can only observe that in general I decline dinners of the kind
mentioned in that epistle; however, my profession has carried me to
Ireland more than once, and particularly when I was in the sister
kingdom in the year 1787 I experienced those attentions which time
cannot obliterate from my memory. I esteem and value Ireland, and
wish her well from the bottom of my heart. I am confident the
meeting on St. Patrick's day ought to be one of charity and good
humour, and totally void of those politics which unfortunately
distract that unhappy country; in your Grace's hands, I am sure the
business will be ably conducted to the utter exclusion of topics
which might produce discord, and I shall be happy, as Earl of
Munster, to assist your Grace in supporting the object of charity,
and in preserving harmony and unanimity on the 17th of next March;
till then adieu, and
Ever believe me, dear Duke,
Yours sincerely,
WILLIAM.
The imprudence of Lord Wellesley had become the subject of much comment
even among his Lordship's friends, and somewhat embarrassed his
colleagues in the English Cabinet. He excited in Dublin considerable
opposition, in which more than one person in authority, with whom he
ought to have cultivated the most friendly relations, made himself
conspicuous.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office Feb. 17, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
I very much agree in the view which you take of the situation of
Lord Wellesley, and what I intended to convey to you was a
disapprobation of his having SWOOPED at such small birds, when the
Chancellor and Commander-in-Chief crowed in his face. He had only
to decide between the course of entirely overlooking the
transaction, and that of requiring _their_ dismission.
You will see the tone assumed by the _Courier_ to-night is
obviously with the intention of forcing the Orange part of the
Government into action. A Cabinet will be held to-morrow, when I
think the matter cannot fail to be brought forward.
Wellesley has played his cards wretchedly, particularly in not
communicating with anybody. I really believe that by a contrary
course he might have carried Peel with him. He has not even, I
understand, written to the King, whom he ought to have treated as
his sheet-anchor.
The information which you give me of the ascendancy of the Orange
faction in every department of Government, is strongly confirmed by
Plunket. His view is, that if the Act against secret and affiliated
societies is passed, it should be considered as the manifestation
of the resolution of Government, and be followed up by a private
communication that all persons in office who endeavour to evade it
and continue members of Orange Lodges, should be dismissed.
Canning appears engrossed in his own department, and certainly does
not seem to place confidence in any of his colleagues but
Liverpool. With Peel I have made much progress, and find him in
general more fair, more manly, and more statesmanlike in his views
than I had at all hoped.
I think it clear that either Lord Wellesley or Lord Manners must be
recalled. I still hope it will be the latter, but either way it
must decide what the future character and bearing of the
Administration is to be, and drive out one part of it.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. WILLIAMS WYNN.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
House of Commons, Feb. 18, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
In consequence of the very agitated state of Ireland, and the
certainty that the debate, instead of relating to the Catholic
question, would have wholly turned upon the late proceedings in
Dublin, it was generally thought at a meeting which this morning
was held at Plunket's, that it would be advisable to postpone it
till after Easter, and in consequence, Plunket, on the application
of Newport and Canning, has just deferred it till Thursday, the
17th of April.
The paragraph in the _Courier_ is disclaimed by everybody, and
will, I trust, lead to the breaking off of all connexion between
that paper and Government.
I have heard nothing more on the subject of Ireland, but have
talked with some of my colleagues, who seem to feel as strongly as
I do the necessity of the removal of the Chancellor. You shall hear
when I know anything more.
Ever yours,
C. W. W.
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
House of Commons, Feb. 19, Four o'clock.
MY DEAR DUKE,
The difficulties of Ireland are complicated in every way, but I am
quite sure the Government must stand firm to Lord Wellesley on the
present occasion. The recalling him would be such a complete
victory to Orangeism, that it would of necessity break up the
Government; but I understand the Cabinet have no difference on this
point, and in admitting "that in no instance has Lord Wellesley
exceeded his instructions." Whether he has fulfilled them
judiciously, is another question. Again, if Lord Manners is
recalled, the difficulty of fulfilling the engagement to Plunket,
of giving him the Seals, is almost insurmountable, for it would
then be a complete victory to the Catholic; and if any other man
were named, it would be a complete quarrel with Plunket; so that
altogether it is a fine mash; and in my opinion will only be got
over by leaving them both to reconcile their differences, and
giving Plunket a good opportunity, which he will not fail to avail
himself of, to make his statement of the whole of his proceedings
to Parliament. I have little doubt that this will set up Lord
Wellesley again. At present he is run down with the greatest
activity by every hanger-on and agent of the Protestant part of the
Government. I hear Peel behaves very well indeed, and is perfectly
moderate and well-judging upon the whole question.
We expect a desperate attack to-day, but I have no doubt we shall
have a good division. Notwithstanding, _entre nous_, it appears to
be an infernal job.
Ever most faithfully,
W. H. F.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, Feb. 19, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
It gives me great pleasure to hear of your coming to town, but it
is fair to say that when I wrote on Monday, I attached an
importance to the article in the _Courier_ which I am since
convinced it was not entitled to, and that it is equally
disapproved by all the principal members of the Government.
Still this will not be known in Ireland, and its effect there will
be most mischievous. _I think_ the result will be the removal of
the Chancellor; but Peel, with whom I have had most conversation,
complains extremely of Wellesley's not having written to him a
line, or I believe to any other person, on the state of Ireland or
any of the late events. He says most truly, "The Lord-Lieutenant
has a clear right to dismiss any of his household with or without a
reason, but can we from that infer his feelings respecting the
Chancellor, or can the Government take any steps on mere newspaper
reports?" From Plunket's report I believe that the Lord-Lieutenant
and Chancellor are on as bad terms as possible, and that it is
notorious to all Dublin. The public good _demands_ that decisive
measures should be taken, but it is really hard upon the English
Ministers to expect them to originate them without a request or
intimation from the person in whose department they are, and who is
most directly responsible.
If anything is now done, he [Lord Wellesley] will, you well know,
make a merit of his not having complained against Lord Manners, and
declare that he never wished his removal.
Ever yours,
C. W. W.
The Duke of Buckingham thought it necessary to write to Lord Wellesley
in a friendly spirit, on his recent proceedings, to which the
Lord-Lieutenant made the following reply:--
THE LORD-LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Phoenix Park, Feb. 21, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
I received with the utmost degree of gratitude and satisfaction
your Grace's most kind and generous letter, which my long (but as
you know) involuntary silence did not merit.
Your Grace's reasoning is most just, and all your observations
judicious and useful. In a few days I hope to be able (by a safe
hand) to send a more full and explicit answer to your letter. In
the meanwhile, I will shortly state that I hope the extension to
Ireland of the provisions of the Act 38th George III. will not be
delayed: that the removal of some officers of the household was
absolutely necessary for the maintenance even of my _private_
honour. V---- is an old offender, and had received menaces of
dismission several times for disrespect to the King, Lord
Cornwallis, Lord Whitworth, Lord Wellesley, &c.
A great military commander made such explanations at a private
audience granted to him at his request, that it would be impossible
to complain of his conduct. He is not very quick of comprehension,
and probably was not apprised of the intention to insult. A great
law officer was with me, and _now_ declares that _he_ never
arraigned the _legality_ of any of the late proceedings from
October to the close of the trials, but did not approve the policy
of those proceedings.
It is not just now the moment for investigating his conduct. The
first objects are a full discussion and judgment on the conduct of
my Government during the time which has elapsed from 1st January,
1822, to the present hour, and an extension of the 38th of the late
King to Ireland.
I am most happy to hear that our dear and inestimable friend Lord
Grenville recovers so rapidly.
Ever, my dear Duke,
Yours with true affection,
WELLESLEY.
CHAPTER XII.
[1823.]
NEW APPOINTMENTS. LORD WELLESLEY'S REPRESENTATIONS RESPECTING THE STATE
OF IRELAND. THE GOVERNMENT SUPPORT THE LORD-LIEUTENANT. MR. PLUNKET'S
EXPLANATIONS. ILLNESS OF THE KING. THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S SUGGESTION.
AN IRISH QUESTION. TRIUMPH OF MR. PLUNKET. PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.
QUARREL BETWEEN MR. CHARLES W. WYNN AND MR. PEEL. THE DUKE OF
WELLINGTON'S OPINION OF MR. CANNING. HIS GRACE A PEACE-MAKER. BOASTFUL
SPEECH ATTRIBUTED TO MR. PITT.
CHAPTER XII.
The changes that had taken place in the Government this year comprised
the appointment of the Right Hon. Frederick John Robinson as Chancellor
and Under Treasurer of the Exchequer, the Right Hon. William Huskisson
as Treasurer of the Navy, and the Right Hon. Nicholas Vansittart as
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, he was also raised to the Peerage
by the title of Baron Bexley. Mr. Henry Watkin Williams Wynn had also
been gazetted Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the
King of Wurtemberg. The debates in the two Houses of the Legislature
did not indicate any pressing necessity for more important alterations,
the principal subject being the reduction of the National Debt, the
Tithe System in Ireland, and the Irish Volunteer Corps; the last two
giving occasion for attacks on the proceedings of the Government in
Ireland. On these points the President of the Board of Control will be
found sufficiently communicative.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, March 4, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
Lord W----'s answer has at length just arrived, and is rather an
extraordinary one. He professes himself still decidedly of opinion
that the extension of the Act against secret societies is
necessary, but indifferent as to the time of its being brought
forward. He dwells, however, much on the importance and utility of
Abercromby's motion, and urges a full Parliamentary inquiry into
the condition of Ireland, the nature of the Orange societies, and
of the impediments his Government has met with. In short, if
instead of a private it were a public one, I should think that he
was making a preparatory case of grievance prior to resignation, to
be hereafter moved for in Parliament.
Nothing was decided in the Cabinet yesterday, which in the hope of
receiving this despatch was adjourned till to-morrow; but I flatter
myself the result will be to announce that we are prepared to bring
forward the proposed measure, though I fear this notice will be
accompanied by explanations from P---- which will provoke a debate,
and make it necessary for each of us to state his separate views. I
regret the discussion on general grounds, but most on account of
Plunket.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
I conclude, among so large a party as that at Strathfield-saye, you
will have had little opportunity of conversation with your host.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, March 5, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
Just returned from Cabinet, and going to the House. The
determination, unanimous and quite satisfactory, to announce our
own intention of bringing forward, immediately after Easter, a Bill
to enforce the laws against secret societies, founded on the
Lord-Lieutenant's despatches of November and January last, and
fortified by what has since passed, and a general declaration of
support to the Irish Government.
Ever yours,
C. W. W.
The letter I mentioned yesterday recommended inquiry and public
discussion, for the purpose of placing in the broadest light the
condition of Ireland, the nature of secret societies, the whole
conduct of the Government, and of those who have thwarted and
opposed it!! The two brothers strongly condemn the conduct of the
third.[110]
[110] The Duke of Wellington, Lord Maryborough, and the Marquis
Wellesley.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
March 6, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
My letter of yesterday will have prepared you for the debate, of
which you will read the account in the papers. Undoubtedly the best
course would have been to have given the notice of our intended
Bill in the first instance, and so have precluded the debate, but
P----[111] would not then have had the opportunity of making his
explanation, to which he attached much importance.
Part of his speech was good, but he showed too much anxiety to
justify himself and prove his own consistency, and a sort of
soreness which conveyed, I find, pretty generally, the idea that he
was acting on compulsion, which the Purple (Orange is not an
epithet strong enough) speech of his brother-in-law and
Under-Secretary strongly confirmed.
Canning expressed well and decidedly the concurrence and union of
the Governments of England and Ireland. Altogether we have got
through the business _so far_, more smoothly than I had
anticipated. I remained silent, as you advised. When I spoke of
unanimity yesterday, I should have excepted W. W. P----,[112] who
was too apprehensive of the consequences of the measure in the
north, to be swayed by paternal regard. Plunket continues to look
wretchedly ill, and from his own account of constant headaches,
&c., I cannot help feeling uneasy about him.
We have not for some time had any discussion on foreign politics,
but I quite concur in the view which my uncles, the Duke, and you
all take of it, except that I could not _swallow_ any permanent
occupation of Spain by France without great difficulty.
Ever yours,
C. W. W.
[111] Mr. Plunket.
[112] William Wellesley Pole, created in 1821 Baron Maryborough.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, March 7, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
It is true that there be many things which may arise between this
and the end of the Session, but at present the one point upon which
all the House of Commons seems to agree is, that we are the _best_
and WISEST Ministers since the days of Lord Burleigh, and we only
stand in need of fans to hide our blushes when our modesty is so
severely put to the proof by the compliments of the opposite side.
Seriously, the effect of the two last nights' debates, if properly
taken advantage of by Wellesley, ought to place his Government for
some time upon velvet, particularly when accompanied by the humble
Palinodia of the Chancellor to the beef-steaks, which, I must
confess, in despite of all regard for an old friend, seems somewhat
contemptible. W---- has again the cards in his own hand if he knows
how to play them, but the next _revoke_ will be fatal to him
if it soon occurs.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, March 12, 1823.
I have little now to tell you, my dear B----, but that on Monday a
private letter was written to W---- by Peel, with the concurrence
of the Cabinet, containing strong assurances of support, but
stating at the same time an opinion that the evidence did not
warrant the committal for an attempt to murder, or the language of
the addresses or answers, and terminating with a recommendation of
endeavours to secure the co-operation of persons of influence and
consequence, whatever their persuasions or opinions might be.
Altogether it had too much the tone of a lecture, but was so
strongly supported by the brethren, that as there was no particular
part I could say that I disapproved, after some modifications which
I suggested, I acquiesced in it. The accounts which you give me of
the D----'s language certainly seem to tally with his conduct, but
yet I cannot conceive what possible arrangement he can look to to
remove him; to recall him would really be a signal of civil war;
and I do not see to what place he could be removed, but to the
Cabinet or to Paris. For the latter, he would be particularly
unfit, and it would not be easy to make room for him in the former
but by removing Westmoreland, which I conclude the Lowthers, &c.,
would resent in a manner which would be inconvenient.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
Although the current of politics seemed to be getting smoother, much
uneasiness existed at Court in consequence of the King's state of
health, which is thus described:--
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Brighton, April 4, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
I came here for a few days during the Easter, fortunately after the
Pavilion party had broken up, or probably I should not have found a
room at the hotel. I merely write to give you the gossip of the
King; the papers would make you believe he is quite well, but
_tout au contraire_, he has appeared not more than twice or
three times, and for the last three days has been in his bed. He
held his Council yesterday in bed, and during this last visit of
the Duke of York, he has never been out of his bed or bedroom. You
may rely upon it he is most extremely unwell, and I take it to be a
complete break up; he is low to a degree, and his expressions
yesterday, while the Council were sitting in his bedroom, were most
melancholy. The Council consisted of Lord Bathurst, Colchester,
Conyngham, Becket, and Vice-Chancellor, who was here by accident. I
suppose if they had wanted another they would have sent for me.
There is no party at the Pavilion, and everything looks glum and
melancholy.
Ever, &c.,
W. H. F.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
London, April 10, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
I imagine that Lord Liverpool's statement of Monday will scarcely
be allowed to pass off without reply. Indeed it will afford a fine
opportunity for dealing in general assertion and declamation. But
if it should, I imagine that the Opposition will be the side to fix
upon the time and nature of any ulterior proceeding. We don't
propose to make any further proposition. Indeed, I doubt the
expediency and propriety of doing what we are about to do without
previous motion.
I don't recollect Mr. Henry Murray. But that is not surprising,
considering that there are so many in the same situation who apply
to me.
I hear that the King is now better. Could you not write to Sir W.
Knighton, and recommend to his attention your course of regimen,
&c.? He is not now the King's medical adviser; but he is not a
person to mount his horse upon such a letter being written to him;
and I am certain that such a letter from you will be received as an
affectionate attention, even though it should not produce any other
effect.
Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,
WELLINGTON.
The smoothness of the political current did not long continue; a
passage in one of Mr. Charles Wynn's numerous communications thus
describes its disturbance:--
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
April 10, 1823.
It is a time when it is necessary to press for all the exertion to
which Lord L---- can be spirited up to resist the motion of
Brownlow on Tuesday next, which will receive a most formidable
support from the Opposition, the Irish Orange members, and the
irritated English Protestant country gentlemen.
Macnaghten has already tendered his resignation (but now says he
will wait to hear Pl----'s explanation), which, connected as he is
with Lord Hertford, is somewhat ominous. O'Neill is expected to do
the same.
Opposition, notwithstanding a considerable schism among themselves,
are, I hear, elated with the expectation of carrying the question.
Lord Grey and the Mountain are most eager. Mackintosh, on the
contrary, promises to attend and speak. Calcraft, Michael Angelo
[Taylor], Grenfell, Ricardo, Newport, Rice, and some others, will
support Plunket. Abercrombie is, I hear, undecided. But what is
material is that it should be considered that all who vote with
Brownlow are declaring direct hostility against the Government, and
that a censure upon the Irish Administration is a censure upon the
English, which supports and continues it.
I think we shall certainly have a good deal of desultory debate on
Monday, when the papers are produced, after Canning's detailed
explanation and statement; but as Lord Althorpe's motion for the
repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Bill stands for Wednesday, that
will open a better vent for the comments upon the papers when they
have been read. I feel little doubt, however, that the Opposition
will originate some question in both Houses upon them, especially
when they are accompanied with the news of passing the Bidassoa.
The Duke of Norfolk is, I hear, very indignant at the intention of
Opposition to vote against Plunket, and threatens to break with
them.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
Mr. Fremantle wrote the next day as usual, _de omnibus rebus_.
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office. April 11, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
I find we are in a great fright about Plunket's motion on the 16th.
The Opposition are fortunately split upon it, but our _country_
support is very slack upon it, and if Plunket don't make a better
case than he did before, we shall be in a scrape--in fact, it will
come to the question of whether the Irish Government is to stand or
fall, or whether the Catholic or Protestant is to have exclusive
powers.
You may be assured the K---- is breaking up. He may rally for a
short time, but he has no stamina to resist attacks of the gout
constantly prevailing in his habit. I have this from an authority I
cannot doubt. He was in his bed the whole time I was at Brighton,
from Wednesday to Monday, and I believe has not been out since. I
am assured here that the markets are rising, and along the coast
where I pursued my trip--I mean at Hastings, E. Bourne, &c.--the
markets were improving greatly, and the corn rising. If you are not
in town on Monday, I will let you know what passes in Canning's
explanation.
The Duc d'Angouleme is thought to have started well, as far as his
orders go, but the impression in town is still that France cannot
succeed. I have not seen or heard what Fitz Roy Somerset says upon
it, but he gives the most lamentable account of the state of the
Constitutional Spaniards' preparation. Never was anything so
disorganized, so wanting altogether in preparation, concord, or
means.
Ever most truly yours,
W. H. F.
P.S.--I cannot get you Canning's papers before Monday, for there is
so much erasure, and change, and discussion in them, that you may
depend upon it they will not be ready till the moment of their
presentation.
To these extracts may be added the following communications:--
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, April 14, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
We continue to be most nervous about the result of to-morrow. There
is a disinclination to attend among the friends of Government which
is alarming. The resignations of Barry and Macnaghten, the latter
in particular, who is supposed to be as fond of money as any man,
are strong indications of the violence of Orange feeling.
P---- has with great difficulty kept his _beau frere_, Dawson,
from pursuing the same course. At the same time, he and Lord G.
Beresford have done all the mischief they could by their
conversation and language.
Lord Grey has been particularly active to stimulate the Opposition
to violent hostility and censure, but it was supposed yesterday,
that in order to avoid the hazard of a permanent and acrimonious
split, they would all unite in favour of inquiry as a _mezzo
termino_. Should this be the case, it is almost certain we shall
find ourselves in a decided minority; still, the infinite evil
attendant upon an inquiry, the irritation which it would create in
Ireland, are considerations so weighty that we all think it better
to be beaten on such a question than to concede it.
We are trying in secret to stimulate Wilberforce, Wortley, Acland,
&c., to take the line of rising immediately after Plunket has
concluded his defence, deprecating discussion as likely to
exasperate and prolong the inflammation of both parties, and then
proposing an adjournment. This I think is a course which the
country gentlemen in general would be disposed to fall into, and
which would be adopted by several of those who are equally disposed
to avoid offending their Orange constituents and the Government.
It is in itself far from desirable to meet a censure by anything
but a direct negative, but I think that such an expedient is, on
the whole, preferable to the chance of defeat either on censure or
inquiry.
The papers were not ready yesterday. We had some of the proofs at
the Cabinet yesterday, but they were not then arranged or in any
forwardness. I think it so likely that they may not be sent to the
House of Commons till too late for the post, that I have desired
Fremantle to go to Planta and beg that a copy may be sent down to
you from the Foreign Office. I cannot conceive that any regular
debate can take place to-night; some observations may be made, but
it is obvious that they must wait till they have read the papers
and compared them with Canning's speech, before they can really
proceed to any discussion of the conduct of Government.
Ever most affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, Wednesday.
Nothing, my dear B----, could be more satisfactory than the result
of last night. The triumph of Plunket was complete. He addressed a
House evidently unfavourably disposed to him, and for the first
hour we could scarcely raise a decent cheer to encourage him. It
then became evident that he was making progress, and he proceeded
till the applause fairly rung from every part of the House, and his
adversaries, who had every reason to expect a majority, found it
impossible even to venture on a division. On his account I wish
more confidence had been placed in the effect of his speech, and
that it had been determined to meet the motion with a direct
negative, but the extreme reluctance of the majority of the friends
of Government to pledge themselves beforehand to any course more
decided than the orders of the day, would have made it too
hazardous. In one respect the line adopted is fortunate, as it
enables us the better to resist Burdett's motion for inquiry on
Tuesday.
Canning's speech on Monday would have been a very good one for an
independent member who spoke his own sentiments only, but ill
suited the character of a Minister for Foreign Affairs. Such a
speech in the Chamber of Deputies from Chateaubriand with regard to
England, would at some periods disable an English Administration
from maintaining neutrality. I conclude that the discussion of the
papers in the House of Lords, of which Lord Grey gave notice, will
bring you to town.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, April 16, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
I find you do not come till Thursday or Friday, I therefore send
you a few lines to say how triumphantly the business went off
yesterday. Brownlow made a very eloquent and able speech, but
Plunket's explanation was perfectly satisfactory and convincing to
the House, and the general feeling was decidedly in favour of
crushing all further discussion upon it. The friends of Government
had been summoned in the morning by Canning, and then a very calm
and friendly communication took place, in which the violent
Orangeists, I mean Sir George Hill, Dawson, &c. &c., all concurred
in the propriety of preventing, if possible, any decision being
pronounced upon the question, which could only go to the increase
of the irritation and violence now existing, and could be of no
advantage, but on the contrary the greatest disadvantage, to
Ireland; and accordingly the motion of Courtenay's was suggested
and unanimously approved; I must, however, do Peel the justice to
say, that he distinctly stated that if the result of the debate was
to be an opinion on Plunket's conduct, he should not hesitate one
moment in giving his heartfelt and sincere opinion in favour of the
proceeding he had adopted.
In the House, Plunket laboured, I think, a good deal in bringing
his precedents to bear on the subject, and showed infinite
dexterity in all this part of his argument; but when he came to the
whole of the proceedings of the Grand Jury and the High Sheriff, he
carried the House along with him, and ended his speech with the
unanimous feeling of the House in his favour; indeed, I am not sure
but that we might have carried a decided negative; however,
altogether it is better as it is, more particularly as Plunket is
equally satisfied.
The King comes to town to-day, and I understand has made up his
mind to hold a drawing-room, and sit during the time; I doubt even
his ability to do this, if he has not greatly mended since I left
Brighton. We shall lose the Catholic question to-morrow, at least
this is my opinion; the state of Ireland, and of parties in that
country, has made a great alteration in opinions of those who were
not very stout upon it before.
The papers which have been presented to Parliament regarding the
negotiations at Verona, and Paris, and Madrid, are considered so
far satisfactory as to meet the feelings of the country in
maintaining a neutrality--that is, in avoiding to commit England to
any share in hostilities; but I should say that they have given an
impression that we were duped by the French Government up to the
moment of the King's Speech, and even afterwards, and that the tone
maintained by England throughout the whole of the proceedings was
not sufficiently high and commanding. There is also throughout the
whole of the negotiations, a continued exertion on the part of
England to induce the Spaniards to give way by some modification of
their constitution, without a corresponding attempt to induce
France to remove her army. The Opposition think that the papers
altogether afford them a very good case; no notice is yet given in
the House of Commons upon the subject, but probably there will
to-day or to-morrow.
Adieu, my dear Duke,
Ever most truly yours,
W. H. F.
P.S.--I fear poor General Grenville cannot last many days, he is
considerably worse.
General Grenville died a short time after the date of this letter. He
was the younger brother of Lord Glastonbury, and therefore the second
son of Mr. James Grenville.
The state of our foreign relations began to create some uneasiness in
the public mind; indeed, a grave complication was arising, that
demanded the exercise of the profoundest statesmanship to treat in a
manner worthy the reputation of this country.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, April 17, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
My letter of yesterday will show you that we do not disagree in
principle as to the speech of Monday night. I cannot conceive a
course more derogatory to the dignity or contrary to the interest
of two great nations, than for the Ministers of Foreign Affairs to
animadvert on the conduct of each other's Government, as those of
England and France have done.
Still, I am very far from viewing it in the light which it has on
the first impression appeared to you, nor can I participate in your
apprehensions of its leading to the withdrawal of the Minister of
the Court of France, or that it will be considered tantamount to a
declaration of war.
Lord Grenville concurs in disapprobation of the speeches, but not
to the degree which you seem to feel, and expresses his opinion
that "the papers are, on the whole, satisfactory, and the last
instructions _good_."
You have not stated what your objections to them are, and therefore
it is impossible for me to address myself to meet them.
Ever most affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
I fear that we have not a chance of success to-night.
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, April 18, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
You will see by the papers the turbulent discussion we had last
night. I was not in the House till afterwards, and therefore can
only give you what I heard of the impression made, which was
altogether favourable to Canning. His want of temper was condemned
in the first instance, but at the same time it is thought that it
will be most beneficial in stopping those strains of invective and
abuse which are daily increasing, and likely still more to increase
if not put down. The fact is, that the Opposition have been buoying
themselves up with the hope and expectation of connexion and
friendship with Canning--they now see this to be visionary, and are
determined to try and drive a dissention in the Cabinet by
violence; and in this they are encouraged by the language held, and
general conduct of the Chancellor.
Wynn made an indiscreet speech, as far as it regarded Peel, but I
hope nothing will arise from it--indeed, there is no reason to fear
there may, as the explanation was perfectly satisfactory. As to our
Catholic question, it is gone to the d----l, and what is to be the
result of this I have not a guess.
With regard to the negotiations, I perfectly agree with you that
nothing can display greater weakness than the papers do; but the
feeling in the country is so strong in favour of neutrality and of
the Spaniards, and also the feeling of Parliament, that you may
rely on it the Government will come out of the discussion
triumphantly. I do not entertain the smallest idea that France will
carry her resentment so far against Canning's and Lord Liverpool's
speeches as to recall her Minister, or to think of quarrelling with
us. I can understand your feeling with regard to their declarations
in favour of the revolutionary Spanish Government; but however you
may feel, depend upon it no Minister, no Government, and no man is
powerful enough in this country, either in political or personal
character, to stand up to fight the battle of the Ultras. I should
say that the King and the Duke of York would do so if they could
find the means, but these are impossible, and the public odium
which would follow such an attempt would be fatal to any man or set
of men.
There will certainly be a Levee on the 21st, and I suppose a
Drawing-room. I take it for granted some notice will be given
to-day in our House of a motion on the papers. As I shall see you
so soon, I will add no more.
Yours truly,
W. H. F.
The relations between France and Spain continued to attract very great
attention, both in and out of Parliament, and not only were suggestive
questions asked of the Government as to this country being bound by
treaty to support the Bourbons in France, but the Earl of Liverpool in
the House of Lords, and Mr. Canning in the House of Commons, while
producing papers illustrating the late negotiations at Vienna, Paris,
and Madrid, gave an exposition of affairs that strongly reflected on
the conduct of the French Ministers. A still more important debate on
the same subject came on on the 24th of April, in which Lord Grenville
and the Duke of Buckingham spoke in favour of Ministers.
The question of the Catholic claims came on for discussion in the House
of Commons on the 17th of April, but Mr. Plunket went through the usual
arguments in favour of the Catholic claims with less than the ordinary
amount of success, and the last of these motions of adjournment was
carried by 333 to 111. In a subsequent debate, a misunderstanding
between Mr. Peel and Mr. Charles Williams Wynn, as to the system on
which each considered Ireland was to be governed, threatened serious
consequences, according to the following representations:--
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, Ten o'clock.
I have been here from ten, and am going to the Aylesbury
Commission, or should have called on you. I met the Duke of
Wellington yesterday in the Park, who had been sent to by Lord
Liverpool in the morning, to discuss the question regarding Wynn
and Peel. He threw the whole blame on Lord Liverpool for not having
originally shown the papers to Peel, but said that it could not
lead to ultimate quarrels--that Lord Liverpool must interfere, and
that he, the Duke, was to see Peel _this morning_. It appears to
me, from the Duke's language, that the discussion and the
settlement of the difference must now proceed from Lord Liverpool,
as it is the complaint of Peel against him for not being apprised
of the terms on which we came into the Government. The Duke
appeared to entertain no doubt of settling it amicably, but my
object, pressed upon him, was to take care it should be done
speedily, and that no public appearance of difference should be
manifested in the House of Commons. Probably you have seen the Duke
of Wellington before you receive this. A good speech from you in
the House of Lords to-night would be more likely to strengthen us
and set us right than anything else.
W. H. F.
The Duke of Wellington had never seen the correspondence till
yesterday, when shown to him by Lord Liverpool.
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, May 31, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
I met the Duke of Wellington this morning, and had a great deal of
conversation with him of a most confidential nature. He began it by
asking if you had left town, saying he had received your letter,
and had taken immediate steps for bringing matters right between
C---- and W----.[113] That "I knew perfectly well how ticklish a
gentleman the former was, and how difficult to manage, and with how
little ground he was in the habit of taking exception; that in this
case he knew he could have no ground, but on the contrary he
(C----) ought and must know, that he owed W---- every attention and
kindness for the manly and decided manner you had acted on the
proposal of taking him into office after the death of Lord
L----."[114] I found evidently that the Duke of W---- disliked C----,
for he could not resist the pleasure of attacking and condemning
him in many points of his conduct since he has held the Seals, and
entered at large into it in a manner that I cannot well detail in a
letter, going through his quarrel with the Chancellor, and what had
since occurred in an attempt which the Duke had made to reconcile
them, and in which he thought C---- had behaved with great want of
judgment and temper; again, in his conduct about Spain, and on the
questions regarding Ireland; but with all this (admitting of
course), his value to the Government, and the necessity of keeping
him in good humour if possible. It was most satisfactory to hear
him say, that the whole of Wynn's conduct in the Cabinet since he
had belonged to it had been uniformly conciliatory and temperate,
and such as had universally given satisfaction, and that he could
not understand why C---- had taken the exception.
I see evidently from all this that the K---- still continues to
feel indisposed to C----, for I am quite sure the language the Duke
holds is the same held by his Royal Master; and there is another
view which is not less satisfactory, namely, that he (C----) is not
sufficiently strong with the Cabinet to carry everything his own
way. All I should recommend to W----, and which I shall speak to
him about, is to follow the Duke of W----'s advice in going on, not
pretending to see the coolness, and leave C---- to amuse himself
with his own ill-humour.
I was delighted to hear from Wynn of his Majesty's gracious
language about you, and at the manner in which he was received, and
that you have judged quite wisely in writing to express your
feelings upon it; at the same time I would recommend you not to
press it further at present, but to see how matters go on, and
whether anything occurs previous to the prorogation. I still think
the Chancellor will go when this takes place, but not before, but I
doubt of the manner in which the law arrangements are to be made.
The Government are determined to get the Irish Tithes Bills through
if they can, and Canning told me he thought nothing could be so
dangerous or desperate as to leave them still hanging over.
You shall hear from me whenever I hear anything further.
Ever most faithfully yours,
W. H. F.
[113] Canning and Wynn.
[114] Lord Londonderry.
The Duke of Wellington, who undertook the office of peace-maker between
Mr. Canning and Mr. Wynn, refers in the course of the following
communication to the well-known verse--
"I do not like thee, Dr. Fell,
The reason why, I cannot tell,
But this, in truth, I know full well,
I do not like thee, Dr. Fell."
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
London, May 30, 1823.
MY DEAR D----,
I received your letter of the 28th, and took steps immediately to
effect your object. Although not so important as the affair of the
same description I settled before, it is not so easy, as the
disposition and manners of the men are very different, and it will
take more time. But I am at work upon it, and have communicated
with Lord Liverpool, who agrees with me; and I recommend that
Charles Wynn should act as usual, and take no notice either of the
continuance of the contrary state of things, or of any change which
we may produce. I know there is no reason for the conduct
complained of, excepting it be the same that was given for the
dislike of Dr. Fell.
I will let you know anything that may pass upon this subject; and I
beg you to
Believe me,
Ever yours most sincerely,
WELLINGTON.
The state of our foreign relations elicited from Lord Grenville the
following characteristic communication, referring to a boastful speech
often attributed to Mr. Pitt.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, Tuesday.
I send the petition by the coach. I believe I mentioned to you my
wish that nothing should be said upon it, except that you present
it in my absence on account of illness.
As I do not at all partake in the _virtuous_ enthusiasm for the
cause of Jacobinism in Spain, I allow myself to hope that things
there are going on well. I am entirely of opinion that the war is a
most unadvised step on the part of France, and that nothing could
be more impolitic, except our having the folly to mix ourselves in
the squabble either way by word or deed.
Some wiseacre in the House of Commons has said that Lord Chatham
declared that not a gun should be fired in Europe _without his
leave_. Lord C---- came into office when this country was
involved in a war in which she had so much the worst of it, that
all men despaired of the issue. He went out of office before the
peace was made, and his merit was that he had by his successes in
the war secured the means of making an advantageous peace.
Secondly, in which part of his administration did any power of
Europe take out a licence for shooting from him? Yet this is the
sort of nonsense that passes current. Adieu.
CHAPTER XIII.
[1823.]
IMPORTANT DEBATES. EXPENSES OF THE CORONATION. STATE OF THE PENINSULA.
MR. PLUNKET'S DISAPPOINTMENT. CONDITION OF IRELAND. DESPATCH FROM THE
LORD-LIEUTENANT. THE KING OF SPAIN AND THE CORTES. MR. CANNING IN THE
HOUSE OF COMMONS. LORD NUGENT'S BILL FOR RESTORING THE FRANCHISE.
FESTIVITIES AT CARLTON HOUSE. THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. THE FRENCH IN
SPAIN. LORD ELDON. CANNING. PEEL AND ROBINSON. THE PRESS IN INDIA. THE
KING AT "THE COTTAGE". IRVING AND THE HEAVENLY PAVILION. POLICY OF
AUSTRIA. THE KING IN COUNCIL. SCHISMS IN THE FRENCH CABINET.
CHAPTER XIII.
Lord John Russell brought forward in the House of Commons his motion
for a reform of Parliament, on the 24th of April, which, after an
animated discussion, was negatived by a majority of 280 to 169; but a
more important debate was that which arose out of a motion made by Mr.
J. Macdonald, for an address to the Crown censuring the conduct of
Ministers in the late negotiations with foreign powers. It continued
for three days--28th, 29th, and 30th of the same month--and gave
occasion for the delivery of several effective speeches, particularly
those of Sir James Mackintosh and Mr. Brougham against the Government,
and of Mr. Peel and Mr. Canning in its defence. In the end, however,
the policy of Ministers was endorsed by Parliament, the division being
in their favour by a majority of 372 to 20. A few days later, the
attention of the House was taken up by a charge preferred by Mr.
Plunket against Mr. Thorpe, the High Sheriff of Dublin, for having
caused the bill of indictment against the rioters at the Dublin Theatre
to be ignored. Debate followed debate on this subject, till the House
adjourned about the middle of May. But the subject was resumed on the
23rd and on subsequent days, when a fierce attack was made by
Opposition members on the conduct of Orangemen and on the system they
supported. On the 26th, the motion was rejected in a small House by a
majority of 131 to 77, when Mr. Plunket voted in opposition to
Ministers.
We now resume the correspondence. The first paragraph refers to the
state of affairs in the Peninsula, a complication regarded in England
with increasing anxiety; but the writer, as will be seen, soon passes
to a subject that excited at the time a good deal of interest among the
economists--this was the expenses of the Coronation, some of which, it
is plain, were open to objection. Subsequently, Irish politics--that
had been rendered more interesting since the appointments of the
Marquis Wellesley and Mr. Plunket to two important offices in the
Government of Ireland--began to assume larger dimensions. From these
causes Mr. Canning's position had become anything but a bed of roses.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, June 11, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
All the accounts from Spain speak of the enormous expense to the
French, and that the most effectual means resorted to to resist the
invaders consist in the patriotic spirit with which their friends
draw upon them. They are also distributing money very largely to
the Portuguese insurgents.
The spirit of reaction and the cry for the Absolute King, with the
Inquisition, mean time greatly embarrass them. They have increased
the columns detached to the south to 20,000 men. Scarcely anything
is known of what is passing at Seville, and much apprehension is
entertained for the King's life.
Hume has given notice of a motion for a committee to examine into
the Coronation expenses, which is most embarrassing. It must, I
suppose, be resisted; but true it is that the crown, made up of
hired jewels, was kept till within the last three weeks, so that
there will be twenty-two months' hire to be paid, which might have
been saved, amounting to 11,000_l._ The charge of 24,000_l._ for
robes is also terrible!
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, June 14, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
The Duke of Devonshire's motion on the state of Ireland certainly
comes on on Thursday, but what is to be its precise nature is not
yet known, probably even to himself. Plunket went to Ireland on
Thursday, much out of spirits, anticipating all evil from the
irritation of the two factions, and I fear from the want of energy
and vigour in him who ought to control them. You will see the
violent proceedings of the Catholic meeting, and their talk about
_physical strength_, &c. I am glad to find that Blake, the Catholic
barrister, is appointed by Lord Wellesley, Deputy Remembrancer of
the Exchequer, as I think he will be of use in Ireland, and will
strengthen Plunket's influence.
I do not wonder that in this weather you are averse to quit the
country, but I think you are quite right in coming for such an
occasion as the present, upon which an explanation of your views
may be extremely useful.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
If you can, pray come on Wednesday. Brougham is on that day to move
in the House of Commons on presenting the R.C. Petition, and in
case I should wish to speak, I should particularly like to have
talked the subject over with you previously, in order that we may
chime in as far as may be.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, June 17, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
You must not wonder that Plunket did not stop to visit you in his
way. He has now been four months absent from Ireland, suffering all
the while from vexation and indifferent health, which have produced
the effect of making him low and hypochondriac about himself. He
was convinced nothing but the native breeze of the potatoes could
revive him, and he was besides not a little uneasy as to the
consequences of this absence upon his professional business, and
very anxious again to see his family. Nothing else could, I will
not say justify, but excuse his turning his back upon the Tithe
Bill while in the Committee, which I must say it was his duty to
have stayed if possible to have fought through; but he is
thoroughly dejected, and often talks of the probability of his
being obliged to retire.
Lord Hastings, I apprehend, returns only to see whether he can get
any better appointment than the mission to Naples, which, as he
intended to go to Vienna, not a little disappoints him. I am going
to Cabinet, and if I hear any news, will add it.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
Accounts from Paris mention that an agent has been dispatched from
Madrid to Seville with arguments _to persuade_ the Cortes to join
the Royal cause.
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Board of Control, June 25, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
We are getting on, though very slowly. It is thought the session
will close in three weeks, which I think most probable, as
everybody is going out of town, and they will not be able to make
houses. Ireland still hangs upon us, and every day makes it more
and more alarming. They can get no communication whatever from Lord
Wellesley. He will not write, and this adds to the perplexity of
the Government. I have not the least doubt whatever but that in a
very short time you will see a decided rebellion. It can hardly be
called less than a general insurrection now. Plunket is gone back
very sore and very desponding.
The King is quite re-established, and I hear in very cheerful
spirits. He has put off the match between Lady Elizabeth Conyngham
and Lord Aboyne. He does not go to the sea, as I understand, till
the end of July, and has not yet decided what day he comes to town.
Canning does nothing in the House, and I think suffers Peel to take
completely the lead. The Spaniards must ultimately give way, and
the greatest ridicule is thrown on this subscription and ball now
going forward. It is exclusively with the Opposition, and will
fail. It is curious now to observe how those who had not courage at
the time to support your opinions against the revolutionary
Government of Spain, are now coming forward and applauding your
language and opinions. What Canning is doing about it I know not,
but he is very busy with the diplomacy there. He is disposed to
appoint Hervey to some other station, in order to get rid of the
anomaly of a Secretary of Embassy to a Minister (not with the rank
of Ambassador), but he has great difficulty, having neither pension
fund nor vacancy at an ambassador's court; therefore, what he will
do remains to be seen. He cannot remove him without provision, and
Hervey is ready to return, if required. Lord Salisbury is succeeded
by Lord Verulam in the Lieutenancy of Hertford. I don't know who
comes in for Hertford. I cannot tell you how things are going on
with Wynn, &c., not having had the opportunity lately of
observing--but I should hope better. I think Canning loses ground
greatly. He is anything but a leader of the House of Commons.
The Lords have decided on appointing a Chairman to hear _Scotch
appeals only_, with a salary--this Chairman to be some eminent
Scotch judge. The question for the Commons to decide will be the
_salary_, which the Lord Chancellor will not pay, but which I
think the Commons will be disposed to fasten upon him.
I have not heard from Freeling.[115] I take it for granted he will
not stir a step with regard to the mail coach, without first
apprizing me, or making some communication to the country.
Ever, my dear Duke,
Most faithfully yours,
W. H. F.
The Lords' Report on this Appeal Committee has been called for by
Kennedy. I _believe_ Canning, when he heard of it, called a
Cabinet to remonstrate, and whether he was outvoted, remains to be
seen. I think they will not venture to move upon it this session.
I hear Lord Bath gets the blue riband. This will be a severe blow
to Lord Harrowby.
[115] Mr. Francis Freeling, in 1828 created a Baronet--Secretary
to the Post Office.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, June 26, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
We have at last a despatch to-day, assuring us that he[116] considers
the alarm as groundless, and to the extent to which it at present
prevails, perfectly absurd. He admits the general expectation of
rising, but has not been able to ascertain any facts to justify it.
He denies the increase of the guards of Dublin to any material
degree, and expressly disclaims any wish for further legislative
powers, or, as things now appear, for any additional military
force. He laments the mutual exasperation between the two parties,
and _complains_ that the leaders of each will not unite in a
system of conciliation.
More arrant fudge could scarcely be found if Dr. Burdock's copy of
verses had been recorded by Miss Amelia Wilhelmina Skeggs in "The
Vicar of Wakefield."
I hope, however, he is right in his want of apprehension of danger,
and may not be waked to it by such an affair as that in
Thomas-street, of 1803. He speaks of the concurrence of Lord
Combermere and of the Solicitor-General, which does not quite tally
with what I have heard of their sentiments; but this is of little
importance, heaven knows, either way.
Your scandal is good indeed--I should have thought too much so to
be true.
Respecting the fate of the two Bills in the Lords, I apprehend the
first half of George's (granting the elective franchise) will pass,
the other miscarry. I can hardly think it possible that the Tithe
Bill should, notwithstanding Liverpool's eagerness upon the
subject.
Out of eighty-four days which we had sat, up to Monday last,
forty-nine have been occupied in Irish business! We now _begin_ to
be heartily tired, and _therefore_ may, I hope, be expected to
travel _au galop_.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
[116] The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, June 30, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
A'Court has, as you will have already learnt, very properly
declined the invitation of the Regency to Cadiz. He is directed to
proceed to Gibraltar, unless he shall find that the King, after
being, as intended, restored to nominal liberty and sanity at
Cadiz, shall press his going there as affording a certain degree of
protection to his life.
The removal to Cadiz I take to have been a mere act of desperation.
Many members of the Cortes have slipped away, and it is a fact that
the Regency could not get any individual to hold office _ad
interim_ under them, or even a clerk to countersign their letter to
A'Court. They may have in Cadiz, it is said, possibly from 10,000
to 12,000 men.
Harrowby's disappointment seems to sit easy upon him.
I enclose a letter just received from P----.[117] I do not know what
foundation he has of the report of dudgeon in the Home Office. It
is perfectly true that his objection to reversal of attainders was
supported by no one. Both he and his man complain much of being
left to carry through the Tithe Bill unassisted by Plunket, and I
think not without reason.
It certainly is odd that a measure for getting rid of tithes should
fall into the hands of the members for the Universities of Oxford
and Dublin, and of a candidate for that of Cambridge.
It is quite determined to carry it through in the present session.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
[117] Not preserved.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Camelford House, July 3, 1823.
I most heartily join with you in taking joy at what I consider as
_the triumph of the cause of freedom_ in the Peninsula;--having
read enough to know, and having seen enough to observe, that of all
possible tyrannies--and I cordially hate them all--the most
contemptible, corrupt, and cruel is the tyranny of absolute
democracy, most especially when resting, as in Spain and Portugal,
on that new instrument of freedom, a mutinous and self-governed
army.
Your friend Sir Robert[118] makes a pretty figure in this puppet-show!
[118] Sir Robert Wilson.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, July 3, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
The last judicial appointment which I made was about a twelvemonth
ago, of Sir Edward West, to be Recorder of Bombay. As soon as the
Bill for establishing a new judicature there shall receive the
Royal assent, he will be nominated Chief Justice.
The elder brother was also recommended to me, among other grounds,
on the sacrifice which he had made in voting for Lord Grenville in
1809, being then a Fellow of University College, which had been
remembered to his disadvantage by the Chancellor on different
occasions. I laid both their names, among others, before the Chief
Baron, who is my ordinary legal adviser on these occasions. The
result of his inquiries was very favourable to Edward West, but
your friend Martin West, though described to be of excellent
character, all the cardinal virtues, and _meilleur enfant du
monde_, was allowed by his friends to be unfortunately indolent,
which, for the climate of India, is the greatest fault that can be
attributed to a public functionary.
You have not returned to me Plunket's letter; pray send it
forthwith, as I transmitted to you the very day I received it, and
have not yet answered it. The passage you allude to refers to Peel.
The question was the reversal of Scotch, not Irish attainders, but
he so little pressed his objection, and was so little supported,
that I do not think it likely to have been the ground of such
serious complaint.
Nugent's Bill for restoring the elective franchise will, I believe,
pass the House of Lords; the other will, I conclude, be dropped in
the Commons. I still hope we may adjourn to-morrow sevennight, but
we must depend for that on the forbearance or fatigue of
Opposition, since, if they choose to go on with the system of
raising discussions every day, they may prevent us.
Canning has sent out his cards for a Cabinet dinner on the 23rd, so
I suppose he does not contemplate the prorogation till about that
time. Lord Grenville is in town, looking much better than when I
last saw him. He has had no offer for Camelford House, and seems to
be making up his mind to retain it and live there, notwithstanding
the faults of its situation.
Ever most affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Board of Control, July 9, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
We are now nearly closing the session, and certainly with more
success altogether than one could have expected; but one thing has
been manifested--namely, that we should have done just as well
without Canning as a leader, as with him. He has taken upon himself
no authority, either by putting down or assisting questions
doubtful or difficult. Robinson and Peel have both risen much
beyond him in estimation as general speakers and men of business.
The accounts from Ireland are better, and at last they have got
communications from Lord Wellesley. I think the House of Commons
have not done well in whitewashing O'Grady, which I think they have
done. The King came to town yesterday, and gives a great dinner
to-morrow. They say he also gives a ball on Friday. I understand he
remains about a fortnight in town, and then proceeds to the Yacht.
Ever most faithfully yours,
W. H. FREMANTLE.
P.S.--Lord Hastings is expected in town to-morrow or next day.
The next letter refers to a measure alluded to in a previous
communication, brought forward by Lord Nugent, for restoring the
elective franchise to places in which it had been forfeited. Mr. Wynn
expected that it would pass the House of Lords, but he found himself
mistaken.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
House of Commons, July 10, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
The defeat of Nugent's Bill, though supported by the speeches of
Liverpool, Westmoreland, Harrowby, and Melville, together with the
votes of Bathurst and Bexley, by the Chancellor, Duke of York, and
Shaftesbury, has produced much sensation. Brougham is now speaking
upon the Scotch Appeal Commission Bill, and has been describing the
Chancellor as Prime Minister, and constantly denominating Lord
Liverpool "My noble coadjutor," "the noble Earl with whom I have
the honour to act," &c. &c., with much humour. Sidmouth slunk away
without voting. It is most vexatious that the Bill should have been
lost, as with common exertion to enter proxies, it might have been
carried. You will see the Chancellor denied the possibility of any
man who refused the oath of supremacy being a loyal subject! The
D---- of Y----, I regret to say, most conspicuously active.
My wife and I are _at last_ going to a dress party to-night at
Carlton House.
Thank heaven, to-morrow the House of Commons adjourns, and we
conclude with my E.I. Mutiny Bill, which Bobus Smith is to oppose
violently.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
Lord Grenville sets out on Sunday on a tour to the Lakes.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, July 18, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
As I am to dine the Lion of the East, Commander of the Faithful,
&c. &c., the most exalted Caliph Hastings, on this day sevennight,
you will extremely oblige me by contributing towards the gorging of
his royal jaws.
I have asked sundry of my _confreres_ to meet him, but I do not
think he appears graciously inclined towards us.
We had a very grand party at Carlton House on Thursday last, and a
gay ball for the children last Tuesday; so I suppose we are either
in favour, or, which is more likely, that the people in attendance
have found out the blunders and omissions which they made last
year. I hear the absence of all Grenvilles, either in person or
proxy, from the division on the Elective Franchise Bill, is much
commented upon, and considered as a retaliation for the desertion
of Plunket in the House of Commons.
Much apprehension is entertained of the Cortes being driven into
desperation by the violence of the Madrid Regency, and bringing the
beloved Ferdinand to trial, for which proofs certainly are not
wanting.
The French profess the greatest disapprobation of the persecuting
spirit of the Regency, but seem to take no steps to control it; and
it seems to be encouraged by the other members of the Holy
Alliance.
Ever most affectionately yours,
C. WILLIAMS WYNN.
The Prorogation will be on Saturday, notwithstanding a blunder
about the Commission, by which we lose to-day in the House of
Commons.
Westmoreland is so extremely pleased with his own speech on
Nugent's Bill, and so angry with the Chancellor for opposing it,
that he only wants a little flattery to make him a good Papist.
Sundry of my colleagues are also angry with said noble and learned
Lord, for throwing out the Slave Trade Consolidation Bill, which
had been approved and settled by Lord Bathurst, and for leaving out
the disputed parts of the Silk Bill.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
East India Office, July 21, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
I agree with you that my stairs are somewhat narrow for the whole
full-blown dignity of the Caliph to ascend. If he would engage to
remain in England till the autumn, I would receive him in a better
house, and would provide a grander assortment of company to meet
him; but, unfortunately, I have found all my colleagues engaged,
and must make my table up with directors, military men, and such
like _second chop_.
The Chancellor's[119] language is exactly the same as he held in
1808, and has continued to hold at the close of every Session
since. He certainly has been obliged to swallow some pills _contre
coeur_, but has his own way infinitely too far. I am not surprised
that he is somewhat angry at the silence with which Brougham's
attack upon him was received by the Treasury Bench in the House of
Commons. Peel continues very glum and sulky.
As to Spain, if one can judge from our accounts, the French are
more embarrassed than ever. They are obliged to find money for
everything, for not a single dollar can the Spaniards muster, and
they find that they have less weight, notwithstanding, with the
Regency than the Russian Minister, who encourages them in all their
violent measures. The Regency have actually refused to treat with
Cadiz, though there are many there who are much disposed to it. The
force which occupies it is almost entirely militia, and, therefore,
cannot be expected to hold out long when there shall be a naval
force to co-operate.
Duc d'Angouleme is completely sick, and the present plan is, that
if they can get the King at liberty, he is to convene a general
Cortes, and the French are to leave them and him to make a
constitution, withdrawing all their troops ... except 25,000, who
are to form an echellon of communication between Bayonne and
Madrid. This seems to me _most infernal nonsense_, too absurd to be
ever entertained by the French Cabinet, though they think it may
pass upon us, and therefore hold this language to Stuart.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
You have, of course, long heard of Lord Fitzwilliam's nuptials. I
wonder how they have kept out of the newspaper.
The appropriate remark is that "it is a very sensible marriage;" to
which it is to be replied, "because the senses have nothing to do
with it."
[119] Lord Eldon.
On the 16th of July, during a debate in the House of Commons on the
subject of Scotch Appeals, Mr. Brougham afforded great amusement to
that assembly by drawing a vivid but somewhat sarcastic picture of the
state of the Government. "As to Lord Liverpool being Prime Minister,"
observed the learned gentleman, "he is no more Prime Minister than I
am. I reckon Lord Liverpool a sort of member of Opposition; and after
what has recently passed, if I were required I should designate him as
'a noble lord in another place with whom I have the honour to act.'
Lord Liverpool may have collateral influence, but Lord Eldon has all
the direct influence of the Prime Minister. He is Prime Minister to all
intents and purposes, and he stands alone in the full exercise of all
the influence of that high situation."[120]
[120] Hansard.
In this strain the orator proceeded, claiming Lord Liverpool as a
coadjutor because both opposed the measures of the Lord Chancellor.
Lord Eldon did not at all relish the joke, perhaps because it was not
at the expense of the Grenvilles, and soon afterwards again expressed
his intention to resign. This had been repeated so often that it
elicited the following squib:--
"The Chancellor vows he'll depart, as they say
(So Derry sometimes, if his crew disobey),
But when his resigning a minister mentions,
We think how hell's paved with mankind's good intentions;
For still being in, though so oft going out,
We feel much inclined, like his lordship--to doubt."
Parliament was prorogued on the 19th of July, apparently equally to the
relief of the Government and the Opposition. A great variety of
subjects had been discussed, including the pretended claims of Olivia
Serres, self-styled Princess of Cumberland, but little practical good
had been effected, and the Ministers were not gaining the confidence of
the country or strengthening their own position. The King, too, was
losing the popularity he had gained since the Queen's death, by his
endeavours to remove himself as much as possible from the public gaze.
The Duke of Buckingham's correspondents kept him fully informed on
these and all other topics of interest.
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, July 27, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
I perfectly agree with you in thinking that Canning only waits the
opportunity of tripping us up, and this is only to be resisted by a
steady line of conduct on our parts, pursuing and maintaining the
system as it is now carrying on towards Ireland, until we see the
opportunity, by the accordance of other members of the Government,
to meet him with the certainty of success. The complete ascendancy
which both Robinson and Peel have acquired over him in the House of
Commons, but more particularly the former, must weaken his means of
playing us a trick, which I am satisfied he is fully disposed to do
whenever he can find the opportunity.
I don't agree with you at all about Lord Hastings; be assured there
is not the most distant idea of sending him to Ireland. I am quite
sure Canning distrusts and hates him too much to employ him if it
be possible to keep him out, and I do not understand his reception
at head quarters has been such as to satisfy him, or give him the
hopes of employment. He is very low and disappointed, and is
immediately going out of town. He has been profusely civil and
attentive to Wynn, but is not come in the highest odour either with
the Government or Court of Directors. His conduct about the Press
in India has been flagrant, and since his departure Adams has sent
home the editor of the Calcutta paper, who has been bullying them
for the last five years, and whom Lord Hastings has never had the
courage to resist, but, on the contrary, has frequently defended
him against his own colleagues in council. This will make a very
considerable and difficult discussion in Parliament next year, and
I much fear that our Cabinet at home will not have courage to fight
the battle manfully; I have no hesitation in thinking with Adams
that the fate of India depends on the power of checking the press
in that country.
The King has had a party with him for the last two days at the
Cottage here, and by all accounts is well in health, but most
averse to going to sea; whether they will persuade him or not
remains to be proved. Lady C---- is very anxious he should, in
order to get some holidays, and I believe Knighton likewise presses
it. In the meantime he is injuring himself greatly in public
opinion by his seclusion; he professes to be so ill he cannot go to
his Parliament or stir out in public in London, and then comes
here, and sees forty or fifty people, and is driving all day in the
park. The real fact is, they cannot manage him; his mind becomes
daily more capricious, and his indisposition to public display or
communication of any kind, increasing upon him to an extreme
degree. The people at Windsor are outrageous; for he has shut up
the terrace and all the public walks, and is doing everything to
render himself unpopular with them.
Lionel Harvey is going on a secret mission to Mexico. What is to be
derived from it I have little guess; but there is every reason to
believe that France has sent somebody there, and there is no doubt
that America will endeavour, or has already got, the start of
Europe upon it. Canning is very anxious not to lose the moment; and
I suppose that this must be the prelude of our admitting the
independence of South America; however, the mission is secret, but
he is commissioned, and has the rank of Minister Plenipotentiary.
It is a long and desolate prospect, but the scene will be new. He
is not quite reconciled to it, but having no better prospect, I
think he has done wise in accepting it; they give him two
secretaries. I would not wish you to mention this appointment. I
find Canning is by no means of opinion that France has or will
succeed in her efforts in Spain; at least, this was the tone of his
language to Lionel, who saw him yesterday. I hear from Wynn that
the grand attack on Cadiz was expected to take place between the
25th and 30th July.
Ever, my dear Duke,
Most faithfully yours,
W. H. FREMANTLE.
Mr. Thomas Grenville was one of the most liberal collectors of rare
books at a time when bibliomania was much more in fashion than it is
now. The following is a characteristic specimen of his powers of
observation when directed to his favourite pursuit:--
THE RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, July 30, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
I have just been collating two copies of the "Sacra Exequialia in
Funere Jacobi II.--a Carolo de Aquino. Fol. Romae 1702." Whether you
have this book or not, you certainly have in your Granger the
famous print (belonging to this book) of a head of the _Pretender_,
by _Edelinck_, _aetatis suae_ 12. In one of my copies (the
presentation copy to the King of France or one of the French Royal
Family) below the head, upon a _tablet_, is engraved "Cognoscunt
mei me," and in the corner of the tablet "aetatis suae 12;" and on
each side of the tablet is a circular _medallion_, one of which is
_a library_ with "Litteris Insignis" round it. The other
_medallion_ is a _man firing at a wild boar_, with "Et Armis" round
it. In the _centre of the large circle_ which surrounds the head,
and just above the tablet, is a _large medallion_, with the sun
behind a cloud, and round it "Et latet et lucet." In the other
copy, the same print (with Edelinck's name and "aetatis suae 12," in
the corner of the tablet, like the other), has these variations.
The _large medallion_ above the tablet has the "Arms of England
with a crown."
The _tablet_ has no inscription, but is left blank, except that it
has in the corner "AEtatis suae 12."
The _two small medallions_ have, one of them, the Prince's plume,
with _Ich dien_; the other, the Order of the Garter, with _Honi
soit qui mal y pense_.
These differences are remarkable, and as I have found no account of
them, and understand the print is rare and dear, I send to you for
information about them.
In my "royal copy, with the French royal arms," the impression of
the head seems much finer than the other, which has the English
emblems in the medallions. Perhaps they were subsequently inserted;
but why, then, was "Cognoscunt mei me," taken out and the tablet
left blank? Was it intended perhaps to insert his royal titles, and
if so, why were they omitted, when the English arms were
substituted for the allegorical medallions? I know, when you are
among your prints, these inquiries, however minute, are interesting
to you.
I know no news except the Spanish and Portuguese finale to their
revolutions, which, inasmuch as they were both military and not
civil revolutions, I could not wish success to, though I feel as
adverse to the French dictation and invasion as any Spaniard could
do. Love to your dear wife.
Ever most affectionately yours,
T. G.
Miss Poyntz has just refused Lord Apsley; who the deuce will she
marry?
Mr. Canning had by this time made good his position at Court, by coming
to an understanding with the most influential channel of Court favour.
The Scottish preacher, Irving, the Spurgeon of his day, indicated her
presence among his fashionable audience by a very delicate piece of
flattery. "All the world here," writes the indignant Lord Chancellor,
"is running on Sundays to the Caledonian Chapel in Hatton Garden, where
they bear a Presbyterian orator from Scotland preaching, as some ladies
term it, _charming_ matter, though downright nonsense. To the shame of
the King's Ministers be it said, that many of them have gone to this
schism-shop with itching ears. Lauderdale told me that when Lady ----
is there, the preacher never speaks of an heavenly mansion, but an
heavenly _Pavilion_. For other ears mansion is sufficient."[121]
[121] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 86.
"The appointment of Lord Albert Conyngham in the Foreign Office," we
are assured by the same writer, "has, by female influence, put Canning
beyond the reach of anything to affect him, and will naturally enable
him to turn those out whom he does not wish to remain in. The King is
in such thraldom that one has nobody to fall back upon."[122]
[122] Ibid., p. 87.
The autumn did not bring any very important changes, as may be gathered
from the text of Mr. Williams Wynn's next letter. Towards the
conclusion the writer refers to communications from Count Nugent to the
Duke of Buckingham, and to a reply which the Duke had proposed sending,
evidently referring to Austrian policy, and written with the view of
being laid before the Emperor.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Llangodwin, Aug. 20, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
I certainly cannot conceive from what source the article in the
_Courier_ so tallying with my language can proceed, unless it
should be from Phillimore or Courtenay; for there are no other
persons besides you and the Duke of Wellington and Lord Liverpool,
with whom I have had any communication on the subject; and the two
latter are much too well inclined to Lord Hastings, or to anybody
whom they think the King feels any interest for, to have expressed
those sentiments to any one who might transfer them to the
_Courier_.
I have had no politics since I have been here, and not one word
even of news except a line from Robinson in answer to an inquiry
respecting the last Cabinet, which he did not himself attend, but,
as he tells me, was called at the instance of the D---- of W----,
on the subject of the former one, held the day before I left town,
on the Portuguese application for military assistance. However, no
alteration was made in the determination.
I fear that I cannot supply you with much intelligence as to
Austrian policy. The general language which she holds, tallies very
much with Nugent's letter--great desire to draw her ties closer
with this country--implied rather than positive approbation of our
course, but great unwillingness in any respect to commit herself, I
will not say in opposition, but even to any different views from
those of Russia.
I am also quite unable to tell you whether Nugent be Prince or
still only Count; I rather think the former.
It is now above a month since I have seen any Austrian despatches,
and I doubt whether at the time they were written she could be
aware of the probable course of events in Spain, and the different
objects of French and Russian influence in that country.
I should not myself imagine that she can be favourably disposed to
the extension of Russian influence in the Mediterranean, and
therefore would be more likely to join in the views of France; but
I have not the means of forming any opinion beyond mere
speculation.
Pray tell me whether you hear anything respecting the
Buck-hounds,[123] and, which is more material, what Neville gets by
Lord Cornwallis's death.
Will it not be advisable that you should communicate Nugent's
letter and your answer to it to be written to Liverpool?
I certainly agree with Burke in the propriety of the old practice
of communicating to the King's Government any intercourse which you
may hold with a foreign sovereign, whether direct or indirect,
which in any way refers to public subjects; and as there are
obvious and numerous reasons for not making this to Canning, who
would naturally be the proper channel, I think Liverpool would be
the fittest. If you do not like to do this personally, I should, of
course, be happy to do it for you.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
[123] Lord Maryborough succeeded the Marquis Cornwallis.
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Aug. 21, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
I am just come from Windsor, where I was summoned to attend a
Council. Nothing occurred worth telling you excepting that Lord
Maryborough, I learnt from himself, had got the Stag-hounds vacant
by Lord Cornwallis's death. This was given in the most gracious
manner by the King in a letter written with his own hand. I think
_Wellesley Pole_ has been pretty well paid altogether. The Mint,
the Cabinet, a Peerage, and now the Stag-hounds. Lord Liverpool,
Canning, Peel, Lord Maryborough, Charles Long, and myself, formed
the Council. His Majesty looked really remarkably well, and walked
up and down the large state stairs without a stick, and about the
apartments after the Council extremely well, much better than I had
the least idea he could have done. You may judge how he shuts
himself up when I tell you that this was the first time I had seen
him since I have been here--now upwards of a month, indeed, six
weeks. I should say from what I observed that the Cabinet were in
high spirits, but nothing passed in private conversation to give me
information.
Canning was on his way to Liverpool, and Peel made it in his way
from Dorsetshire to town, and he was to return in a few days.
The state of Ireland improves greatly, and I suppose till the long
nights commence, we shall not have the full state of alarm renewed.
The Duke of Wellington is gone on his tour, and all business will
be at a stand for the next six weeks.
Ever, my dear Duke,
Most faithfully yours,
W. H. FREMANTLE.
THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Aug. 22, 1823.
MY DEAR DUKE,
Since my note of yesterday I find Lord Maryborough resigns the Mint
and Cabinet, and takes the Stag-hounds as a retirement. I believe
Wallace succeeds to the Mint, though some say Lord Granville; the
former _I_ say, and either Lord Granville or Huskisson come into
the Cabinet; I should suppose the latter. They are angry with
A'Court for having gone to Gibraltar; he was afraid of the yellow
fever. The consequence is that we have at present no British
Minister with the King of Spain, and the difficulties arising from
this in case of change or negotiation (which latter must be daily
expected as actually proceeding) so obvious. They talk of Fitzroy
Somerset going again, and Canning does not return from his
excursion under three weeks.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
The Grenville section of the Government had many reasons for wishing to
have the Duke of Buckingham a member of the Cabinet, and it will be
seen that Mr. Williams Wynn once more strove to induce the Duke to quit
his dignified retirement for the purpose of taking a share in
Ministerial responsibilities.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Llangodwin, Aug. 28, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
The recommendation which was contained in my last, of sending a
copy of your letter to Lord Liverpool, arose from my concurring in
the old principle that it is unfit for any British subject to hold
communication with any foreign sovereign, particularly on any
political question, without the knowledge and permission of the
King's Government. You will see this adverted to, I think, in
Burke's letter to the Duke of Portland. Assuming this to be
correct, I do not think that there is any material difference
whether your correspondence is directly with the Emperor of
Austria, or with Count Nugent to be laid before him; and I should
certainly have given you the same advice in the year 1816, when you
were acting in hostility to Government, as strongly as I do now.
With respect to the Cabinet, the frequent complaints which you have
heard from me of the single and unconnected situation in which I
find myself, these would show you how anxiously I must wish that
you could effect your entry there, independent of every motive of
personal regard, gratitude, and attachment.
I doubt, however, whether consistently with your own dignity, you
could avail yourself of any vacancy but those of the Presidency of
the Council, Privy Seal, Admiralty, or Secretary of State. The Mint
or Chancellorship of the Duchy would, in the public eye, be
entirely below your rank and situation to accept.
I think, therefore, that you should confine your application to the
first-named offices, or (objectionable in principle as I always
think it) to Cabinet without office. You may, I think, assume the
probability of Sidmouth's retirement as a ground for pressing the
latter; but at all events it will be desirable to state very
clearly and distinctly the prospects which were held out to you by
Lord Londonderry. At the present moment you may be assured that
there will be much disinclination to admit your claim.
The Protestant party is eager, the Catholic lukewarm and hollow.
C----[124] knows not where to look for support, but is afraid that
by joining himself with us, who seem his natural allies, he would
increase the indisposition of the K---- and D---- of Y----, which
he would make any sacrifice to deprecate. Besides this, he has no
inclination to any who assume higher pretensions than those of
being his followers; and after what took place a twelvemonth ago,
he, like all other persons who have been in the wrong in a dispute
and advanced unreasonable pretensions, will be personally
disinclined to those who were in the right and resisted them, and
this will of course be increased by the difference in your former
politics. The only person to whom you can look is the D---- of
W----. If he thinks you are likely to assist and strengthen him, I
have no doubt he could open the door to you; but I freely
acknowledge that I do not understand his views and objects. They
begin, centre, and end, no doubt, in himself, and on that account
he would like to cement an alliance with you; but then how will he
manage it with the Protestants? I take it, both from what I
recollect of the language of the Horse Guards during the whole of
the Peninsular War, and from other circumstances, that there is no
real cordiality between him and the D---- of Y----. The latter has,
I believe, always been jealous of him. He looks, I apprehend, to
Peel and the Chancellor, and to them only as the instruments of his
bigotry to resist the Catholic claims.
Robinson, I believe, confines himself to his own business, and
Liverpool is indifferent to everything but present repose, and by
any temporizing measure to delay the evil hour of rupture and
collision. Still, when it comes to the point, you will find him on
almost every subject make some excuse for siding with the
Protestant party.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
[124] Canning.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Wynnstay, Sept. 9, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
When you mentioned that you had communicated your letter to Nugent
to me in my _ministerial_ capacity, I certainly concluded that it
conveyed a clear authority to have extended it to Lord L---- or
C---- at my own discretion, but fortunately I had not exercised
that power, and certainly shall not.
I am not surprised that Mr. C---- should coax you, even if you had
turned your head aside from his daughter, and passed on the other
side like the Levite; for he is under a charge of illegally making
a loan to the Rajah of Vizianagum, and of having derived therefrom
exorbitant interest. Of the merits of the charge I can say little,
but common report is by no means friendly to him.
The proposed grant to Lord Hastings has been lost in consequence of
an equality of votes, eight to eight, five present but refusing to
vote, and three absent--two of the latter hostile. Objection was
taken to praise of his integrity or disinterestedness by one of
those who refused to vote, stating at the same time he would have
supported it if moved on the ground of his poverty.
Canning has shown me the last despatches, by which it appears that
there is much schism in the French Cabinet, Villele supporting the
Duc d'Angouleme, Chateaubriand the Allied Powers and the Spanish
Regency. Magnanimity has instructed Pozzo de Borgo to consider all
communications from the latter as if they emanated directly from
himself. Metternich takes also strongly the same line, recommending
an amnesty, excepting all those who were active in forcing the
acceptance of the constitution on Ferdinand. I do not at present
apprehend any dispute relative to the blockade, as the French are
very scrupulous in keeping the law on their side, and have not yet
done anything more than they were clearly entitled to.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Wynnstay, Sept. 10, 1823.
MY DEAR B----,
Canning told me that he had insisted that Huskisson should at all
events be taken into the Cabinet at the end of the last Session,
whether any vacancy occurred or not, and that the persuasion of
Lord Maryborough to make room for him was a subsequent
consideration.
Lord M---- is much out of humour at his change of office; which he
may well be, as the Mint is 3000_l._ clear, and the Buck-hounds
under 2000_l._; indeed, they are said not to exceed 1300_l._
My own belief is that the only real and efficient Cabinet upon
_all_ matters consists of Lords Liverpool and Bathurst, Duke of
Wellington, and Canning, and that the others are only more or less
consulted upon different businesses by these four. Huskisson will,
I think, be equally in the confidence of Liverpool and Canning.
Ever most affectionately yours,
C. WILLIAMS WYNN.
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aristocracy, no work has ever stood so high. It is published under the
especial patronage of Her Majesty, and His Royal Highness the Prince
Consort, and is annually corrected throughout, from the personal
communications of the Nobility. It is the only work of its class in
which, _the type being kept constantly standing_, every correction is
made in its proper place to the date of publication, an advantage which
gives it supremacy over all its competitors. Independently of its full
and authentic information respecting the existing Peers and Baronets of
the realm, the most sedulous attention is given in its pages to the
collateral branches of the various noble families, and the names of
many thousand individuals are introduced, which do not appear in other
records of the titled classes. Nothing can exceed the facility of its
arrangements, or the beauty of its typography and binding, and for its
authority, correctness and embellishments, the work is justly entitled
to the high place it occupies on the tables of Her Majesty and the
Nobility.
* * * * *
[FOR THE CONTENTS OF THIS WORK SEE THE NEXT PAGE.]
LODGE'S PEERAGE AND BARONETAGE.
* * * * *
LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL CONTENTS.
Historical View of the Peerage.
Parliamentary Roll of the House of Lords.
English, Scotch, and Irish Peers, in their orders of Precedence.
Alphabetical List of Peers of Great Britain and the United Kingdom,
holding superior rank in the Scotch or Irish Peerage.
Alphabetical List of Scotch and Irish Peers, holding superior titles in
the Peerage of Great Britain and the United Kingdom.
A Collective List of Peers, in their order of Precedence.
Table of Precedency among Men.
Table of Precedency among Women.
The Queen and Royal Family.
The House of Saxe Coburg-Gotha.
Peers of the Blood Royal.
The Peerage, alphabetically arranged.
Families of such Extinct Peers as have left Widows or Issue.
Alphabetical List of the Surnames of all the Peers.
Account of the Archbishops and Bishops of England, Ireland, and the
Colonies.
The Baronetage, alphabetically arranged.
Alphabetical List of Surnames assumed by members of Noble Families.
Alphabetical List of the Second Titles of Peers, usually borne by their
Eldest Sons.
Alphabetical Index to the Daughters of Dukes, Marquises, and Earls,
who, having married Commoners, retain the title of Lady before their
own Christian and their Husbands' Surnames.
Alphabetical Index to the Daughters of Viscounts and Barons, who,
having married Commoners, are styled Honourable Mrs.; and, in case of
the husband being a Baronet or Knight, Honourable Lady.
Mottoes alphabetically arranged and translated.
* * * * *
"A work which corrects all errors of former works. It is the production
of a herald, we had almost said, by birth, but certainly, by profession
and studies, Mr. Lodge, the Norroy King of Arms. It is a most useful
publication."--_Times._
"Lodge's Peerage must supersede all other works of the kind, for two
reasons; first, it is on a better plan; and, secondly, it is better
executed. We can safely pronounce it to be the readiest, the most
useful, and exactest of modern works on the subject."--_Spectator._
"This work derives great value from the high authority of Mr. Lodge.
The plan is excellent."--_Literary Gazette._
"This work should form a portion of every gentleman's library. At all
times, the information which it contains, derived from official sources
exclusively at the command of the author, is of importance to most
classes of the community; to the antiquary it must be invaluable, for
implicit reliance may be placed on its contents."--_Globe._
"The production of Edmund Lodge, Esq., Norroy King of Arms, whose
splendid Biography of Illustrious Personages stands an unrivalled
specimen of historical literature, and magnificent illustration. Of Mr.
Lodge's talent for the task he has undertaken, we need only appeal to
his former productions. It contains the exact state of the Peerage as
it now exists, with all the Collateral Branches, their Children, with
all the Marriages of the different individuals connected with each
family."--_John Bull._
* * * * *
HURST AND BLACKETT, PUBLISHERS,
SUCCESSORS TO HENRY COLBURN,
13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET, LONDON.
TO BE HAD OF ALL BOOKSELLERS THROUGHOUT THE KINGDOM.