, and his combinations and deductions are remarkable
for their philosophical accuracy. He spent several years in the service
of the American Colonization Society, as agent for Ohio, and made
himself thoroughly acquainted with the results, both to the blacks and
whites, both of slavery and emancipation.
Governor Hammond is too well known, as an eminent statesman and
political writer, to require notice here. His letters are addressed to
Mr. Clarkson, of England, who, in conjunction with Wilberforce, after a
long struggle, at last secured the passage, by the Parliament of Great
Britain, of acts to abolish the slave trade and slavery, in the British
West India colonies. The results of this are vividly portrayed by the
author, and his predictions are now history.
Chancellor Harper, with a master hand, draws a parallel between the
social condition of communities where slave labor exists and where it
does not, and vindicates the South from the aspersions cast upon her.
Dr. Bledsoe's "Liberty and Slavery," or Slavery in the Light of Moral
Science, discusses the right or wrong of slavery, exposes the fallacies,
and answers the arguments of the abolitionists. His established
reputation as an accurate reasoner, and a forcible writer, guarantees
the excellence of this work.
Dr. Stringfellow's Slavery in the Light of Divine Revelation, and Dr.
Hodge's Bible Argument on Slavery, form a synopsis of the whole
theological argument on the subject. The plain and obvious teachings, of
both Old and New Testament, are given with such irresistible force as to
carry conviction to every mind, except those wedded to the theory of a
"Higher Law" than the Law of God.
Dr. Cartwright's "Ethnology of the African Race," are the results of the
observation and experience of a lifetime, spent in an extensive practice
of medicine in the midst of the race. He has had the best of
opportunities for becoming intimately acquainted with all the
idiosyncrasies of this race, and he has well improved them. That the
negro is _now_ an inferior species, or at least variety of the human
race, is well established, and must, we think, be admitted by all. That
by himself he has never emerged from barbarism, and even when partly
civilized under the control of the white man, he speedily returns to the
same state, if emancipated, are now indubitable truths. Whether or not,
under our system of slavery, he can ever be so elevated as to be worthy
of freedom, time and the providence of God alone can determine. The most
encouraging results have already been achieved by American slavery, in
the elevation of the negro race in our midst; as they are now as far
superior to the natives of Africa, as the whites are to them. In a
religious point of view, also, there is great encouragement, as there
are twice as many communicants of Christian churches among our slaves,
as there are among the heathen at all the missionary stations in the
world. (See Prof. Christy's statistics in this volume.) What the negroes
might have been, but for the interference of the abolitionists, it is
impossible to conjecture. That their influence has only been unmitigated
evil, we have the united testimony, both of themselves and of the slave
holders. (See Dr. Beecher's late sermon on the Harper's Ferry trials.)
To show what has been the uniform course of Christians in the South
towards the slaves, we will quote from the first pastoral letter of the
Synod of the Carolinas and Georgia, to the churches under their care.
After addressing husbands and wives, parents and children, on their
relative duties, the Synod continues, "But parents and heads of
families, think it not surprising that we inform you that God has
committed others to your care, besides your natural offspring, in the
welfare of whose souls you are also deeply interested, and whose
salvation you are bound to endeavor to promote--we mean your slaves;
poor creatures! shall they be bound for life, and their owners never
once attempt to deliver their souls from the bondage of sin, nor point
them to eternal freedom through the blood of the Son of God! On this
subject we beg leave to submit to your consideration the conduct of
Abraham, the father of the faithful, through whose example is
communicated unto you the commandment of God (Gen. xviii: 19); 'For I
know him,' says God, 'that he will command his children and his
household after him, that they shall keep the ways of the Lord, to do
justice and judgment.'
"Masters and servants, attend to your duty--in the express language of
the Holy Ghost--'servants, obey your masters in all things; not with eye
service, as men-pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing God; and
whatsoever you do, do it heartily, as to the Lord, and not to man. And
you, masters, render to your servants their due, knowing that your
master is also in heaven, neither is there respect of persons with Him.'
And let those who govern, and those who are governed, make the object of
living in this world be, to prepare to meet your God and judge, when all
shall stand on a level before His bar, and receive their decisive
sentence according to the deeds done in the body.
"Servants, be willing to receive instruction, and discourage not your
masters by your stubbornness or aversion. Remember, the interest is your
own, and if you be wise, it will be for your own good; _spend the
Sabbath in learning to read, and in teaching your young ones_, instead
of rambling abroad from place to place; a few years will give you many
Sabbaths, which, if rightly improved, will be sufficient for the
purpose. Attend, also, on public worship, when you have opportunity, and
behave there with decency and good order.
"Were these relative duties conscientiously practiced, by husbands and
wives, parents and children, masters and servants, how pleasing would be
the sight; expressing by your conduct pious Joshua's resolution, as for
me and my house, we will serve the Lord."
The argument on slavery, deduced from the law of nations, we commend to
the special attention of the candid reader. Indeed, it is from the
recognition of the duty of the various races and nations composing the
human family, to contribute their part for the advancement and good of
the whole, not only that slavery has existed in all ages, but also that
efforts have been, and are now being made, to extend the benefits of
civilization and religion to the benighted races of the earth. This has
been done in two different ways; one by sending the teacher forth to the
heathen, the other by bringing the heathen to the teacher. Both have
achieved great good, but the latter has been the more successful. Though
the principles embraced in this general law of nations have been
acknowledged and acted out in all times, it is due to J. Q. Adams, to
state that he first gave a clear elucidation of those principles, so far
as they apply to commerce.
Commending these arguments to the candid consideration of every friend
to his country, we may be permitted to express the hope that they will
redound, not only to the perpetuity of our blood-bought liberties, but
to the glory of God, and the good of all men.
PORT GIBSON, MISS., Jan. 1, 1860.
FOOTNOTE:
[1] Strange that we should be compelled to call those _border_ States,
which lie in the very midst of our Union.
COTTON IS KING:
OR,
SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF POLITICAL ECONOMY.
BY
DAVID CHRISTY, ESQ.
OF CINCINNATI.
COTTON IS KING:
OR,
SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF POLITICAL ECONOMY.
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
THE first edition of COTTON IS KING was issued as an experiment. Its
favorable reception led to further investigation, and an enlargement of
the work for a second edition.
The present publishers have bought the copyright of the third edition,
with the privilege of printing it in the form and manner that may best
suit their purposes. This step severs the author from all further
connection with the work, and affords him an opportunity of stating a
few of the facts which led, originally, to its production. He was
connected with the newspaper press, as an editor, from 1824 till 1836.
This included the period of the tariff controversy, and the rise of the
anti-slavery party of this country. After resigning the editorial chair,
he still remained associated with public affairs, so as to afford him
opportunities of observing the progress of events. In 1848 he accepted
an appointment as Agent of the American Colonization Society, for Ohio;
and was thus brought directly into contact with the elements of
agitation upon the slavery question, in the aspect which that
controversy had then assumed. Upon visiting Columbus, the seat of
government of the State, in January, 1849, the Legislature, then in
session, was found in great, agitation about the repeal of the Black
Laws, which had originally been enacted to prevent the immigration of
colored men into the State. The abolitionists held the balance of
power, and were uncompromising in their demands. To escape from the
difficulty, and prevent all future agitation upon the subject,
politicians united in erasing this cause of disturbance from the statute
book. The colored people had been in convention at the capitol; and felt
themselves in a position, as they imagined, to control the legislation
of the State. They were encouraged in this belief by the abolitionists,
and proceeded to effect an organization by which black men were to
_stump_ the State in advocacy of their claims to an equality with white
men.
At this juncture the Colonization cause was brought before the
Legislature, by a memorial asking aid to send emigrants to Liberia. An
appointment was also made, by the agent, for a Lecture on Colonization,
to be delivered in the hall of the House of Representatives; and
respectful notices sent to the African churches, inviting the colored
people to attend. This invitation was met by them with the publication
of a call for an indignation meeting; which, on assembling, denounced
both the agent and the cause he advocated, in terms unfitted to be
copied into this work. One of the resolutions, however, has some
significance, as foreshadowing the final action they contemplated, and
which has shown itself so futile, as a means of redress, in the recent
Harper's Ferry Tragedy. That resolution reads as follows:
"_Resolved_,--That we will never leave this country while one of our
brethren groans in slavish fetters in the United States, but will remain
on this soil and contend for our rights, and those of our enslaved
race--upon the rostrum--in the pulpit--in the social circle, and upon
the field, if necessary, until liberty to the captive shall be
proclaimed throughout the length and breadth of this great Republic, or
we called from time to eternity."
In the winter of 1850, Mr. Stanley's proposition, to Congress, for the
appropriation of the last installment of the Surplus Revenue to
Colonization, was laid before the Ohio Legislature for approval. The
colored people again held meetings, denouncing this proposition also,
and the following resolutions, among others, were adopted--the first at
Columbus and the second at Cincinnati:
"_Resolved_,--That it is our unalterable and eternal determination, as
heretofore expressed, to remain in the United States at all hazards, and
to 'buffet the withering flood of prejudice and misrule,' which menaces
our destruction until we are exalted, to ride triumphantly upon its
foaming billows, or honorably sink into its destroying vortex: although
inducements may be held out for us to emigrate, in the shape of odious
and oppressive laws, or liberal appropriations."
"_Resolved_,--That we should labor diligently to secure--first, the
abolition of slavery, and, failing in this, the separation of the
States; one or the other event being necessary to our ever enjoying in
its fullness and power, the privilege of an American citizen."
Again, some three or four years later, on the occasion of the formation
of the Ohio State Colonization Society, another meeting was called, in
opposition to Colonization, in the city of Cincinnati, which, among
others, passed the following resolution:
"_Resolved_,--That in our opinion the emancipation and elevation of our
enslaved brethren depends in a great measure upon their brethren who are
free, remaining in the country; and we will remain to be that 'agitating
element' in American politics, which Mr Wise, in a late letter,
concludes, has done so much for the slave."
Many similar resolutions might be quoted, all manifesting a
determination, on the part of the colored people, to maintain their
foothold in the United States, until the freedom of the slave should be
effected; and indicating an expectation, on their part, that this result
would be brought about by an insurrection, in which they expected to
take a prominent part. In this policy they were encouraged by nearly all
the opponents of Colonization, but especially by the active members of
the organizations for running off slaves to Canada.
To meet this state of things, COTTON IS KING was written. The mad folly
of the Burns' case, at Boston, in 1854, proved, conclusively, that white
men, by the thousand, stood prepared to provoke a collision between the
North and the South. The eight hundred men who volunteered at Worcester,
and proceeded to Boston, on that occasion, with banner flying, showed
that such a condition of public sentiment prevailed; while, at the same
time, the sudden dispersion of that valorous army, by a single officer
of the general government, who, unaided, captured their leader and bore
off their banner, proved, as conclusively, that such philanthropists are
not soldiers--that promiscuous crowds of undisciplined men are wholly
unreliable in the hour of danger.
The author would here repeat, then, that the main object he had in view,
in the preparation of COTTON IS KING, was to convince the abolitionists
of the utter failure of their plans, and that the policy they had
adopted was productive of results, the opposite of what they wished to
effect;--that British and American abolitionists, in destroying tropical
cultivation by emancipation in the West Indies, and opposing its
promotion in Africa by Colonization, had given to slavery in the United
States its prosperity and its power;--that the institution was no longer
to be controlled by moral or physical force, but had become wholly
subject to the laws of Political Economy;--and that, therefore, labor in
tropical countries, to supply tropical products to commerce, and not
insurrection in the United States, was the agency to be employed by
those who would successfully oppose the extension of American Slavery:
for, just as long as the hands of the free should persist in refusing to
supply the demands of commerce for cotton, just so long it would
continue to be obtained from those of the slave.
It will be seen in the perusal of the present edition, that Great
Britain, in her efforts to promote cotton cultivation in India and
Africa, now acts upon this principle, and that she thereby acknowledges
the truth of the views which the author has advanced. It will be seen
also, that to check American slavery and prevent a renewal of the slave
trade by American planters, she has even determined to employ the slaves
of Africa in the production of cotton: that is to say, the slavery of
America is to be opposed by arraying against it the slavery of
Africa--the petty chiefs there being required to force their slaves to
the cotton patches, that the masters here may find a diminishing market
for the products of their plantations.
In this connection it may be remarked, that the author has had many
opportunities of conversing with colored men, on the subject of
emigration to Africa, and they have almost uniformly opposed it on the
ground that they would be needed here. Some of them, in defending their
conduct, revealed the grounds of their hopes. But details on this point
are unnecessary. The subject is referred to, only as affording an
illustration of the extent to which ignorant men may become the victims
of dangerous delusions. The sum of the matter was about this: the
colored people, they said, had organizations extending from Canada to
Louisiana, by means of which information could be communicated
throughout the South, when the blow for freedom was to be struck.
Philanthropic white men were expected to take sides against the
oppressor, while those occupying neutral ground would offer no
resistance to the passage of forces from Canada and Ohio to Virginia and
Kentucky. Once upon slave territory, they imagined the work of
emancipation would be easily executed, as every slave would rush to the
standard of freedom.
These schemes of the colored people were viewed, at the time, as the
vagaries of over excited and ignorant minds, dreaming of the repetition
of Egyptian miracles for their deliverance; and were subjects of regret,
only because they operated as barriers to Colonization. But when a
friend placed in the author's hand, a few days since, a copy of the
_Chatham_ (Canada West) _Weekly Pilot_, of October 13, he could see that
the seed sown at Columbus in 1849, had yielded its harvest of bitterness
and disappointment at Harper's Ferry in 1859. That paper contained the
proceedings and resolutions of the colored men, at Chatham, on the 3d of
that month, in which the annexed resolution was included:
"_Resolved_,--That in view of the fact that a crisis will soon occur in
the United States to affect our friends and countrymen there, we feel it
the duty of every colored person to make the Canadas their homes. The
temperature and salubrity of the climate, and the productiveness and
fertility of the soil afford ample field for their encouragement. To
hail their enslaved bondmen upon their deliverance, in the glorious
kingdom of British Liberty, in the Canadas, we cordially invite the free
and the bond, the noble and the ignoble--we have no 'Dred Scott Law.'"
The occasion which called out this resolution, together with a number of
others, was the delivery of a lecture, on the 3d of October last, by an
agent from Jamaica, who urged them to emigrate to that beautiful island.
The import of this resolution will be better understood, when it is
remembered, that the organization of Brown's insurrectionary scheme took
place, in this same city of Chatham, on the 8th of May last. The
"crisis" which was soon to occur in the United States, and the
importance of every colored man remaining at his post, at that
particular juncture, as urged by the resolutions, all indicate, very
clearly, that Brown's movements were known to the leaders of the
meeting, and that they desired to co-operate in the movement. The
spirit breathed by the whole series of the Chatham resolutions, is so
fully in accord with those passed from time to time in the United
States, that there is no difficulty in perceiving that the views,
expectations, and hopes of the colored people of both countries have
been the same. The Chatham meeting was on the night of the 3d October,
and the outbreak of Brown on that of the 16th.
But the failure of the Harper's Ferry movement should now serve as
convincing proof, that nothing can be gained, by such means, for the
African race. No successful organization, for their deliverance, can be
effected in this country; and foreign aid is out of the question, not
only because foreign nations will not wage war for a philanthropic
object, but because they cannot do without our cotton for a single year.
They are very much in the condition of our Northern politicians, since
the old party landmarks have been broken down. The slavery question is
the only one left, upon which any enthusiasm can be awakened among the
people. The negro is to American politics what cotton is to European
manufactures and commerce--the controlling element. As the overthrow of
American slavery, with the consequent suspension of the motion of the
spindles and looms of Europe, would bring ruin upon millions of its
population; so the dropping of the negro question, in American politics,
would at once destroy the prospects of thousands of aspirants to office.
In ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, the clamor against slavery is
made only for effect; and there is not now, nor has there been at any
other period, any intention on the part of political agitators to wage
actual war against the slave States themselves. But while the author
believes that no intention of exciting to insurrection ever existed
among leading politicians at the North, he must express the opinion that
evil has grown out of the policy they have pursued, as it has excited
the free negro to attempts at insurrection, by leading him to believe
that they were in earnest in their professions of prosecuting the
"irrepressible conflict," between freedom and slavery, to a termination
destructive to the South; and, lured by this hope, he has been led to
consider it his duty, as a man, to stand prepared for Mr Jefferson's
crisis, in which Omnipotence would be arrayed upon his side. This stand
he has been induced to take from principles of honor, instead of seeking
new fields of enterprise in which to better his condition.
But there is another evil to the colored man, which has grown out of
northern agitation on the question of slavery. The controversy is one of
such a peculiar nature, that any needed modification of it can be made,
by politicians, to suit whatever emergency may arise. The Burns' case
convinced them that many men, white and black, were then prepared for
treason. This was a step, however, that voters at large disapproved;
and, not only was it unpopular to advocate the forcing of emancipation
upon the slave States, but it seemed equally repugnant to the people to
have the North filled with free negroes. The free colored man was,
therefore, given to understand, that slavery was not to be disturbed in
the States where it had been already established. But this was not all.
He had to have another lesson in the philosophy of _dissolving scenes_,
as exhibited in the great political magic lantern. Nearly all the
Western States had denied him an equality with the white man, in the
adoption or modification of their constitutions. He looked to Kansas for
justice, and lo! it came. The first constitution, adopted by the free
State men of that territory, excluded the free colored man from the
rights of citizenship! "Why is this," said the author, to a leading
German politician of Cincinnati: "why have the free State men excluded
the free colored people from the proposed State?" "Oh," he replied, "we
want it for our sons--for white men,--and we want the _nigger_ out of
our way: we neither want him there as a slave or freeman, as in either
case his presence tends to degrade labor." This is not all. Nearly every
slave State is legislating the free colored men out of their bounds, as
a "disturbing element" which their people are determined no longer to
tolerate. Here, then, is the result of the efforts of the free colored
man to sustain himself in the midst of the whites; and here is the evil
that political agitation has brought upon him.
Under these circumstances, the author believes he will be performing a
useful service, in bringing the question of the economical relations of
American slavery, once more, prominently before the public. It is time
that the true character of the negro race, as compared with the white,
in productive industry, should be determined. If the negro, as a
voluntary laborer, is the equal of the white man, as the abolitionists
contend, then, set him to work in tropical cultivation, and he can
accomplish something for his race; but if he is incapable of competing
with the white man, except in compulsory labor,--as slaveholders most
sincerely believe the history of the race fully demonstrates--then let
the truth be understood by the world, and all efforts for his elevation
be directed to the accomplishment of the separation of the races.
Because, until the colored men, who are now free, shall afford the
evidence that freedom is best for the race, those held in slavery cannot
escape from their condition of servitude.
Some new and important facts in relation to the results of West India
emancipation are presented, which show, beyond question, that the
advancing productiveness, claimed for these islands, is not due to any
improvement in the industrial habits of the negroes, but is the result,
wholly, of the introduction of immigrant labor from abroad. No
advancement, of any consequence, has been made where immigrants have not
been largely imported; and in Jamaica, which has received but few, there
is a large decline in production from what existed during even the first
years of freedom.
The present edition embraces a considerable amount of new matter, having
a bearing on the condition of the cotton question, and a few other
points of public interest. Several new Statistical Tables have been
added to the appendix, that are necessary to the illustration of the
topics discussed; and some historical matter also, in illustration of
the early history of slavery in the United States.
CINCINNATI, JANUARY 1, 1860.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
"COTTON IS KING" has been received, generally, with much favor by the
public. The author's name having been withheld, the book was left to
stand or fall upon its own merits. The first edition has been sold
without any special effort on the part of the publishers. As they did
not risk the cost of stereotyping, the work has been left open for
revision and enlargement. No change in the matter of the first edition
has been made, except a few verbal alterations and the addition of some
qualifying phrases. Two short paragraphs only have been omitted, so as
to leave the public documents and abolitionists, only, to testify as to
the moral condition of the free colored people. The matter added to the
present volume equals nearly one-fourth of the work. It relates mainly
to two points: _First_, The condition of the free colored people;
_Second_, The economical and political relations of slavery. The facts
given, it is believed, will completely fortify all the positions of the
author, on these questions, so far as his views have been assailed.
The field of investigation embraced in the book is a broad one, and the
sources of information from which its facts are derived are accessible
to but few. It is not surprising, then, that strangers to these facts,
on first seeing them arranged in their philosophical relations and
logical connection, should be startled at their import, and misconceive
the object and motives of the author.
For example: One reviewer, in noticing the first edition, asserts that
the writer "endeavors to prove that slavery is a great blessing in its
relations to agriculture, manufactures, and commerce." The candid reader
will be unable to find any thing, in the pages of the work, to justify
such an assertion. The author has proved that the products of slave
labor are in such universal demand, through the channels named by the
reviewer, that it is impracticable, in the existing condition of the
world, to overthrow the system; and that as the free negro has
demonstrated his inability to engage successfully in cotton culture,
therefore American slavery remains immovable, and presents a standing
monument of the folly of those who imagined they could effect its
overthrow by the measures they pursued. This was the author's aim.
Another charges, that the whole work is based on a fallacy, and that all
its arguments, therefore, are unsound. The fallacy of the book, it is
explained, consists in making cotton and slavery indivisible, and
teaching that cotton can not be cultivated except by slave labor;
whereas, in the opinion of the objector, that staple can be grown by
free labor. Here, again, the author is misunderstood. He only teaches
what is true beyond all question: not that free labor is incapable of
producing cotton, but that it does not produce it so as to affect the
interests of slave labor; and that the American planter, therefore,
still finds himself in the possession of the monopoly of the market for
cotton, and unable to meet the demand made upon him for that staple,
except by a vast enlargement of its cultivation, requiring the
employment of an increased amount of labor in its production.
Another says: "The real object of the work is an apology for American
slavery. Professing to repudiate extremes, the author pleads the
necessity for the present continuance of slavery, founded on economical,
political, and moral considerations." The dullest reader can not fail to
perceive that the work contains not one word of apology for the
institution of slavery, nor the slightest wish for its continuance. The
author did not suppose that Southern slave holders would thank any
Northern man to attempt an apology for their maintaining what they
consider their rights under the constitution; neither did he imagine
that any plea for the continuance of American slavery was needed, while
the world at large is industriously engaged in supporting it by the
consumption of its products. He, therefore, neither attempted an apology
for its existence nor a plea for its continuance. He was writing history
and not recording his own opinions, about which he never imagined the
public cared a fig. He was merely aiming at showing, how an institution,
feeble and ill supported in the outset, had become one of the most
potent agents in the advancement of civilization, notwithstanding the
opposition it has had to encounter; and that those who had attempted its
overthrow, in consequence of a lack of knowledge of the plainest
principles of political economy and of human nature in its barbarous
state, had contributed, more than any other class of persons, to produce
this result.
Another charges the author with ignorance of the recent progress making
in the culture of cotton, by free labor, in India and Algeria; and
congratulates his readers that, "on this side of the ocean, the
prospects of free soil and free labor, and of free cotton as one of the
products of free soil and free labor, were never so fair as now." This
is a pretty fair example of one's "whistling to keep his courage up,"
while passing, in the dark, through woods where he thinks ghosts are
lurking on either side. Algeria has done nothing, yet, to encourage the
hope that American slavery will be lessened in value by the cultivation
of cotton in Africa. The British custom-house reports, as late as
September, 1855, instead of showing any increase of imports of cotton
from India, it will be seen, exhibit a great falling off in its
supplies; and, in the opinion of the best authorities, extinguishes the
hope of arresting the progress of American slavery by any efforts made
to render Asiatic free labor more effective. As to the prospects on this
side of the ocean, a glance at the map will show, that the chances of
growing cotton in Kansas are just as good, and only as good as in
Illinois and Missouri, from whence not a pound is ever exported. Texas
was careful to appropriate nearly all the cotton lands acquired from
Mexico, which lie on the eastern side of the Rocky Mountains; and, by
that act, all such lands, mainly, have been secured to slavery. Where,
then, is free labor to operate, even were it ready for the task?
Another alleges that the book is "a weak effort to slander the people of
color." This is a charge that could have come only from a careless
reader. The whole testimony, embraced in the first edition, nearly, as
to the economical failure of West India Emancipation, and the moral
degradation of the free colored people, generally, is quoted from
abolition authorities, as is expressly stated; not to slander the people
of color, but to show them what the world is to think of them, on the
testimony of their particular friends and self-constituted guardians.
Another objects to what is said of those who hold the opinion that
slavery is _malum in se_, and who yet continue to purchase and use its
products. On this point it is only necessary to say, that the logic of
the book has not been affected by the sophistry employed against it; and
that if those who hold the _per se_ doctrine, and continue to use slave
labor products, dislike the charge of being _participes criminis_ with
robbers, they must classify slavery in some other mode than that in
which they have placed it in their creeds. For, if they are not
partakers with thieves, then slavery is not a system of robbery; but if
slavery be a system of robbery, as they maintain, then, on their own
principles, they are as much partakers with thieves as any others who
deal in stolen property.
The severest criticism on the book, however, comes from one who charges
the author with a "disposition to mislead, or an ignorance which is
inexcusable," in the use of the statistics of crime, having reference to
the free colored people, from 1820 to 1827. The object of the author, in
using the statistics referred to, was only to show the reasons why the
scheme of colonization was then accepted, by the American public, as a
means of relief to the colored population, and not to drag out these
sorrowful facts to the disparagement of those now living. But the
reviewer, suspicious of every one who does not adopt his abolition
notions, suspects the author of improper motives, and asks: "Why go so
far back, if our author wished to treat the subject fairly?" Well, the
statistics on this dismal topic have been brought up to the latest date
practicable, and the author now leaves it to the colored people
themselves to say, whether they have gained any thing by the reviewer's
zeal in their behalf. He will learn one lesson at least, we hope, from
the result: that a writer can use his pen with greater safety to his
reputation, when he knows something about the subject he discusses.
But this reviewer, warming in his zeal, undertakes to philosophise, and
says, that the evils existing among the free colored people, will be
found in exact proportion to the slowness of emancipation; and complains
that New Jersey was taken as the standard, in this respect, instead of
Massachusetts, where, he asserts, "all the negroes in the commonwealth,
were, by the new constitution, liberated in a day, and none of the ill
consequences objected followed, either to the commonwealth or to
individuals." The reviewer is referred to the facts, in the present
edition, where he will find, that the amount of crime, at the date to
which he refers, was _six times_ greater among the colored people of
Massachusetts, in proportion to their numbers, than among those of New
Jersey. The next time he undertakes to review KING COTTON, it will be
best for him not to rely upon his imagination, but to look at the facts.
He should be able at least, when quoting a writer, to discriminate
between evils resulting from insurrections, and evils growing out of
common immoralities. Experience has taught, that it is unsafe, when
calculating the results of the means of elevation employed, to reason
from a civilized to a half civilized race of men.
The last point that needs attention, is the charge that the author is a
slaveholder, and governed by mercenary motives. To break the force of
any such objection to the work, and relieve it from prejudices thus
created, the veil is lifted, and the author's name is placed upon the
title page.
The facts and statistics used in the first edition, were brought down to
the close of 1854, mainly, and the arguments founded upon the then
existing state of things. The year 1853 was taken as best indicating the
relations of our planters and farmers to the manufactures and commerce
of the country and the world; because the exports and imports of that
year were nearer an average of the commercial operations of the country
than the extraordinary year which followed; and because the author had
nearly finished his labors before the results of 1854 had been
ascertained. In preparing the second edition for the press, many
additional facts, of a more recent date, have been introduced: all of
which tend to prove the general accuracy of the author's conclusions, as
expressed in the first edition.
Tables IV and V, added to the present edition, embrace some very curious
and instructive statistics, in relation to the increase and decrease of
the free colored people, in certain sections, and the influence they
appear to exert on public sentiment.
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
IN the preparation of the following pages, the author has aimed at
clearness of statement, rather than elegance of diction. He sets up no
claim to literary distinction; and even if he did, every man of
classical taste knows, that a work, abounding in facts and statistics,
affords little opportunity for any display of literary ability.
The greatest care has been taken, by the author, to secure perfect
accuracy in the statistical information supplied, and in all the facts
stated.
The authorities consulted are Brande's Dictionary of Science, Literature
and Art; Porter's Progress of the British Nation; McCullough's
Commercial Dictionary; Encyclopædia Americana; London Economist; De
Bow's Review; Patent Office Reports; Congressional Reports on Commerce
and Navigation; Abstract of the Census Reports, 1850; and Compendium of
the Census Reports. The extracts from the Debates in Congress, on the
Tariff Question, are copied from the _National Intelligencer_.
The tabular statements appended, bring together the principal facts,
belonging to the questions examined, in such a manner that their
relations to each other can be seen at a glance.
The first of these Tables, shows the date of the origin of cotton
manufactories in England, and the amount of cotton annually consumed,
down to 1853; the origin and amount of the exports of cotton from the
United States to Europe; the sources of England's supplies of cotton,
from countries other than the United States; the dates of the
discoveries which have promoted the production and manufacture of
cotton; the commencement of the movements made to meliorate the
condition of the African race; and the occurrence of events that have
increased the value of slavery, and led to its extension.
The second and third of the tables, relate to the exports and imports of
the United States; and illustrate the relations sustained by slavery, to
the other industrial interests and to the commerce of the country.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY STATEMENTS.
Character of the Slavery controversy in the United
States--In Great Britain--Its influence in
modifying the policy of Anti-Slavery men in
America--Course of the Churches--Political
Parties--Result, COTTON IS KING--Necessity of
reviewing the policy in relation to the African
race--Topics embraced in the discussion.
THE controversy on SLAVERY, in the United States, has been one of an
exciting and complicated character. The power to emancipate existing, in
fact, in the States separately and not in the general government, the
efforts to abolish it, by appeals to public opinion, have been fruitless
except when confined to single States. In Great Britain the question was
simple. The power to abolish slavery in her West Indian colonies was
vested in Parliament. To agitate the people of England, and call out a
full expression of sentiment, was to control Parliament and secure its
abolition. The success of the English abolitionists, in the employment
of moral force, had a powerful influence in modifying the policy of
American anti-slavery men. Failing to discern the difference in the
condition of the two countries, they attempted to create a public
sentiment throughout the United States adverse to slavery, in the
confident expectation of speedily overthrowing the institution. The
issue taken, that slavery is _malum in se_--a sin in itself--was
prosecuted with all the zeal and eloquence they could command. Churches
adopting the _sin per se_ doctrine, inquired of their converts, not
whether they supported slavery by the use of its products, but whether
they believed the institution itself sinful. Could public sentiment be
brought to assume the proper ground; could the slaveholder be convinced
that the world denounced him as equally criminal with the robber and
murderer; then, it was believed, he would abandon the system. Political
parties, subsequently organized, taught, that to vote for a slaveholder,
or a pro-slavery man, was sinful, and could not be done without violence
to conscience; while, at the same time, they made no scruples of using
the products of slave labor--the exorbitant demand for which was the
great bulwark of the institution. This was a radical error. It laid all
who adopted it open to the charge of practical inconsistency, and left
them without any moral power over the consciences of others. As long as
all used their products, so long the slaveholders found the _per se_
doctrine working them no harm; as long as no provision was made for
supplying the demand for tropical products by free labor, so long there
was no risk in extending the field of operations. Thus, the very things
necessary to the overthrow of American slavery, were left undone, while
those essential to its prosperity, were continued in the most active
operation; so that, now, after more than a thirty years' war, we may
say, emphatically, COTTON IS KING, and his enemies are vanquished.
Under these circumstances, it is due to the age--to the friends of
humanity--to the cause of liberty--to the safety of the Union--that we
should review the movements made in behalf of the African race, in our
country; so that errors of principle may be abandoned; mistakes in
policy corrected; the free colored people taught their true relations to
the industrial interests of the world; the rights of the slave as well
as the master secured; and the principles of the constitution
established and revered. It is proposed, therefore, to examine this
subject in the light of the social, civil, and commercial history of the
country; and, in doing this, to embrace the facts and arguments under
the following heads:
1. The early movements on the subject of slavery; the circumstances
under which the Colonization Society took its rise; the relations it
sustained to slavery and to the schemes projected for its abolition; the
origin of the elements which have given to American slavery its
commercial value and consequent powers of expansion; and the futility of
the means used to prevent the extension of the institution.
2. The relations of American slavery to the industrial interests of our
own country; to the demands of commerce; and to the present political
crisis.
3. The industrial, social, and moral condition of the free colored
people in the British colonies and in the United States; and the
influence they have exerted on public sentiment in relation to the
perpetuation of slavery.
4. The moral relations of persons holding the _per se_ doctrine, on the
subject of slavery, to the purchase and consumption of slave labor
products.