_From Gettysburg to the Wilderness._
"But who shall break the guards that wait
Before the awful face of Fate?
The tattered standards of the South
Were shrivelled at the cannon's mouth,
And all her hopes were desolate."
The main army marched slowly back up the valley, crossing at the various
gaps east of Winchester, and occupied a position on the south bank of
the Rapidan, a branch of the Rappahannock.
The cavalry under Stuart took the east side of the Blue Ridge and
marched in a parallel line with the infantry. This took me by my old
home. I could stop only for a few minutes. I remember that I was
upbraided for my appearance and was compared to the "Prodigal Son." But
when I told them what I had passed through, they were ready to kill the
fatted calf. I had, though, no time for this, as my regiment was on the
march. Besides, I knew there was no calf.
The enemy kept at a safe distance, and did not molest us. We halted at
Brandy Station, where we had fought the battle of June 9th, a month
before. They halted at the Rappahannock and occupied both sides of the
river.
The land for miles and miles around Brandy Station was almost level and
entirely denuded of fences, the soldiers having used them for firewood.
It was an ideal battlefield.
Here was the home of John Minor Botts, a distinguished Virginian,
respected and protected by the Northern army for his Union sentiments,
and by the South for his integrity. He had a beautiful home and a fine,
large estate, a choice herd of milch cows, and I have often gone there
at milking time and got my canteen filled with milk just from the cow.
The price we paid was 25 cents a quart, in Confederate money. We thought
it very cheap for such good, rich milk, and all of us had a good word to
say for Mr. Botts and his family, even if they were Unionists.
Gen. Stuart threw out his pickets across the fields, and just in front
of us the enemy did likewise. The pickets were in full view of each
other, and a long-range musket might have sent a bullet across the line
at any time, but we did not molest each other. At night the lines came
still closer together, and we could distinctly hear them relieving their
pickets every two hours, and they doubtless could hear us doing the
same.
This state of things remained for several weeks. Not a shot was fired
during all that time, and so well acquainted did the pickets of each
army become, that it was not an uncommon thing to see them marching
across the fields to meet each other and exchange greetings, and often
the Confederates traded tobacco for coffee and sugar. I took quite an
interest in this bartering and trading. This got to be so common that
Gen. Stuart had to issue an order forbidding it.
After a while conditions changed. Gen. Lee had sent Longstreet's corps
to Tennessee to reinforce Bragg, weakening his army to the extent of
20,000 men. Probably for this reason the enemy determined to make a
demonstration, and began a movement toward our front. But so considerate
were they that they did not open fire on us until we had gotten beyond
range of their guns. This fraternal condition perhaps never existed
before between two contending armies.
As they advanced we gradually fell back, and when we had retreated
about a mile, they began firing on us. The friendly sentiment was soon
dissipated, we returned the fire, and began to dispute their passage.
But as they had a much larger force we gradually released the territory,
fighting as we retreated.
My part of the line carried me directly through the streets of Culpeper,
and the fighting in and around the town was the heaviest that we
encountered. Several of our men had their horses killed, and I saw the
enemy's cavalry pick the men up as they ran in their effort to escape.
We continued to fall back until we reached the Rapidan. Here Gen. Lee
was strongly entrenched, and the enemy, after remaining in our front for
some days, fell back to their old position on the Rappahannock. There
was one item of interest which I neglected to mention in its proper
place, and that was an address which Gen. Lee issued to his soldiers
after his long march back from Gettysburg. It was printed on paper,
about the size of a half sheet of note paper. It began with these words:
"To the Soldiers of the Army of Northern Virginia:" "Soldiers, we have
sinned." I cannot remember any more of the address, but those words
have lingered lovingly in my memory ever since. Each soldier was handed
one of these papers, and I am ashamed to say I did not keep my copy, and
do not know of anyone who did.
Shortly after this demonstration of the Union army, Gen. Lee made an
advance, but not directly in front. He moved his army toward the
northeast, and his efforts seemed to have been to make a flank movement
and get in the enemy's rear, just as had been done the year before when
Jackson got in the rear of Pope at Manassas. The cavalry remained to
watch the enemy's front, and prevent a move toward Richmond.
After Lee had gotten well on his march the cavalry crossed the river and
began to drive in the enemy's outposts and press them back toward
Culpeper, and then on through Culpeper to Brandy Station, where the
enemy made a stand.
A short distance beyond the station was a slight elevation running
across our front, completely hiding the movements of the enemy. As there
was no elevation anywhere that we might occupy and see beyond the ridge
in our front, all we could see was the large force occupying the crest
of the ridge. We were afraid to charge, for fear of running into their
whole army.
After a good deal of maneuvering and waiting we saw the long lines of
Union cavalry coming over the ridge and moving toward us in the line of
battle. Closer and closer they came, and when they got within 200 yards
of us, their leader ordered a charge, and it looked as if the whole
column was coming right into our ranks.
I have a vivid recollection of the scene. I noticed as they approached
that quite a number of them, perhaps every third man, was reining in his
horse, which meant, "I have gone as far as I mean to go." Of course,
what I saw my comrades saw, and we knew at once, by this action, they
were whipped; but the others came on, dashing right into our ranks,
firing as they came. The dust and smoke from the guns made it almost
impossible to distinguish friend from foe, but I noticed close to me a
large Union officer, riding a splendid horse, with his sabre over his
head, calling his men to follow him. I had my sabre drawn, and I raised
it over his head, but did not have the heart to hit him. Somehow or
other, my arm would not obey me. It seemed too much like murder.
But Lieut. Armistead (an officer in my company) was not so
chicken-hearted, but spurred his horse, "Long Tom," up until his pistol
almost touched the officer, and shot him in the side. I saw him fall
from his horse, and afterward attempt to get up. Then I lost sight of
him. It was said to be Gen. Baker of the Union army, who was in command
of the forces making the attack. We took some prisoners, others in the
confusion, amid the dust and smoke, fled and escaped within their own
lines. Then there was a halt for an hour or more.
Several fresh regiments of our cavalry came up and took positions, ready
for attack or defence, whichever it might be.
What troubled our command was to know what was beyond that ridge. We
were afraid to move forward, for fear of running into ambush.
Presently we saw a magnificent sight. The colonel of the Fourth Virginia
Regiment, mounted on a beautiful black horse, moved forward, calling
upon his regiment to follow him. It was Colonel, afterward General,
Rosser.
As the regiment moved toward the enemy's lines, at a gallop, the cry
went up and down the ranks, "Look at Rosser, look at Rosser." Everybody
expected to see him tumble from his horse, shot to death. But he went
forward, leading his men, and when the enemy discovered that we were
coming in earnest, they turned on their heels and fled. Other regiments
followed in rapid succession, and when we had gotten on top of the ridge
we found that the enemy was disappearing in the distance as fast as
their flying horses could carry them. We afterward learned that their
stand at Brandy Station was only intended to check our forces until
theirs could get across the Rappahannock river, about three miles
distant.
After this fracas was over we began to look about us to see whether any
of us showed marks of the strife. I found a bullet hole through the
strap that held my sabre to my belt, and as the strap laid close to my
side, it was allowed to pass as a "close shave." But the greatest danger
I was in, I think, was from the sabre of Gen. Baker. A right cut from
that strong arm of his could have severed my head.
There was one of our command who was shot in the neck, and an artery
cut. The blood spurted out like water from a spigot. He dismounted and
stood by his horse until, weakened by the loss of blood, he fell to the
ground. He realized, as everyone else did, that he was beyond human aid.
As Solomon put it in Ecclesiastes, "The golden bowl had been broken."
But to go back. Early in the day, when we were driving the enemy from
our front, the cavalry dismounted and fought on foot. This was often
done, as the men can do better execution when on the ground, and,
besides, they are better protected from the fire of the enemy. On foot,
you have to protect you the trees and the rocks and the fences, every
little hillock; in fact, anything else that would stop a bullet, but on
horseback you are a splendid target for the sharpshooter. Hence, the
cavalry on some occasions preferred to be on foot. But when there was
any retreating to do, like Richard III, they wanted a horse.
On this particular occasion I was among those chosen to lead the horses.
In fact, it always fell to the fourth man. He sat on his horse, while
the other three men dismounted and went to the front. These were called
the led horses, and, of course, they followed in the rear, keeping as
much out of danger as possible.
As we moved along through the fields we passed a small dwelling; I
halted in front of the door and asked the good lady of the house for
something to eat. She came out, trembling from head to foot, with two
other ladies, who I presume were her daughters, and gave me some bread.
Seeing the long string of led horses, she asked in the most distressed
tone if all the men belonging to those horses had been killed. I
explained the meaning of the horses being led, and assured her they were
in no danger, as the enemy was retreating rapidly in our front, and all
danger had passed.
Just an hour before this the conditions were reversed. I was on foot,
and on the firing line, and another was leading my horse.
We had taken shelter behind a low-railed fence, against which the
Yankees, who had just left it, had thrown the earth as a protection. We
were all lying down close to the ground and firing over the top of this
obstruction, when a shell came hissing across the field, striking the
breastwork a short distance from where I lay, scattering the rails and
dirt in every direction. I remarked that as lightning never struck twice
in the same place, that was the safest spot to get, and I began to crawl
toward it. I had hardly moved a yard when another shell struck in this
very same spot, verifying the old adage, that "there are exceptions to
all rules."
We were ordered to move forward from this position across the open
field, which we did, the bullets buzzing past our ears like so many
bees. We went a few hundred yards and then lay down flat on the ground
in the grass, and continued firing at the puffs of smoke in our front,
as that was all we could see. The enemy was lying as flat to the ground
as we were. A great deal of this kind of fighting is done in this way.
It doesn't rise to the dignity of a battle, but is called skirmishing.
One poor fellow lying next to me was struck by a bullet with a dull
thud, that caused him to cry out in pain, and as we moved forward I saw
him writhing in agony. I presume he was not mortally wounded, as mortal
wounds do not cause much or any pain.
In the meantime, our enemy crept away from our front, and mounting their
horses, galloped off. We followed in hot pursuit.
But to return to where we left our friends (the enemy crossing the
Rappahannock). We did not pursue them beyond the river, but moved
northeast, crossing the river at the same place where we had crossed on
the march to Gettysburg. It was about 9 o'clock at night; beyond we
could see all the hills brilliantly illuminated with camp-fires. It was
a gorgeous spectacle.
As we had driven the enemy across the river a few miles below, of
course, we in the ranks, concluded that these were the camp-fires of the
enemy, and that a night attack was to be made upon their camp. But we
crossed, notwithstanding, and as we rode up to the blazing fires we
discovered that we were right in the midst of Lee's infantry.
We went into camp for the night. Early in the morning we were in the
saddle, with both cavalry and infantry on the march. Marching parallel
to us was the whole Union army. They were making for the defences of
Washington, and we were trying to cut them off.
When we got as far as Bristoe Station, not far from Manassas, Gen. Lee
made a swoop down upon them and tried to bring them to battle, but they
were too swift for us. We did, however, have quite a severe fight at
Bristoe Station between the advance guard of our army and the rear of
the enemy.
Gen. A.P. Hill, commanding one of Lee's corps, made the attack. It was
very severe while it lasted, and the roar of the musketry was terrific.
But the enemy got away.
After it was over one of my company (Frank Peak) heard Gen. Lee severely
reprimand Gen. A.P. Hill in these words: "Gen. Hill, your line was too
short and thin." I presume Gen. Lee thought if Gen. Hill had extended
his line farther out, he might have captured the entire force in our
front.
In this battle Rev. A.W. Green (to whom I have already referred as being
captured at Harper's Ferry by Jackson) had one of his fingers shot off.
I have often joked him and said it was I who shot it off. Just as I am
writing this Mr. Green, whom I have not seen for 10 years, came into my
office, and I told him what I was doing. He held up his hand, minus one
finger, and said, "Yes, you did that."
We followed the retreating enemy some distance below Manassas, but could
not overtake them. We halted for awhile, and a few days afterward the
whole army, cavalry, infantry and artillery, marched slowly back toward
the Rapidan.
The expedition was fruitless. The infantry, as is nearly always the
case, marched with the wagon-trains, while the cavalry, in nearly every
instance, leaves the wagons behind, depending upon whatever can be
picked up from the farmers or the enemy.
In this particular section at this time, the farmers had no chance to
plant crops. The trees had already been stripped of fruit. We could not
even find a persimmon, and we suffered terribly with hunger. Of course,
there was plenty of grass for the horses, but the men were entirely
destitute of provisions.
We were looking forward to Manassas with vivid recollections of the rich
haul that we had made there just prior to the second battle of Manassas,
and everybody was saying, "We'll get plenty when we get to Manassas." We
were there before we knew it. Everything was changed. There was not a
building anywhere. The soil, enriched by the debris from former camps,
had grown a rich crop of weeds that came half way up to the sides of our
horses, and the only way we recognized the place was by our horses
stumbling over the railroad tracks at the junction. It was a grievous
disappointment to us.
While fighting just below Manassas, the enemy threw a shell in among the
led horses, which burst and killed several of them.
A short time after that, while lying in camp, our stomachs crying
bitterly for food, someone suggested we try horse flesh. I remember
pulling out my knife and sharpening it on a stone preparatory to cutting
a steak from one of the dead horses, but just at this point a caravan on
horseback arrived with a supply of food. We had a rich feast, and were
happy again.
I do not know where the Union army halted in their retreat toward
Washington, but in a day or two after this, Lee moved his entire army
back toward its old camp on the Rapidan, as I have just said.
I think this was early in November. We felt winter approaching, and I
remember when we reached the Rappahannock, although there was a bridge a
mile below, the cavalry forded the stream, the men getting wet above
their knees, as the water came well up to the sides of the horses. Gen.
Lee, noticing that the men were wet from fording the river, said to our
brigade commander (Gen. Lomax) in a kind and fatherly tone, "My!
general, you should have used the bridge below." I suppose Gen. Lomax
thought that as we were soldiers we ought not to mind a little wetting,
even if the cold November winds were blowing.
[Illustration: MRS. R.E. LEE,
Wife of Gen. R.E. Lee, taken from an old photograph soon after the close
of the war. The spots are result of defects on the original photograph.]
My recollection is that the whole army, infantry, cavalry and artillery,
encamped in and around Brandy Station and prepared for winter. The
infantry began to build little low huts, the cracks filled up with mud
and tops covered with slabs split from logs.
Every mess had its own hut. The cavalry, knowing that they would likely
be kept on the march, made no preparation for winter.
Some time after this (I can't remember just how long) orders came to
break camp and move back on the south side of the Rapidan. I do not know
what commotion this move caused in the ranks of the infantry, but we
cavalrymen, who remained for some time in that neighborhood and saw the
deserted villages, sympathized with the infantry in the loss of their
homes. But as the Six Hundred remarked, "It is not for us to ask the
reason why, but to do and die."
Shortly afterward the cavalry withdrew to the south bank of the Rapidan,
near the infantry. I think this was in Orange county, near Orange
Courthouse, probably half a mile from the river.
Some time in January a courier came in from the front across the river
and reported that the enemy's cavalry had been seen a few miles below,
moving toward our camp.
The bugles sounded "saddle up" all through the camp, and several
regiments of cavalry were soon in line and crossing the river. They
dismounted, formed in line of battle, and moved across the fields. We
soon found the enemy in our front, also dismounted, and firing began. We
were ordered to fall back gradually toward the river, fighting as we
retreated, the object being to draw the enemy toward the batteries that
were on the opposite side of the river.
As we neared the banks of the river where the led horses were, our
purpose was to remount and to cross the river, but the enemy pressed us
so close that some of us, I among them, were compelled to cross on foot.
This was rather a chilly experience, when you consider that it was the
middle of January. But we got over, and our batteries opened fire on the
enemy and compelled them to fall back.
Just as we came out of the river we met the infantry coming down and
taking position behind the breastworks that had been thrown up along the
south bank of the river. Those who had forded the river were allowed to
go to camp, a short distance off, to dry their clothes, for it was
freezing weather.
I had mounted my horse, and as I passed the column of infantry coming
down to the river, a bullet fired by the enemy's sharpshooter on the
opposite side struck one of the men, and he fell in a heap, dead, at the
feet of my horse. He dropped as suddenly as if he had been taken by some
powerful force and thrown violently to the ground. Every joint and
muscle in his body seemed to have given way in an instant.
After we had dried our clothes before the camp-fire our command
re-crossed the river to find out what the enemy proposed to do. We were
again dismounted and formed in line across the field as before, and,
moving forward, found the enemy just beyond the reach of our batteries.
Lying close to the ground we began firing at each other, continuing long
after dark. Then the firing ceased. After remaining there for some time,
someone in command (I don't know who it was) ordered Capt. Gibson of our
company to send four men with instructions to creep up as near as they
could to the enemy's lines, stay there, and report whenever the enemy
withdrew.
I was selected as one of the four men. When we got pretty near their
line we got down flat on the ground, and like so many snakes crawled
along until we got as close as we dared. We could distinctly see them on
their horses, but we did not remain long before we saw them withdraw. We
heard their officers giving the command.
We then came back, and had some difficulty getting in without being
shot, from the fact that the regiment to which we belonged had been
withdrawn and another put in its place, and the men did not seem to
understand that we were out on this mission. We made our report, and
shortly afterward mounted, re-crossed the river and went into camp. It
proved to be nothing more than a reconnoissance of the enemy's cavalry,
probably to find out whether Lee's army was still encamped on the river.
Some time after this, perhaps two or three weeks, while on picket some
miles up the river, a considerable distance from the main army's
encampment, a body of the enemy's cavalry crossed the river somewhere
between the pickets, and got behind the line of pickets unobserved.
It was a very foggy morning. Our post consisted of six men, and our
position was a few hundred yards back of the river.
Two of the men were on picket; the others were at the post.
About 6 o'clock in the morning we heard a few shots in our rear. One of
our men was sent back to find out the cause of it. He had not been gone
many minutes when we heard other shots, which forced us to the
conclusion that the enemy in some way had gotten behind us. Our pickets
had also heard the firing, and came in to find out what the trouble was.
We followed the direction of the shots, and had not gone far before we
saw through the heavy fog quite a large body of cavalry.
Whether friend or foe, it was impossible to determine. So we thought
discretion the better part of valor and immediately turned, each fellow
taking care of himself.
Three went up the river. Faunt Neal and myself took the opposite course.
The Yankees (for it proved to be the enemy) had seen us, and started in
pursuit. Neal and I rushed down the hill toward the river, passing a
grove of small pine trees. My comrade turned abruptly to the right and
hid himself in this sanctuary, while I continued across the meadow and
up the hill on the opposite side into the woods and escaped.
We all turned up in camp the next day except one. He had ridden straight
into the enemy's lines, thinking they were Confederates. This ended his
military career.
I think it was about the first of February an order had been sent from
headquarters allowing a certain number of regiments a furlough. It
extended to my regiment. Some of the companies could not avail
themselves of it, because their homes were wholly in the territory
occupied by the enemy. My company was among the fortunate ones, although
many of our men were from Loudoun and Fauquier, and the enemy was
occupying part of this territory and making frequent raids through the
other portions. But our officers stood sponsor for us, and we started
for our respective homes as happy as children let out of school.
Those of us living in Loudoun and Fauquier had to observe the greatest
caution to keep from being picked up by the enemy's scouting cavalry
before reaching home. But there were no misfortunes, and with joy
unspeakable, we, one by one, reached the "Old Homesteads."
To attempt to express the pleasure we got out of this little vacation
would tax the English language severely.
'Tis true that these were not just the old homes we had left three years
before in our bright new uniforms, with well-groomed horses and full
haversacks. The marching and counter-marching of first one army, then
the other, destroying fences and barns and driving off cattle and
horses, made a great change in the appearance of things.
No one attempted to keep up appearances. Besides, at this time, nearly
every home mourned one or more dead. The most of my old schoolmates who
had crossed the Potomac en route for Gettysburg went down on that hot
July afternoon when Pickett made his famous charge, for the Eighth
Virginia Infantry, in which nearly all my schoolmates had enlisted, was
almost annihilated that bloody afternoon.
Among the killed was Edwin Bailey, whom I have already mentioned as
going out with me from Middleburg in the spring of 1862, he to rejoin
his regiment, and I to enlist in the Sixth Virginia Cavalry. By his side
in that battle was his brother John. Edwin fell first, mortally wounded,
and John, severely wounded, fell across him. Edwin said, "John, if you
get home, tell them I died a Christian." These were his only and last
words.
I have often used this incident as an exemplification of the claims of
Christianity.
Notwithstanding all this, we enjoyed our vacation immensely, but there
was not a day that we were not in danger of being surrounded and
captured. The bluecoats were scouting through the country almost
continuously in search of Mosby's "gang," as they called it. We had to
keep on guard and watch the roads and hilltops every hour of the day. We
had the advantage of knowing the country and the hiding places and the
short cuts, and then we had our loyal servants, always willing to aid us
to escape "them Yankees."
For instance, I made a visit to Sunny Bank, the home of my
brother-in-law, E.C. Broun. My horse was hitched to the rack, and I was
inside enjoying the hospitalities of an old Virginia home, when one of
the little darkies rushed in and said, "Yankees." They were soon all
around the house, but, before getting there, one of the servants took
the saddle and bridle off my steed, hid them, and turned him loose in
the garden, where he posed as the old family driving nag, while I went
to the back porch, climbed a ladder, and lifting a trap-door, got in
between the ceiling and the roof. The trap-door was so adjusted that it
did not show an opening. The ladder was taken away, and there I stayed
until the enemy departed. I got back home safely, eight miles off, and
had other close calls, but owing to the fidelity of the colored people,
who were always on the watch, and whose loyalty to the Confederate
soldiers, whether they belonged to the family in which they lived or
not, was touching and beautiful beyond comprehension. They always called
the Confederates "Our Soldiers," and the other side "Them Yankees."
About this time a new star appeared upon the field of Mars. John S.
Mosby, a native of Warrenton, Fauquier county, Virginia, serving as
lieutenant in the First Virginia Cavalry, was captured and put in prison
in Washington in the old Capitol. He was not there long before he was
exchanged, but while there his mind was busy. He conceived the idea
that if he had a small body of men well armed and well mounted, and
given an independent command, he could render the Confederacy great
service by operating along the lines of the B. & O., the C. & O., and
the Orange and Alexandria railroads, and also upon the enemy's supply
trains, that were constantly moving to and fro up and down the valley
and other sections. He reported his plan to Gen. Stuart when he got out
of prison. Gen. Stuart favored it, and referred it to Gen. Lee, and Gen.
Lee referred it to the War Department at Richmond, resulting in Mosby's
being commissioned a captain, with ten men detached from his regiment
(the First Virginia Cavalry) with permission to increase the number by
recruiting from the young men in the district where he operated.
Mosby lost no time in getting his little force together at some point in
Loudoun county. His first expedition was to Fairfax Courthouse. His plan
was to get as close to the enemy as he could, hide his men behind a hill
or in a body of timber, and rush pell-mell upon a passing wagon-train,
or a detachment of Union troops, stampede them and capture what he
could. In this way he captured or destroyed a great many wagons, took
horses, mules and prisoners by the thousands. My younger brother Richard
joined this command in 1864, being a little over 17 years old.
It may seem strange to the present age that a country devastated as this
portion of Virginia was at this time, with so many homes mourning the
loss of their brave sons slain in battle, or maimed for life, with
starvation almost staring them in the face, with the capital of their
country besieged by great armies, with what we would call at this day
deprivation and suffering incomparable, that the people could have any
heart for festivities, such as dances and plays. But such was the fact.
The soldiers during their furlough were received everywhere as heroes,
and were banqueted and entertained as if peace and plenty reigned
throughout the land. Many a parody like the following was gotten off:
"There was a sound of revelry by night," and "Les Miserables" (Lee's
miserables) had gathered there.
But it must be remembered that it was this spirit among the Southern
people that made them endure their hardships and sustain the conflict as
long as they did. It was the women standing loyally by their husbands,
brothers and lovers that made the Southern soldiers ready to play or
ready to fight, regardless of what they had in their haversacks or wore
on their backs.
There was no fixed time for our furlough, but we had places of
rendezvous where we were ordered to meet once a week to receive
instructions. Finally the time came when we were summoned to collect at
Upperville (near the home of our captain) for the march back to the
army.
I do not remember the date, but it was early in March. I do remember the
first encampment we made for the night. We got up the next morning with
six inches of snow covering us, resulting in my horse getting a bad
cold, for during our furlough he was housed in a warm stable. This cold
never left him, and he died from the effects of it several months
afterward.
We were ordered to report at Staunton, Va. It was a long march from
Loudoun county, but we were used to long marches. When we arrived there
we found our regiment awaiting us. Without even a day's rest we were
ordered to Richmond, a still longer march, and after remaining there two
weeks we were ordered to Fredericksburg. A line of this route drawn on
the map would form almost a perfect letter C, and if it had not been
for a small obstacle in our way, in all probability we would have
continued the march, forming the letter O.
The obstacle in our way was Grant's army on the Rappahannock.