_From James River to Petersburg._
"Down on the left of the Rebel lines,
Where a breastwork stands on a copse of pines,
Before the Rebels their ranks can form,
The Yankees have carried the place by storm."
I think it was about the 12th of May when Grant began his march from
Spottsylvania, and it was, I think, the 3rd of June when he made another
attempt at Cold Harbor to enter Richmond by breaking through Lee's army,
and another desperate battle was fought, but the losses were not so
great as they were at the Wilderness or Spottsylvania. Grant, however,
was again defeated, and continued his march toward the James river. In
this battle the colonel of my regiment (Flournoy) was killed. He was a
dashing young colonel, but not as prudent as an officer should be. At
the time he was killed he was standing on the top of the breastworks,
behind which men were fighting, shouting defiance at the enemy, and
challenging them to come out in the open and fight it out. Of course, it
did not take them long to put a bullet through his body. At one time he
was major of the regiment, then lieutenant-colonel, and on the
retirement of his father, he was made colonel. His father was once
Governor of the State. Richards, Captain of Company C, was made colonel
of our regiment, and held this position during the war. He had commanded
a company of cavalry from Clark county, Virginia.
Grant differed from other commanders who fought the army of Northern
Virginia in this respect--he refused to acknowledge defeat. If his
attacks failed at one point after repeated attempts, he would move his
army to the left and attack again. This he kept up to the end of the
war.
Not being able to reach Richmond by attacking Lee on the north side of
the river, he crossed his main army to the south side, and stretching
out his line of battle from the James to Petersburg, began a long siege,
that lasted through the fall and winter till late in the spring.
Now to go back to prison.
The steamer on which we were placed and given such a good, substantial
dinner, soon after this took its departure down the James and landed us
at Fortress Monroe, where we were put in an inclosure with a number of
other prisoners, and among them the officers and crew of the British
steamer "Grayhound," that had been captured while trying to run a
blockade into one of the Southern ports.
They all seemed to be Southern sympathizers, and whenever they had an
opportunity showed the Confederate prisoners much kindness, even going
so far as to distribute gold among them, of which they seemed to have an
abundant supply. This was, of course, done on the sly, and the
Confederates were careful to conceal these gifts. Those who were well
enough off to wear stockings, slipped the gold in their stocking-leg.
Some put it in their mouths. This was necessary, as the prisoners were
frequently searched.
These Englishmen were loud in their protests, and were making all kinds
of threats as to what their Government would do if it learned of their
treatment.
After remaining there a few days the Confederates were again marched
aboard a steamer and taken to "Point Lookout," where a regular
prison-camp had been established. I think there were about 15,000
prisoners at this camp guarded by negro troops, which made our Southern
blood boil. As the darkies used to say, "The bottom rail had got on
top."
The camp was on a point of land formed by the junction of the Potomac
river and Chesapeake Bay on the north side of the river. I imagine there
were about ten acres of ground, surrounded by a high board fence,
probably about 14 feet high. Just below the top was built a platform
about three feet wide, and on this platform the guards walked to and fro
with their guns on their shoulders. From their position they could
overlook the whole camp, as the ground was perfectly level. There was
also a strong guard inside the camp, while artillery and regiments of
infantry were stationed near the camp to guard it from outside attack,
and one or more gunboats patrolled the waters that nearly surrounded the
camp.
Notwithstanding this precaution, occasionally prisoners made their
escape. One ingenious method that baffled our guards for a long time was
the following:
The prisoners were allowed to go outside of the enclosure on the beach
to bathe. And if an empty barrel or box happened to be floating on the
water, a prisoner in bathing would watch his opportunity, slip his head
under the barrel or box, and then as the tide drifted up the river,
would follow it, keeping as near the shore as necessary until he got
beyond the reach of the guard, and then take to the woods.
The punishment for trying to escape was cruel. Those who were caught at
it were strung up to a pole by the thumbs, with the tips of their toes
just touching the ground. Sometimes the men would faint, and had to be
cut down.
Upon the whole, prison life was very monotonous. It was an unhealthy
camp; so much so, that the prisoners considered that they had a better
chance for their lives fighting in the army.
The water was brackish and unpleasant to the taste. The only water we
had was from pumps scattered about over the camps, and during the four
months that I was there the pumps were always surrounded by a thirsty
crowd of from 40 to 50 prisoners, each with his tincup, trying to wedge
his way in, that he might quench his thirst.
The food, while good, was very scant. Breakfast consisted of coffee and
a loaf of bread, which, under ordinary circumstances, with vegetables
and other food, would probably suffice for two meals. This loaf was
given us at breakfast, and if we ate it all then we went without bread
for dinner. If there was any left over we took it to our tents, laid it
on the ground, and saved it for dinner.
The dinners consisted of a tincup of soup (generally bean or other
vegetable), a small piece of meat on a tinplate, on which a little
vinegar was poured to prevent scurvy. My recollection is we had no other
meal, but my mind is not perfectly clear on this point. I do know,
however, that we were always hungry, and the chief topic of conversation
was the sumptuous meals we had sat down to in other days.
As I recalled the tables of former years laden with bacon, cabbage,
potatoes and hominy, I remember how I reproached myself for not having
eaten more when I had the opportunity. Delicacies never entered into the
discussion; it was always the plain, simple foods that we talked about
and longed for.
We were told that the short rations were given us in retaliation for the
scanty food supplied to their soldiers in Southern prisons.
The hospitals were crowded all the time, and there were many sick in
the camp waiting their opportunity to go into hospitals.
We lived in what is known as Sibley tents, shaped like a bell, with an
opening in the top about 15 inches in diameter.
There were 12 men to a tent, who, when they slept, arranged themselves
in a circle, like the spokes of a wagon, with their feet toward the
center. These tents were as close as they could stand on the ground,
with wide avenues between every two rows of tents, thus allowing every
tent to front on an avenue.
Every day the prisoners were called out of their tents and formed in
line; roll was called and the prisoners searched. And while they were
being searched, the guards were searching the tents. For just what
purpose this search was done I do not know, unless it was for fear that
arms might be smuggled in to be used by the prisoners for making their
escape.
Many of the prisoners had a peculiar affection of the eyes, caused,
perhaps, by the glare from the white tents, the sand, and the reflection
from the water. There was nothing green to be seen anywhere,
consequently many of the prisoners became blind for a portion of the 24
hours. Just as the sun was sinking behind the fence they would become
totally blind, and had to be led about by someone. As morning light came
the blindness would disappear.
Some of the prisoners who were mechanics or artisans got work outside,
but I believe they got no pay except full rations and the privilege of
bringing things into camp, such as blocks of wood, pieces of metal, etc.
Out of these were manufactured a great many interesting little
articles--small steam locomotives, wooden fans, rings from rubber
buttons set with gold and silver, and sometimes gems. One ingenious
fellow built a small distillery and made whiskey from potato rinds or
whatever refuse he could pick up, and got drunk on the product.
All about the camp were boards on which these manufactured articles were
exposed for sale. A cracker would buy a chew of tobacco. The tobacco was
cut up into chews and half chews. The crackers were brought in by the
men who went out to work. I cannot recall all the curious things that
were exposed for sale within the camp.
Whilst in prison, twice I was very kindly remembered by Miss Melissa
Baker of Baltimore, Md., who sent me boxes containing provisions,
clothing, towels, soap, toothbrush, jars of preserves, cooked ham,
crackers, lemons, tea, coffee and sugar. When I received the first box I
just concluded that I was going to kill myself eating. I ate, and ate,
and ate. I simply could not stop; and so did all my comrades in the
tent.
So, of course, the box didn't last long. However, at first I suffered no
evil consequences, but finally, like most of the other prisoners, was
taken sick (but not from eating), and my comrades made application for
my entrance into the hospital. I had to wait a week or ten days before
there was a vacancy. I was carried there on a stretcher, and was so sick
that I had to be fed.
Soon after my entrance into the hospital Caleb Rector was brought in.
His home was on the turnpike between Middleburg and Upperville. He had a
scorching fever, and was soon delirious. I put my hand on him, and the
heat almost burned me. One day a nurse took a wet towel and put it on
his forehead. Although he was unconscious, I saw a smile play over his
face, and as the nurse was bending over him he reached up one hand
and caught the nurse by the hair; then pulling his head down, and
lifting the wet towel with his other hand, tried to put it on the
nurse's forehead. That act revealed the character of the man. He was
open-hearted and generous, and the cool towel on his forehead was so
pleasant to him that he wanted the nurse to share it with him.
[Illustration: GEN. A.P. HILL,
Commanding a corps of Lee's army. Killed just before the final
surrender.]
The nurses were all men, chosen from among the prisoners. I never saw a
woman the whole time I was in prison.
The hospitals were long tents, each holding about 30 cots. As soon as a
patient died, he was taken out to the dead-house, the sheets changed,
and another brought in.
When I was first taken there I remarked to my neighbor that I did not
think that was very healthy (meaning the placing of a new patient at
once on a bed that was still warm from the body that had just been
removed). He replied that the bed that I was on had been occupied by a
smallpox patient, and I was put on it a few minutes after the patient
was taken out.
However, there was a separate hospital for contagious diseases, and the
patient was removed as soon as the disease developed.
Most of those who went into the hospital died. The dead were all carried
at once to the dead-house on stretchers, and once a day a two-horse
wagon came in, and their bodies were laid in it like so much cord wood,
uncoffined, taken out and buried in long trenches. The trenches were
seven feet wide and three feet deep, and the bodies were laid across the
trench side by side and covered with earth.
I had been in prison about four months when news came that the two
Governments had agreed upon an exchange of prisoners; it only included
the sick in the hospitals. Of course, every patient in the hospital was
on the anxious bench and wondering whether he would be included among
the fortunate ones. Some days afterward a corps of physicians came to
the hospital tents examining the different patients that lay in the
cots, taking the name of one and leaving another. I happened to be among
those who were selected for exchange. The object seemed to be to take
only those who were not liable to be fit for service soon.
We were not at this time exchanged, but each side had agreed to parole
the sick from the hospitals, that is, those who were not too ill to be
moved. At one time the two Governments freely exchanged prisoners, but
this worked so much to the advantage of the South that the North refused
to continue the agreement. All Southern soldiers were enlisted for the
war, and when the prisoners came back from the North they went at once
into the armies of the Confederacy, while Northern prisoners, returning
from the South, mostly went to their homes, as they enlisted for one
year, and their terms of service in most cases had about expired. Then
again, the South was taxed severely to feed its own soldiers and
citizens, and were only too glad to get rid of the burden of caring for
Northern prisoners, and hence the North did all they could to restrict
the exchange of prisoners, but there was such a pressure brought to bear
upon the U.S. Government by those who had sick and wounded friends
confined in Southern prisons, that now and then each side would parole a
number of prisoners from the hospitals who might later be exchanged. My
recollection is that about 1500 Confederate prisoners in the hospital at
Point Lookout were paroled at this time, and I among them.
We were put on a steamer and carried to a point below Richmond, on the
James river, where we met a like number of Federal prisoners that came
down from Richmond, and there the exchange was made. The vessel that
carried us up the river was a small one, and the sick were packed on the
deck and in the hold of the vessel as thick as they could lay. They were
all sick, but had to lie on the hard decks with no attention, except
that a doctor now and then went through the vessel handing out pills to
any who wanted them. He carried them loose in his pocket, and as he
stepped between and over the men as they lay on the hard beds, he would
say, "Who wants a pill?" And all around him the bony, emaciated arms
would be stretched up to receive the medicine. What the pills contained
no one knew, but the suffering men swallowed them and asked no
questions. They were sick, and needed medicine, and this was medicine.
What more did a sick soldier need? The disease, however, was almost
entirely a bowel affection, and, perhaps, the same medicine served for
all cases. Many died on the way. A large number of the dead were put off
at Fortress Monroe as the vessel passed.
Just before reaching the point where the vessels were to meet in the
river, our vessel was drawn up alongside of a fine large steamer, and
we were transferred to it.
All the very sick were placed upon new mattresses. This was the
condition in which we were received by our Confederate friends.
The vessel that landed us on the bank of the James took back the Federal
prisoners that had been brought down from Richmond, but I hardly think
they were transferred to the smaller vessel that brought us from Point
Lookout. The Federal authorities were ashamed to let the officers of the
Confederate Government see the miserable condition in which we were
transported; hence the transfer to the larger vessel just before
delivering us to the Confederates. As soon as we landed we were all
given a tincup of hot, nutritious soup, the like of which we had not
tasted since leaving our homes for the field, unless it was the soup the
Yanks had given us four months before when we embarked on the James
river for Fortress Monroe prison.
We were conveyed from this point to Richmond by rail, and distributed
among the various army hospitals in the city. I was sent to the
Chimborazo Hospital, on the outskirts of the city, located on a bluff
looking down the river, within hearing distance of the siege guns on
Dury's Bluff, on the James. These were constantly throwing missiles of
some sort at the Yankee gunboats below. I remained in the hospital about
ten days, and then was considered well enough to go into camp with other
convalescents. There were several hundred of us. The camp was near the
city.
Some were paroled prisoners and some were from the hospitals of the
city, but not strong enough to return to their commands.
All who could reach their homes were allowed leave of absence, but much
of the Confederate territory was then in the hands of the Northern
armies, and all whose homes could not in safety be reached were placed
in camps until they were in condition for active service. Of course,
those on parole could not re-enter the army until regularly exchanged.
After remaining in this camp a short time and receiving in Confederate
paper money a portion of our pay, we were marched into Richmond and to
one of the depots. We did not know what disposition they intended making
of us (perhaps we were going to a new camp), but there was a train that
was just starting out for Gordonsville, so three of us got on the rear
platform of the end car and thus beat our way to Gordonsville without
being noticed. This was as far as the train could go in safety on
account of the proximity of the enemy. When we got off we noticed Gen.
Lee standing in the crowd, having just alighted from the train. I had
often seen him, but never got as close to him as I desired. Now, this
was my chance. I went up within five feet of him, and took a good look.
I never expect again to look upon such a splendid piece of humanity. He
was dressed in a new Confederate uniform that fitted him perfectly, with
long-legged boots, reaching above the knees. His collar was adorned on
each side with three gold stars, surrounded by a gold wreath. His head
was covered with a new soft black hat, encircled with a gold cord, from
which dangled two gold acorns, one on each end. His hands were covered
with yellow buckskin gauntlets, reaching one-third the way to his
elbows. His beard was iron-gray, white predominating; it was closely
clipped, and was what is called a full beard. I imagined that he was a
little over six feet and would weigh 190 pounds. His eyes, I think, were
brown, and as bright as stars. No picture could possibly do him
justice. I suppose it would take cycles of time to produce another such
as he--so perfect in form and feature.
We three at once struck off across the fields to go as far as we could
toward our homes. We moved in the direction of Charlottesville, and,
avoiding the town, passed beyond, but were soon apprised of the fact
that we could not go farther without danger of running into the enemy.
We put up at a farmhouse for a few days, and after learning that the
enemy had withdrawn from the immediate vicinity, we took to the road,
our destination being the home of my brother Gerard, a farmer living
near McGaheysville, Rockingham county, just west of the Blue Ridge. We
arrived there in due time, and remained quite a while, perhaps a month.
We did work about the farm, which was accepted as compensation for our
board. Of course, no one thought of asking money consideration from a
soldier, and as far as I was concerned, I felt free to come and go
without money and without price.
When I was captured I rode a borrowed horse, belonging to one of the
members of my command. This horse was not captured with me, and was
taken possession of by the owner, but I had a horse that I had left with
my brother Gerard to recuperate, and when I reached there I expected to
use this horse in getting home. Imagine my disappointment when I was
told that he was dead. His rest and good pasture had put fresh blood in
his veins and vigorous life in his body, and one day, as he was sporting
in the field and performing various gymnastic stunts, he broke a blood
vessel, and bled to death.
My brother John, who was then in prison, had a horse there also. I
pressed that horse into service, and started for home late in the fall.
I got safely through the enemy's lines, and received a warm welcome by
the folks at home. I was still a paroled prisoner, and had to refrain
from going on any of the expeditions that were making Mosby and his men
famous and a terror to the authorities in Washington, although I was
strongly tempted to do so. The winter was spent pretty much as the one I
have already described. The life of the Confederacy, for whose existence
we had suffered and lost so much, was hanging in the balance. Every
family was mourning the loss of one or more dead or maimed; food and
clothing could hardly be obtained at any price. To add to the
distressed condition, a decree had gone out from Washington that all the
mills, barns, provender for beast and food for man was to be burned, and
all cattle and horses of every description found, driven off. This
decree had been carried out with a cruelty that in the light of
present-day civilization seems incredible.
The armies, "like the locust of Egypt," went out from Washington, swept
down the rich valley of Virginia beyond Staunton and destroyed or
carried off everything except the homes and the old men and women and
children who occupied them. Many of these homes were destroyed by
catching fire from the burning barns and mills. Every part of Virginia
within reach of the Northern armies suffered the same devastation.
While I write this, a gentleman sits in my office who was in the
Northern army and took part in the burning. I have just read the
foregoing to him and asked him if it were not true. "Yes," said he,
"every word of it."
Notwithstanding this condition of things, everywhere might be heard the
cry, "On with the dance, let joy be unconfined." Mosby's fame as a
daring raider had spread far and wide, and his command had increased to
over 500. Dashing young cavaliers from every part of Virginia, mounted
upon handsome steeds, came trooping in to join his command. They were
mostly boys who were too young to enter the army at the beginning of
hostilities, but now, as they became old enough to be ranked as
soldiers, were anxious to get into the midst of the greatest excitement.
The hills and valleys of Loudoun and Fauquier, coupled with parts of the
adjacent counties, furnished the field, and John S. Mosby of Warrenton,
Va., was accepted as their leader.
What might we expect when these 500 handsome young men, all well mounted
and armed, in whose veins flowed the blood of the heroes of the
revolution? These 500 heroes, coming in every few days, some of them
with the marks of the battle on their bodies and trophies of victories
in their hands. What do you suppose those Virginia girls were going to
do about it, put on sackcloth and ashes? Well, it was sackcloth they
wore, and many of their treasures were in ashes, but their spirits were
unbroken. They had faith in the God of battles, and while they could not
bear arms, they said, "Let us make merry, for these are our brothers and
lovers; we should cheer them with laughter and song; it will make them
stronger and braver." And so it did, and they fiddled and danced while
"Rome burned."
Some time during the latter part of the winter I learned that all the
prisoners who were paroled at a certain time had been exchanged, and
were ordered to rejoin their various commands. That included me.
As I was no longer under obligation not to take up arms against the U.S.
Government, I could not refrain from taking some part in the upholding
of what was often called Mosby's Confederacy (meaning the territory in
which he operated), so I was tempted to steal a few more days before
obeying the order from Richmond. I went with Mosby on one occasion when
the Yankees made a raid through Loudoun and Fauquier with cavalry and
artillery seeking to annihilate his command. Mosby had all his force out
on the occasion, and hung on the enemy's front flanks and rear from the
time they entered Mosby's territory until they left. He did not allow
them time to eat, sleep or rest. In an encounter near my home a Yankee's
horse was killed, from which I took the bridle, which was a very fine
one. In doing so I got my hands bloody, and the blood from the bridle
stained my clothes. This started the rumor that I was wounded, and it
reached my home before I got there, but I soon arrived and explained the
mistake.
Shortly afterward I was in company with a number of others en route for
Lee's army, the greater portion of which was south of Richmond,
stretching from there to Petersburg.
Now to go back to my capture at Yellow Tavern. After Grant's repulse at
Cold Harbor he crossed the James river with his army and began the siege
of Richmond, which lasted all through the remainder of the fall and
winter of 1864 and 1865 into April.
The colonel of my regiment (Flournoy), who I stated was killed at the
battle of Cold Harbor, was the last of the colonels in my brigade to
lose his life. A gallant young officer, but a little too fond of the
bottle, not very choice in his language, rather reckless. A few days
before he was killed he remarked to one of his staff as they stood
around the camp-fire, "I don't believe the bullet that is to kill me has
yet been molded." Foolish man; at that very time, not far from where he
stood, was a soldier in blue carrying about his waist a leather
cartridge-box that held the very bullet that was to end his life, and
not many hours afterward that bullet and that colonel met. The latter
surrendered without a word.
The winter was a long, dreary one, and the Confederates, being compelled
to live in the trenches night and day, suffered terribly from cold and
hunger. Wade Hampton took Gen. Stuart's place after the latter's death,
and during the winter made a raid inside Grant's lines and drove out
1500 head of fat cattle. It did not take Lee's hungry soldiers long to
dispose of them and lick their chops for more. Grant's great army,
stretching from the James river to Petersburg, compelled Gen. Lee to do
the same with his little, half-starved and scantily-clothed force, and
all winter long Grant pounded away at Lee's front, trying to break
through. The most sensational event that occurred was the battle of the
Crater, as it was called. Grant attempted to break Lee's line by digging
a great tunnel, which had for its object the blowing up of Lee's
intrenchments, and then in the confusion, rushing a large force into the
opening. The tunnel was finished up to and under Lee's line and loaded
with explosives. I believe there was a premature explosion, which
resulted in the killing of more of Grant's soldiers than of Lee's, and
then the attack that followed resulted in a great slaughter of Grant's
men and the total failure of the project.