Afterwards when the feast of Tabernacles was at hand, his brethren

upbraided him for walking secretly, and urged him to go up to the feast.

But he went not till they were gone, and then went up privately, _John_

vii. 2. and when the _Jews_ sought to stone him, he escaped, _John_ viii.

59. After this he was at the feast of the Dedication in winter, _John_ x.

22. and when they sought again to take him, he fled beyond _Jordan_, _John_

x. 39, 40. _Matth_. xix. 1. where he stayed till the death of _Lazarus_,

and then came to _Bethany_ near _Jerusalem_, and raised him, _John_ xi. 7,

18. whereupon the _Jews_ took counsel from that time to kill him: and

_therefore_ he _walked no more openly among the _Jews_, but went thence

into a country near to the wilderness, into a city called _Ephraim_; and

there continued with his disciples_ till the last Passover, in which the

_Jews_ put him to death, _John_ xi. 53, 54.

Thus have we, in the Gospels of _Matthew_ and _John_ compared together, the

history of _Christ_'s actions in continual order during five Passovers.

_John_ is more distinct in the beginning and end; _Matthew_ in the middle:

what either omits, the other supplies. The first Passover was between the

baptism of _Christ_ and the imprisonment of _John, John_ ii. 13. the second

within four months after the imprisonment of _John_, and _Christ_'s

beginning to preach in _Galilee_, _John_ iv. 35. and therefore it was

either that feast to which _Jesus_ went up, when the Scribe desired to

follow him, _Matth._ viii. 19. _Luke_ ix. 51, 57. or the feast before it.

The third was the next feast after it, when the corn was eared and ripe,

_Matth_, xii. 1. _Luke_ vi. 1. The fourth was that which was nigh at hand

when _Christ_ wrought the miracle of the five loaves, _Matth_. xiv. 15.

_John_ vi. 4, 5. and the fifth was that in which _Christ_ suffered,

_Matth._ xx. 17. _John_ xii. 1.

Between the first and second Passover _John_ and _Christ_ baptized

together, till the imprisonment of _John_, which was four months before the

second. Then _Christ_ began to preach, and call his disciples; and after he

had instructed them a year, lent them to preach in the cities of the

_Jews_: at the same time _John_ hearing of the fame of _Christ_, sent to

him to know who he was. At the third, the chief Priests began to consult

about the death of _Christ_. A little before the fourth, the twelve after

they had preached a year in all the cities, returned to _Christ_; and at

the same time _Herod_ beheaded _John_ in prison, after he had been in

prison two years and a quarter: and thereupon _Christ_ fled into the desart

for fear of _Herod_. The fourth _Christ_ went not up to _Jerusalem_ for

fear of the _Jews_, who at the Passover before had consulted his death, and

because his time was not yet come. Thenceforward therefore till the feast

of Tabernacles he walked in _Galilee_, and that secretly for fear of

_Herod_: and after the feast of Tabernacles he returned no more into

_Galilee_, but sometimes was at _Jerusalem_, and sometimes retired beyond

_Jordan_, or to the city _Ephraim_ by the wilderness, till the Passover in

which he was betrayed, apprehended, and crucified.

_John_ therefore baptized two summers, and _Christ_ preached three. The

first summer _John_ preached to make himself known, in order to give

testimony to _Christ_. Then, after _Christ_ came to his baptism and was

made known to him, he baptized another summer, to make _Christ_ known by

his testimony; and _Christ_ also baptized the same summer, to make himself

the more known: and by reason of _John_'s testimony there came more to

_Christ_'s baptism than to _John_'s. The winter following _John_ was

imprisoned; and now his course being at an end, _Christ_ entered upon his

proper office of preaching in the cities. In the beginning of his preaching

he completed the number of the twelve Apostles, and instructed them all the

first year in order to send them abroad. Before the end of this year, his

fame by his preaching and miracles was so far spread abroad, that the

_Jews_ at the Passover following consulted how to kill him. In the second

year of his preaching, it being no longer safe for him to converse openly

in _Judea_, he sent the twelve to preach in all their cities: and in the

end of the year they returned to him, and told him all they had done. All

the last year the twelve continued with him to be instructed more

perfectly, in order to their preaching to all nations after his death. And

upon the news of _John_'s death, being afraid of _Herod_ as well as of the

_Jews_, he walked this year more secretly than before; frequenting desarts,

and spending the last half of the year in _Judea_, without the dominions of

_Herod_.

Thus have we in the Gospels of _Matthew_ and _John_ all things told in due

order, from the beginning of _John_'s preaching to the death of _Christ_,

and the years distinguished from one another by such essential characters

that they cannot be mistaken. The second Passover is distinguished from the

first, by the interposition of _John_'s imprisonment. The third is

distinguished from the second, by a double character: first, by the

interposition of the feast to which _Christ_ went up, _Mat._ viii. 19.

_Luke_ ix. 57. and secondly, by the distance of time from the beginning of

_Christ_'s preaching: for the second was in the beginning of his preaching,

and the third so long after, that before it came _Christ_ said, _from the

days of _John_ the Baptist until now_, &c. and upbraided the cities of

_Galilee_ for their not repenting at his preaching, and mighty works done

in all that time. The fourth is distinguished from the third, by the

mission of the twelve from _Christ_ to preach in the cities of _Judea_ in

all the interval. The fifth is distinguished from all the former by the

twelve's being returned from preaching, and continuing with _Christ_ during

all the interval, between the fourth and fifth, and by the passion and

other infallible characters.

Now since the first summer of _John_'s baptizing fell in the fifteenth year

of the Emperor _Tiberius_, and by consequence the first of these five

Passovers in his sixteenth year; the last of them, in which _Jesus_

suffered, will fall on the twentieth year of the same Emperor; and by

consequence in the Consulship of _Fabius_ and _Vitellius_, in the 79th

_Julian_ year, and year of _Christ_ 34, which was the sabbatical year of

the _Jews_. And that it did so, I further confirm by these arguments.

I take it for granted that the passion was on friday the 14th day of the

month _Nisan_, the great feast of the Passover on saturday the 15th day of

_Nisan_, and the resurrection on the day following. Now the 14th day of

_Nisan_ always fell on the full moon next after the vernal Equinox; and the

month began at the new moon before, not at the true conjunction, but at the

first appearance of the new moon: for the _Jews_ referred all the time of

the silent moon, as they phrased it, that is, of the moon's disappearing,

to the old moon; and because the first appearance might usually be about 18

hours after the true conjunction, they therefore began their month from the

sixth hour at evening, that is, at sun set, next after the eighteenth hour

from the conjunction. And this rule they called [Hebrew: YH] _Jah_,

designing by the letters [Hebrew: Y] and [Hebrew: H] the number 18.

I know that _Epiphanius_ tells us, if some interpret his words rightly,

that the _Jews_ used a vicious cycle, and thereby anticipated the legal new

moons by two days. But this surely he spake not as a witness, for he

neither understood _Astronomy_ nor _Rabbinical_ learning, but as arguing

from his erroneous hypothesis about the time of the passion. For the _Jews_

did not anticipate, but postpone their months: they thought it lawful to

begin their months a day later than the first appearance of the new moon,

because the new moon continued for more days than one; but not a day

sooner, lest they should celebrate the new moon before there was any. And

the _Jews_ still keep a tradition in their books, that the _Sanhedrim_ used

diligently to define the new moons by sight: sending witnesses into

mountainous places, and examining them about the moon's appearing, and

translating the new moon from the day they had agreed on to the day before,

as often as witnesses came from distant regions, who had seen it a day

sooner than it was seen at _Jerusalem_. Accordingly _Josephus_, one of the

_Jewish_ Priests who ministred in the temple, tells us [2] that the

Passover was kept _on the 14th day of_ Nisan, [Greek: kata selênên]

_according to the moon, when the sun was in _Aries__. This is confirmed

also by two instances, recorded by him, which totally overthrow the

hypothesis of the _Jews_ using a vicious cycle. For that year in which

_Jerusalem_ was taken and destroyed, he saith, the Passover was on the 14th

day of the month _Xanticus_, which according to _Josephus_ is our _April_;

and that five years before, it fell on the 8th day of the same month. Which

two instances agree with the course of the moon.

Computing therefore the new moons of the first month according to the

course of the moon and the rule _Jah_, and thence counting 14 days, I find

that the 14th day of this month in the year of _Christ_ 31, fell on tuesday

_March_ 27; in the year 32, on sunday _Apr._ 13; in the year 33, on friday

_Apr._ 3; in the year 34, on wednesday _March_ 24, or rather, for avoiding

the Equinox which fell on the same day, and for having a fitter time for

harvest, on thursday _Apr._ 22. also in the year 35, on tuesday _Apr._ 12.

and in the year 36, on saturday _March_ 31.

But because the 15th and 21st days of _Nisan_, and a day or two of

_Pentecost_, and the 10th, 15th, and 22d of _Tisri_, were always sabbatical

days or days of rest, and it was inconvenient on two sabbaths together to

be prohibited burying their dead and making ready fresh meat, for in that

hot region their meat would be apt in two days to corrupt: to avoid these

and such like inconveniences, the _Jews_ postponed their months a day, as

often as the first day of the month _Tisri_, or, which is all one, the

third of the month _Nisan_, was sunday, wednesday or friday: and this rule

they called [Hebrew: 'DW] _Adu_, by the letters [Hebrew: W , D , ']

signifying the numbers 1, 4, 6; that is, the 1st, 4th, and 6th days of the

week; which days we call sunday, wednesday and friday. Postponing therefore

by this rule the months found above; the 14th day of the month _Nisan_ will

fall in the year of _Christ_ 31, on wednesday _March_ 28; in the year 32,

on monday _Apr._ 14; in the year 33, on friday _Apr._ 3; in the year 34, on

friday _Apr._ 23; in the year 35, on wednesday _Apr._ 13, and in the year

36, on saturday _March_ 31.

By this computation therefore the year 32 is absolutely excluded, because

the Passion cannot fall on friday without making it five days after the

full moon, or two days before it; whereas it ought to be upon the day of

the full moon, or the next day. For the same reason the years 31 and 35 are

excluded, because in them the Passion cannot fall on friday, without making

it three days after the full moon, or four days before it: errors so

enormous, that they would be very conspicuous in the heavens to every

vulgar eye. The year 36 is contended for by few or none, and both this and

the year 35 may be thus excluded.

_Tiberius_ in the beginning of his reign made _Valerius Gratus_ President

of _Judea_; and after 11 years, substituted _Pontius Pilate_, who governed

10 years. Then _Vitellius_, newly made President of _Syria_, deprived him

of his honour, substituting _Marcellus_, and at length sent him to _Rome_:

but, by reason of delays, _Tiberius_ died before _Pilate_ got thither. In

the mean time _Vitellius_, after he had deposed _Pilate_, came to

_Jerusalem_ in the time of the Passover, to visit that Province as well as

others in the beginning of his office; and in the place of _Caiaphas_, then

High Priest, created _Jonathas_ the son of _Ananus_, or _Annas_ as he is

called in scripture. Afterwards, when _Vitellius_ was returned to

_Antioch_, he received letters from _Tiberius_, to make peace with

_Artabanus_ king of the _Parthians_. At the same time the _Alans_, by the

sollicitation of _Tiberius_, invaded the kingdom of _Artabanus_; and his

subjects also, by the procurement of _Vitellius_, soon after rebelled: for

_Tiberius_ thought that _Artabanus_, thus pressed with difficulties, would

more readily accept the conditions of peace. _Artabanus_ therefore

straightway gathering a greater army, opprest the rebels; and then meeting

_Vitellius_ at _Euphrates_, made a league with the _Romans_. After this

_Tiberius_ commanded _Vitellius_ to make war upon _Aretas_ King of

_Arabia_. He therefore leading his army against _Aretas_, went together

with _Herod_ to _Jerusalem_, to sacrifice at the publick feast which was

then to be celebrated. Where being received honourably, he stayed three

days, and in the mean while translated the high Priesthood from _Jonathas_

to his brother _Theophilus_: and the fourth day, receiving letters of the

death of _Tiberius_, made the people swear allegiance to _Caius_ the new

Emperor; and recalling his army, sent them into quarters. All this is

related by _Josephus_ _Antiq._ _lib._ 18. _c._ 6, 7. Now _Tiberius_ reigned

22 years and 7 months, and died _March_ 16, in the beginning of the year of

_Christ_ 37; and the feast of the Passover fell on _April_ 20 following,

that is, 35 days after the death of _Tiberius_: so that there were about 36

or 38 days, for the news of his death to come from _Rome_ to _Vitellius_ at

_Jerusalem_; which being a convenient time for that message, confirms that

the feast which _Vitellius_ and _Herod_ now went up to was the Passover.

For had it been the Pentecost, as is usually supposed, _Vitellius_ would

have continued three months ignorant of the Emperor's death: which is not

to be supposed. However, the things done between this feast and the

Passover which _Vitellius_ was at before, namely, the stirring up a

sedition in _Parthia_, the quieting that sedition, the making a league

after that with the _Parthians_, the sending news of that league to _Rome_,

the receiving new orders from thence to go against the _Arabians_, and the

putting those orders in execution; required much more time than the fifty

days between the Passover and Pentecost of the same year: and therefore the

Passover which _Vitellius_ first went up to, was in the year before.

Therefore _Pilate_ was deposed before the Passover A.C. 36, and by

consequence the passion of _Christ_ was before that Passover: for he

suffered not under _Vitellius_, nor under _Vitellius_ and _Pilate_

together, but under _Pilate_ alone.

Now it is observable that the high Priesthood was at this time become an

annual office, and the Passover was the time of making a new high Priest.

For _Gratus_ the predecessor of _Pilate_, saith _Josephus_, made _Ismael_

high Priest after _Ananus_; and a while after, suppose a year, deposed him,

and substituted _Eleazar_, and a year after _Simon_, and after another year

_Caiaphas_; and then gave way to _Pilate_. So _Vitellius_ at one Passover

made _Jonathas_ successor to _Caiaphas_, and at the next _Theophilus_ to

_Jonathas_. Hence _Luke_ tells us, that in the 15th year of _Tiberius_,

_Annas_ and _Caiaphas_ were high Priests, that is, _Annas_ till the

Passover, and _Caiaphas_ afterwards. Accordingly _John_ speaks of the high

Priesthood as an annual office: for he tells us again and again, in the

last year of _Christ_'s preaching, that _Caiaphas_ was high Priest for that

year, _John_ xi. 49, 51. xviii. 13. And the next year _Luke_ tells you,

that _Annas_ was high Priest, _Acts_ iv. 6. _Theophilus_ was therefore made

high Priest in the first year of _Caius_, _Jonathas_ in the 22d year of

_Tiberius_, and _Caiaphas_ in the 21st year of the same Emperor: and

therefore, allotting a year to each, the Passion, when _Annas_ succeeded

_Caiaphas_, could not be later than the 20th year of _Tiberius_, A.C. 34.

Thus there remain only the years 33 and 34 to be considered; and the year

33 I exclude by this argument. In the Passover two years before the

Passion, when _Christ_ went thro' the corn, and his disciples pluckt the

ears, and rubbed them with their hands to eat; this ripeness of the corn

shews that the Passover then fell late: and so did the Passover A.C. 32,

_April 14_, but the Passover A.C. 31, _March 28th_, fell very early. It was

not therefore two years after the year 31, but two years after 32 that

_Christ_ suffered.

Thus all the characters of the Passion agree to the year 34; and that is

the only year to which they all agree.

Notes to Chap. XI.

[1] I observe, that _Christ_ and his forerunner _John_ in their parabolical

discourses were wont to allude to things present. The old Prophets, when

they would describe things emphatically, did not only draw parables from

things which offered themselves, as from the rent of a garment, 1 _Sam._

xv. from the sabbatic year, _Isa._ xxxvii. from the vessels of a Potter,

_Jer._ xviii, &c. but also when such fit objects were wanting, they

supplied them by their own actions, as by rending a garment, 1 _Kings_ xi.

by shooting, 2 _Kings_ xiii. by making bare their body, _Isa._ xx. by

imposing significant names to their sons, _Isa._ viii. _Hos._ i. by hiding

a girdle in the bank of _Euphrates_, _Jer._ xiii. by breaking a potter's

vessel, _Jer._ xix. by putting on fetters and yokes, _Jer._ xxvii. by

binding a book to a stone, and casting them both into _Euphrates_, _Jer._

li. by besieging a painted city, _Ezek._ iv. by dividing hair into three

parts, _Ezek._ v. by making a chain, _Ezek._ vii. by carrying out houshold

stuff like a captive and trembling, _Ezek._ xii, &c. By such kind of types

the Prophets loved to speak. And _Christ_ being endued with a nobler

prophetic spirit than the rest, excelled also in this kind of speaking, yet

so as not to speak by his own actions, that was less grave and decent, but

to turn into parables such things as offered themselves. On occasion of the

harvest approaching, he admonishes his disciples once and again of the

spiritual harvest, _John_ iv. 35. _Matth._ ix. 37. Seeing the lilies of the

field, he admonishes his disciples about gay clothing, _Matth._ vi. 28. In

allusion to the present season of fruits, he admonishes his disciples about

knowing men by their fruits, _Matth._ vii. 16. In the time of the Passover,

when trees put forth leaves, he bids his disciples _learn a parable from

the fig tree: when its branch is yet tender and putteth forth leaves, ye

know that summer is nigh_, &c. _Matth._ xxiv. 32. _Luke_ xxi. 29. The same

day, alluding both to the season of the year and to his passion, which was

to be two days after, he formed a parable of the time of fruits

approaching, and the murdering of the heir, _Matth._ xxi. 33. Alluding at

the same time, both to the money-changers whom he had newly driven out of

the Temple, and to his passion at hand; he made a parable of a Noble-man

going into a far country to receive a kingdom and return, and delivering

his goods to his servants, and at his return condemning the slothful

servant because he put not his money to the exchangers, _Matth._ xxv. 14.

_Luke_ xix. 12. Being near the Temple where sheep were kept in folds to be

sold for the sacrifices, he spake many things parabolically of sheep, of

the shepherd, and of the door of the sheepfold; and discovers that he

alluded to the sheepfolds which were to be hired in the market-place, by

speaking of such folds as a thief could not enter by the door, nor the

shepherd himself open, but a porter opened to the shepherd, _John_ x. 1, 3.

Being in the mount of _Olives_, _Matth._ xxxvi. 30. _John_ xiv. 31. a place

so fertile that it could not want vines, he spake many things mystically of

the Husbandman, and of the vine and its branches, _John_ xv. Meeting a

blind man, he admonished of spiritual blindness, _John_ ix. 39. At the

sight of little children, he described once and again the innocence of the

elect, _Matth._ xviii. 2. xix. 13. Knowing that _Lazarus_ was dead and

should be raised again, he discoursed of the resurrection and life eternal,

_John_ xi. 25, 26. Hearing of the slaughter of some whom _Pilate_ had

slain, he admonished of eternal death, _Luke_ xiii. 1. To his fishermen he

spake of fishers of men, _Matth._ iv. 10. and composed another parable

about fishes. _Matth._ xiii. 47. Being by the Temple, he spake of the

Temple of his body, _John_ ii. 19. At supper he spake a parable about the

mystical supper to come in the kingdom of heaven, _Luke_ xiv. On occasion

of temporal food, he admonished his disciples of spiritual food, and of

eating his flesh and drinking his blood mystically, _John_ vi. 27, 53. When

his disciples wanted bread, he bad them beware of the leven of the

Pharisees, _Matth._ xvi. 6. Being desired to eat, he answered that he had

other meat, _John_ iv. 31. In the great day of the feast of Tabernacles,

when the _Jews_, as their custom was, brought a great quantity of waters

from the river _Shiloah_ into the Temple, _Christ_ stood and cried, saying,

_If any man thirst let him come unto me and drink. He that believeth in me,

out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water_, John vii. 37. The next

day, in allusion to the servants who by reason of the sabbatical year were

newly set free, he said, _If ye continue in my word, the truth shall make

you free_. Which the _Jews_ understanding literally with respect to the

present manumission of servants, answered, _We be _Abraham_'s seed, and

were never in bondage to any man: how sayeth thou, ye shall be made free?_

John viii. They assert their freedom by a double argument: first, because

they were the seed of _Abraham_, and therefore newly made free, had they

been ever in bondage; and then, because they never were in bondage. In the

last Passover, when _Herod_ led his army thro' _Judea_ against _Aretas_

King of _Arabia_, because _Aretas_ was aggressor and the stronger in

military forces, as appeared by the event; _Christ_ alluding to that state

of things, composed the parable of a weaker King leading his army against a

stronger who made war upon him, _Luke_ xiv. 31. And I doubt not but divers

other parables were formed upon other occasions, the history of which we

have not.

[2] Joseph. Antiq. lib. 3. c. 10.

* * * * *

CHAP. XII.

_Of the Prophecy of the Scripture of Truth._

The kingdoms represented by the second and third Beasts, or the Bear and

Leopard, are again described by _Daniel_ in his last Prophecy written in

the third year of _Cyrus_ over _Babylon_, the year in which he conquered

_Persia_. For this Prophecy is a commentary upon the Vision of the Ram and

He-Goat.

_Behold_, saith [1] he, _there shall stand up yet three kings in _Persia__,

[_Cyrus_, _Cambyses_, and _Darius Hystaspes_] _and the fourth_ [_Xerxes_]

_shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength thro' his riches he

shall stir up all against the realm of _Grecia_. And a mighty king_

[_Alexander_ the great] _shall stand up, that shall rule with great

dominion, and do according to his will. And when he shall stand up, his

kingdom shall be broken, and shall be divided towards the four winds of

heaven; and not to his posterity_ [but after their death,] _nor according

to his dominion which he ruled: for his kingdom shall be pluckt up, even

for others besides those_. _Alexander_ the great having conquered all the

_Persian_ Empire, and some part of _India_, died at _Babylon_ a month

before the summer Solstice, in the year of _Nabonassar_ 425: and his

captains gave the monarchy to his bastard brother _Philip Aridæus_, a man

disturbed in his understanding; and made _Perdiccas_ administrator of the

kingdom. _Perdiccas_ with their consent made _Meleager_ commander of the

army, _Seleucus_ master of the horse, _Craterus_ treasurer of the kingdom,

_Antipater_ governor of _Macedon_ and _Greece_, _Ptolemy_ governor of

_Egypt_; _Antigonus_ governor of _Pamphylia_, _Lycia_, _Lycaonia_, and

_Phrygia major_; _Lysimachus_ governor of _Thrace_, and other captains

governors of other Provinces; as many as had been so before in the days of

_Alexander_ the great. The _Babylonians_ began now to count by a new _Æra_,

which they called the _Æra_ of _Philip_, using the years of _Nabonassar_,

and reckoning the 425th year of _Nabonassar_ to be the first year of

_Philip_. _Roxana_ the wife of _Alexander_ being left big with child, and

about three or four months after brought to bed of a son, they called him

_Alexander_, saluted him King, and joined him with _Philip_, whom they had

before placed in the throne. _Philip_ reigned three years under the

administratorship of _Perdiccas_, two years more under the

administratorship of _Antipater_, and above a year more under that of

_Polyperchon_; in all six years and four months; and then was slain with

his Queen _Eurydice_ in _September_ by the command of _Olympias_ the mother

of _Alexander_ the great. The _Greeks_ being disgusted at the cruelties of

_Olympias_, revolted to _Cassander_ the son and successor of _Antipater_.

_Cassander_ affecting the dominion of _Greece_, slew _Olympias_; and soon

after shut up the young king _Alexander_, with his mother _Roxana_, in the

castle of _Amphipolis_, under the charge of _Glaucias_, _An. Nabonass._

432. The next year _Ptolemy_, _Cassander_ and _Lysimachus_, by means of

_Seleucus_, form'd a league against _Antigonus_; and after certain wars

made peace with him, _An. Nabonass._ 438, upon these conditions: that

_Cassander_ should command the forces of _Europe_ till _Alexander_ the son

of _Roxana_ came to age; and that _Lysimachus_ should govern _Thrace_,

_Ptolemy_ _Egypt_ and _Lybia_, and _Antigonus_ all _Asia_. _Seleucus_ had

possest himself of _Mesopotamia_, _Babylonia_, _Sustana_ and _Media_, the

year before. About three years after _Alexander_'s death he was made

governor of _Babylon_ by _Antipater_; then was expelled by _Antigonus_; but

now he recovered and enlarged his government over a great part of the

_East_: which gave occasion to a new _Æra_, called _Æra Seleucidarum_. Not

long after the peace made with _Antigonus_, _Diodorus_ saith the same

_Olympic_ year; _Cassander_, seeing that _Alexander_ the son of _Roxana_

grew up, and that it was discoursed thro'out _Macedonia_ that it was fit he

should be set at liberty, and take upon him the government of his father's

kingdom, commanded _Glaucias_ the governor of the castle to kill _Roxana_

and the young king _Alexander_ her son, and conceal their deaths. Then

_Polyperchon_ set up _Hercules_, the son of _Alexander_ the great by

_Barsinè_, to be king; and soon after, at the sollicitation of _Cassander_,

caused him to be slain. Soon after that, upon a great victory at sea got by

_Demetrius_ the son of _Antigonus_ over _Ptolemy_, _Antigonus_ took upon

himself the title of king, and gave the same title to his son. This was

_An. Nabonass._ 441. After his example, _Seleucus_, _Cassander_,

_Lysimachus_ and _Ptolemy_, took upon themselves the title and dignity of

kings, having abstained from this honour while there remained any of

_Alexander_'s race to inherit the crown. Thus the monarchy of the _Greeks_

for want of an heir was broken into several kingdoms; four of which, seated

_to the four winds of heaven_, were very eminent. For _Ptolemy_ reigned

over _Egypt_, _Lybia_ and _Ethiopia_; _Antigonus_ over _Syria_ and the

lesser _Asia_; _Lysimachus_ over _Thrace_; and _Cassander_ over _Macedon_,

_Greece_ and _Epirus_, as above.

_Seleucus_ at this time reigned over the nations which were beyond

_Euphrates_, and belonged to the bodies of the two first Beasts; but after

six years he conquered _Antigonus_, and thereby became possest of one of

the four kingdoms. For _Cassander_ being afraid of the power of

_Antigonus_, combined with _Lysimachus_, _Ptolemy_ and _Seleucus_, against

him: and while _Lysimachus_ invaded the parts of _Asia_ next the

_Hellespont_, _Ptolemy_ subdued _Phoenicia_ and _Coelosyria_, with the

sea-coasts of _Asia_.

_Seleucus_ came down with a powerful army into _Cappadocia_, and joining

the confederate forces, fought _Antigonus_ in _Phrygia_ and flew him, and

seized his kingdom, _An. Nabonass._ 447. After which _Seleucus_ built

_Antioch_, _Seleucia_, _Laodicea_, _Apamea_, _Berrhæa_, _Edessa_, and other

cities in _Syria_ and _Asia_; and in them granted the _Jews_ equal

privileges with the _Greeks_.

_Demetrius_ the son of _Antigonus_ retained but a small part of his

father's dominions, and at length lost _Cyprus_ to _Ptolemy_; but

afterwards killing _Alexander_, the son and successor of _Cassander_ king

of _Macedon_, he seized his kingdom, _An. Nabonass._ 454. Sometime after,

preparing a very great army to recover his father's dominions in _Asia_;

_Seleucus_, _Ptolemy_, _Lysimachus_ and _Pyrrhus_ king of _Epirus_,

combined against him; and _Pyrrhus_ invading _Macedon_, corrupted the army

of _Demetrius_, put him to flight, seized his kingdom, and shared it with

_Lysimachus_. After seven months, _Lysimachus_ beating _Pyrrhus_, took

_Macedon_ from him, and held it five years and a half, uniting the kingdoms

of _Macedon_ and _Thrace_. _Lysimachus_ in his wars with _Antigonus_ and

_Demetrius_, had taken from them _Caria_, _Lydia_, and _Phrygia_; and had a

treasury in _Pergamus_, a castle on the top of a conical hill in _Phrygia_,

by the river _Caicus_, the custody of which he had committed to one

_Philetærus_, who was at first faithful to him, but in the last year of his

reign revolted. For _Lysimachus_, having at the instigation of his wife

_Arsinoe_, slain first his own son _Agathocles_, and then several that

lamented him; the wife of _Agathocles_ fled with her children and brothers,

and some others of their friends, and sollicited _Seleucus_ to make war

upon _Lysimachus_; whereupon _Philetærus_ also, who grieved at the death of

_Agathocles_, and was accused thereof by _Arsinoe_, took up arms, and sided

with _Seleucus_. On this occasion _Seleucus_ and _Lysimachus_ met and

fought in _Phrygia_; and _Lysimachus_ being slain in the battel, lost his

kingdom to _Seleucus_, _An. Nabonass._ 465. Thus the Empire of the

_Greeks_, which at first brake into four kingdoms, became now reduced into

two notable ones, henceforward called by _Daniel_ the kings of the _South_

and _North_. For _Ptolemy_ now reigned over _Egypt_, _Lybia_, _Ethiopia_,

_Arabia_, _Phoenicia_, _Coelosyria_, and _Cyprus_; and _Seleucus_, having

united three of the four kingdoms, had a dominion scarce inferior to that

of the _Persian_ Empire, conquered by _Alexander_ the great. All which is

thus represented by _Daniel_:[2] _And the king of the_ South [_Ptolemy_]

_shall be strong, and one of his Princes_ [_Seleucus_, one of _Alexander_'s

Princes] _shall be strong above him, and have dominion; his dominion shall

be a great dominion_.

After _Seleucus_ had reigned seven months over _Macedon_, _Greece_,

_Thrace_, _Asia_, _Syria_, _Babylonia_, _Media_, and all the _East_ as far

as _India_; _Ptolemy Ceraunus_, the younger brother of _Ptolemy

Philadelphus_ king of _Egypt_, slew him treacherously, and seized his

dominions in _Europe_: while _Antiochus Soter_, the son of _Seleucus_,

succeeded his father in _Asia_, _Syria_, and most of the _East_; and after

nineteen or twenty years was succeeded by his son _Antiochus Theos_; who

having a lasting war with _Ptolemy Philadelphus_, at length composed the

same by marrying _Berenice_ the daughter of _Philadelphus_: but after a

reign of fifteen years, his first wife _Laodice_ poisoned him, and set her

son _Seleucus Callinicus_ upon the throne. _Callinicus_ in the beginning of

his reign, by the impulse of his mother _Laodice_, besieged _Berenice_ in

_Daphne_ near _Antioch_, and slew her with her young son and many of her

women. Whereupon _Ptolemy Euergetes_, the son and successor of

_Philadelphus_, made war upon _Callinicus_; took from him _Phoenicia_,

_Syria_, _Cilicia_, _Mesopotamia_, _Babylonia_, _Sustana_, and some other

regions; and carried back into _Egypt_ 40000 talents of silver, and 2500

images of the Gods, amongst which were the Gods of _Egypt_ carried away by

_Cambyses_. _Antiochus Hierax_ at first assisted his brother _Callinicus_,

but afterwards contended with him for _Asia_. In the mean time _Eumenes_

governor of _Pergamus_ beat _Antiochus_, and took from them both all _Asia_

westward of mount _Taurus_. This was in the fifth year of _Callinicus_, who

after an inglorious reign of 20 years was succeeded by his son _Seleucus

Ceraunus_; and _Euergetes_ after four years more, _An. Nabonass._ 527, was

succeeded by his son _Ptolemy Philopator_. All which is thus signified by

_Daniel_:[3] _And in the end of years they_ [the kings of the _South_ and

_North_] _shall join themselves together: for the king's daughter of the_

South [_Berenice_] _shall come to the king of the _North_ to make an

agreement, but she shall not retain the power of the arm; neither shall she

stand, nor her seed, but she shall be delivered up, and he_ [_Callinicus_]

_that brought her, and he whom she brought forth, and they that strengthned

her in_ [those] _times_, [or defended her in the siege of _Daphne_.] _But

out of a branch of her roots shall one stand up in his seat_ [her brother

_Euergetes_] _who shall come with an army, and shall enter into the

fortress_ [or fenced cities] _of the king of the _North_, and shall act

against them and prevail: and shall carry captives into _Egypt_, their Gods

with their Princes and precious vessels of silver and gold; and he shall

continue some years after the king of the_ North.

_Seleucus Ceraunus_, inheriting the remains of his father's kingdom, and

thinking to recover the rest, raised a great army against the governor of

_Pergamus_, now King thereof, but died in the third year of his reign. His

brother and successor, _Antiochus Magnus_, carrying on the war, took from

the King of _Pergamus_ almost all the lesser _Asia_, recovering also the

Provinces of _Media_, _Persia_ and _Babylonia_, from the governors who had

revolted: and in the fifth year of his reign invading _Coelosyria_, he with

little opposition possest himself of a good part thereof; and the next year

returning to invade the rest of _Coelosyria_ and _Phoenicia_, beat the army

of _Ptolemy Philopator_ near _Berytus_; he then invaded _Palestine_ and the

neighbouring parts of _Arabia_, and the third year returned with an army of

78000: but _Ptolemy_ coming out of _Egypt_ with an army of 75000, fought

and routed him at _Raphia_ near _Gaza_, between _Palestine_ and _Egypt_;

and recovered all _Phoenicia_ and _Coelosyria_, _Ann. Nabonass._ 532. Being

puffed up with this victory, and living in all manner of luxury, the

_Egyptians_ revolted, and had wars with him, but were overcome; and in the

broils sixty thousand _Egyptian Jews_ were slain. All which is thus

described by _Daniel_: [4] _But his sons_ [_Seleucus Ceraunus_, and

_Antiochus Magnus_, the sons of _Callinicus_] _shall be stirred up, and

shall gather a great army; and he_ [_Antiochus Magnus_] _shall come

effectually and overflow, and pass thro' and return, and_ [again the next

year] _be stirred up_ [marching even] _to his fortress_, [the frontier

towns of _Egypt_;] _and the King of the _South_ shall be moved with choler,

and come forth_ [the third year] _and fight with him, even with the King of

the _North_; and he_ [the King of the _North_] _shall lead forth a great

multitude, but the multitude shall be given into his hand. And the

multitude being taken away, his heart shall be lifted up, and he shall cast

down many ten thousands; but he shall not be strengthned by it: for the

king of the _North_ shall return_, &c.

About twelve years after the battle between _Philopator_ and _Antiochus_,

_Philopator_ died; and left his kingdom to his young son _Ptolemy

Epiphanes_, a child of five years old. Thereupon _Antiochus Magnus_

confederated with _Philip_ king of _Macedon_, that they should each invade

the dominions of _Epiphanes_ which lay next to them. Hence arose a various

war between _Antiochus_ and _Epiphanes_, each of them seizing _Phoenicia_

and _Coelosyria_ by turns; whereby those countries were much afflicted by

both parties. First _Antiochus_ seized them; then one _Scopas_ being sent

with the army of _Egypt_, recovered them from _Antiochus_: the next year,

_An. Nabonass._ 550, _Antiochus_ fought and routed _Scopas_ near the

fountains of _Jordan_, besieged him in _Sidon_, took the city, and

recovered _Syria_ and _Phoenicia_ from _Egypt_, the _Jews_ coming over to

him voluntarily. But about three years after, preparing for a war against

the _Romans_, he came to _Raphia_ on the borders of _Egypt_; made peace

with _Epiphanes_, and gave him his daughter _Cleopatra_: next autumn he

passed the _Hellespont_ to invade the cities of _Greece_ under the _Roman_

protection, and took some of them; but was beaten by the _Romans_ the

summer following, and forced to return back with his army into _Asia_.

Before the end of the year the fleet of _Antiochus_ was beaten by the fleet

of the _Romans_ near _Phocæa_: and at the same time _Epiphanes_ and

_Cleopatra_ sent an embassy to _Rome_ to congratulate the _Romans_ on their

success against their father _Antiochus_, and to exhort them to prosecute

the war against him into _Asia_. The _Romans_ beat _Antiochus_ again at sea

near _Ephesus_, past their army over the _Hellespont_, and obtain'd a great

victory over him by land, took from him all _Asia_ westward of mount

_Taurus_, gave it to the King of _Pergamus_ who assisted them in the war;

and imposed a large tribute upon _Antiochus_. Thus the King of _Pergamus_,

by the power of the _Romans_, recovered what _Antiochus_ had taken from

him; and _Antiochus_ retiring into the remainder of his kingdom, was slain

two years after by the _Persians_, as he was robbing the Temple of _Jupiter

Belus_ in _Elymais_, to raise money for the _Romans_. All which is thus

described by _Daniel_. [5] _For the King of the_ North [_Antiochus_] _shall

return, and shall set forth a multitude greater than the former; and shall

certainly come, after certain years, with a great army and with much

riches. And in those times there shall many stand up against the King of

the_ South, [particularly the _Macedonians_;] _also the robbers of thy

people_ [the _Samaritans_, &c.] _shall exalt themselves to establish the

vision, but they shall fall. So the King of the _North_ shall come, and

cast up a mount, and take the most fenced cities; and the arms of the

_South_ shall not withstand, neither his chosen people, neither shall there

he any strength to withstand. But he that cometh against him shall do

according to his own will, and none shall stand before him: and he shall

stand in the glorious land, which shall fail in his hand. He shall also set

his face to go with the strength_ [or army] _of all his kingdom, and make

an agreement with him_ [at _Raphia_;] _and he shall give him the daughter

of women corrupting her; but she shall not stand his side, neither be for

him. After this he shall turn his face unto the Isles, and shall take many:

but a Prince for his own behalf_ [the _Romans_] _shall cause the reproach

offered by him to cease; without his own reproach he shall cause it to turn

upon him. Then he shall turn his face towards the fort of his own land: but

he shall stumble and fall, and not be found._

_Seleucus Philopator_ succeeded his father _Antiochus_, _Anno Nabonass._

561, and reigned twelve years, but did nothing memorable, being sluggish,

and intent upon raising money for the _Romans_ to whom he was tributary. He

was slain by _Heliodorus_, whom he had sent to rob the Temple of

_Jerusalem_. _Daniel_ thus describes his reign. [6] _Then shall stand up in

his estate a raiser of taxes in the glory of the kingdom, but within few

days be shall be destroyed, neither in anger nor in battle._

A little before the death of _Philopator_, his son _Demetrius_ was sent

hostage to _Rome_, in the place of _Antiochus Epiphanes_, the brother of

_Philopator_; and _Antiochus_ was at _Athens_ in his way home from _Rome_,

when _Philopator_ died: whereupon _Heliodorus_ the treasurer of the

kingdom, stept into the throne. But _Antiochus_ so managed his affairs,

that the _Romans_ kept _Demetrius_ at _Rome_; and their ally the King of

_Pergamus_ expelled _Heliodorus_, and placed _Antiochus_ in the throne,

while _Demetrius_ the right heir remained an hostage at _Rome_. _Antiochus_

being thus made King by the friendship of the King of _Pergamus_ reigned

powerfully over _Syria_ and the neighbouring nations: but carried himself

much below his dignity, stealing privately out of his palace, rambling up

and down the city in disguise with one or two of his companions; conversing

and drinking with people of the lowest rank, foreigners and strangers;

frequenting the meetings of dissolute persons to feast and revel; clothing

himself like the _Roman_ candidates and officers, acting their parts like a

mimick, and in publick festivals jesting and dancing with servants and

light people, exposing himself by all manner of ridiculous gestures. This

conduct made some take him for a madman, and call him _Antiochus_ [Greek:

Epimenês]. In the first year of his reign he deposed _Onias_ the

high-Priest, and sold the high-Priesthood to _Jason_ the younger brother of

_Onias_: for _Jason_ had promised to give him 440 talents of silver for

that office, and 15 more for a licence to erect a place of exercise for the

training up of youth in the fashions of the heathen; which licence was

granted by the King, and put in execution by _Jason_. Then the King sending

one _Apollonius_ into _Egypt_ to the coronation of _Ptolemy Philometor_,

the young son of _Philometor_ and _Cleopatra_, and knowing _Philometor_ not

to be well affected to his affairs in _Phoenicia_, provided for his own

safety in those parts; and for that end came to _Joppa_ and _Jerusalem_,

where he was honourably received; from thence he went in like manner with

his little army to the cities of _Phoenicia_, to establish himself against

_Egypt_, by courting the people, and distributing extraordinary favours

amongst them. All which is thus represented by _Daniel_. [7] _And in his_

[_Philometor_'s] _estate shall stand up a vile person, to whom they_ [the

_Syrians_ who set up _Heliodorus_] _shall not give the honour of the

kingdom. Yet he shall come in peaceably, and obtain the kingdom by

flatteries_ [made principally to the King of _Pergamus_;] _and the arms_

[which in favour of _Heliodorus_ oppose him] _shall be overflowed with a

food from before him, and be broken; yea also_ [_Onias_ the high-Priest]

_the Prince of the covenant. And after the league made with him,_ [the King

of _Egypt_, by sending _Apollonius_ to his coronation] _he shall work

deceitfully_ [against the King of _Egypt_,] _for he shall come up and shall

become strong_ [in _Phoenicia _] _with a small people. And he shall enter

into the quiet and plentiful cities of the Province_ [of _Phoenicia_;]

_and_ [to ingratiate himself with the _Jews_ of _Phoenicia_ and _Egypt_,

and with their friends] _he shall do that which his fathers have not done,

nor his fathers fathers: he shall scatter among them the prey and the

spoil, and the riches_ [exacted from other places;] _and shall forecast his

devices against the strong holds_ [of _Egypt_] _even for a time._

These things were done in the first year of his reign, _An. Nabonass._ 573.

And thenceforward he forecast his devices against the strong holds of

_Egypt_, until the sixth year. For three years after, that is in the fourth

year of his reign, _Menelaus_ bought the high-Priesthood from _Jason_, but

not paying the price was sent for by the King; and the King, before he

could hear the cause, went into _Cilicia_ to appease a sedition there, and

left _Andronicus_ his deputy at _Antioch_; in the mean time the brother of

_Menelaus_, to make up the money, conveyed several vessels out of the

Temple, selling some of them at _Tyre_, and sending others to _Andronicus_.

When _Menelaus_ was reproved for this by _Onias_, he caused _Onias_ to be

slain by _Andronicus_: for which fact the King at his return from _Cilicia_

caused _Andronicus_ to be put to death. Then _Antiochus_ prepared his

second expedition against _Egypt_, which he performed in the sixth year of

his reign, _An. Nabonass._ 578: for upon the death of _Cleopatra_, the

governors of her son the young King of _Egypt_ claimed _Phoenicia_ and

_Coelosyria_ from him as her dowry; and to recover those countries raised a

great army. _Antiochus_ considering that his father had not quitted the

possession of those countries[8], denied they were her dowry; and with

another great army met and fought the _Egyptians_ on the borders of

_Egypt_, between _Pelusium_ and the mountain _Casius_. He there beat them,

and might have destroyed their whole army, but that he rode up and down,

commanding his soldiers not to kill them, but to take them alive: by which

humanity he gained _Pelusium_, and soon after all _Egypt_; entring it with

a vast multitude of foot and chariots, elephants and horsemen, and a great

navy. Then seizing the cities of _Egypt_ as a friend, he marched to

_Memphis_, laid the whole blame of the war upon _Eulæus_ the King's

governor, entred into outward friendship with the young King, and took upon

him to order the affairs of the kingdom. While _Aniochus_ was thus

employ'd, a report being spread in _Phoenicia_ that he was dead, _Jason_ to

recover the high-Priesthood assaulted _Jerusalem_ with above a thousand

men, and took the city: hereupon the King thinking _Judea_ had revolted,

came out of _Egypt_ in a furious manner, re-took the city, slew forty

thousand of the people, made as many prisoners, and sold them to raise

money; went into the Temple, spoiled it of its treasures, ornaments,

utensils, and vessels of gold and silver, amounting to 1800 talents; and

carried all away to _Antioch_. This was done in the year of _Nabonassar_

578, and is thus described by _Daniel_. [9] _And he shall stir up his

power, and his courage against the King of the _South_ with a great army;

and the King of the _South_ shall be stirrd up to battle with a very great

and mighty army; but he shall not stand: for they_, even _Antiochus_ and

his friends, _shall forecast devices against him_, as is represented above;

_yea, they that feed of the portion of his meat, shall_ betray and _destroy

him, and his army shall be overthrown, and many shall fall down slain. And

both these Kings hearts shall be to do mischief; and they_, being now made

friends, _shall speak lyes at one table_, against the _Jews_ and against

the holy covenant; _but it shall not prosper: for yet the end_, in which

the setting up of the abomination of desolation is to prosper, _shall be at

the time appointed. Then shall he return into his land with great riches,

and his heart shall be against the holy covenant; and he shall act_,

against it by spoiling the Temple, _and return into his own land_.

The _Egyptians_ of _Alexandria_ seeing _Philometor_ first educated in

luxury by the Eunuch _Eulæus_, and now in the hands of _Antiochus_, gave

the kingdom to _Euergetes_, the younger brother of _Philometor_. Whereupon

_Antiochus_ pretending to restore _Philometor_, made war upon _Euergetes_;

beat him at sea, and besieged him and his sister _Cleopatra_ in

_Alexandria_: while the besieged Princes sent to _Rome_ to implore the

assistance of the Senate. _Antiochus_ finding himself unable to take the

city that year, returned into _Syria_, leaving _Philometor_ at _Memphis_ to

govern _Egypt_ in his absence. But _Philometor_ made friendship with his

brother that winter; and _Antiochus_, returning the next spring _An.

Nabonass._ 580, to besiege both the brothers in _Alexandria_, was met in

the way by the _Roman_ Ambassadors, _Popilius Læna_, _C. Decimius_, and _C.

Hostilius_: he offered them his hand to kiss, but _Popilius_ delivering to

him the tables wherein the message of the Senate was written, bad him read

those first. When he had read them, he replied he would consider with his

friends what was fit to be done; but _Popilius_ drawing a circle about him,

bad him answer before he went out of it: _Antiochus_, astonished at this

blunt and unusual imperiousness, made answer he would do what the _Romans_

demanded; and then _Popilius_ gave the King his hand to kiss, and he

returned out of _Egypt_. The same year, _An. Nabonass._ 580, his captains

by his order spoiled and slaughtered the _Jews_, profaned the Temple, set

up the worship of the heathen Gods in all _Judea_, and began to persecute

and make war upon those who would not worship them: which actions are thus

described by _Daniel_. [10] _At the time appointed he shall come_ again

_towards the _South_, but the latter shall not be as the former. For the

ships of _Chittim_ shall come_, with an embassy from _Rome_, _against him.

Therefore he shall be grieved, and return, and have indignation against the

holy covenant. So shall he do; he shall even return, and have intelligence

with them that forsake the holy covenant._

In the same year that _Antiochus_ by the command of the _Romans_ retired

out of _Egypt_, and set up the worship of the _Greeks_ in _Judea_; the

_Romans_ conquered the kingdom of _Macedon_, the fundamental kingdom of the

Empire of the _Greeks_, and reduced it into a _Roman_ Province; and thereby

began to put an end to the reign of _Daniel_'s third Beast. This is thus

exprest by _Daniel_. _And after him Arms_, that is the _Romans_, _shall

stand up_. As [Hebrew: MMLK] signifies _after the King_, Dan. xi. 8; so

[Hebrew: MMNW] may signify _after him_. _Arms_ are every where in this

Prophecy of _Daniel_ put for the military power of a kingdom: and they

stand up when they conquer and grow powerful. Hitherto _Daniel_ described

the actions of the Kings of the _North_ and _South_; but upon the conquest

of _Macedon_ by the _Romans_, he left off describing the actions of the

_Greeks_, and began to describe those of the _Romans_ in _Greece_. They

conquered _Macedon_, _Illyricum_ and _Epirus_, in the year of _Nabonassar_

580. 35 years after, by the last will and testament of _Attalus_ the last

King of _Pergamus_, they inherited that rich and flourishing kingdom, that

is, all _Asia_ westward of mount _Taurus_; 69 years after they conquered

the kingdom of _Syria_, and reduced it into a Province, and 34 years after

they did the like to _Egypt_. By all these steps the _Roman_ Arms stood up

over the _Greeks_: and after 95 years more, by making war upon the _Jews_,

_they polluted the sanctuary of strength, and took away the daily

sacrifice, and then placed the abomination of desolation_. For this

abomination was placed after the days of _Christ_, _Math._ xxiv. 15. In the

16th year of the Emperor _Adrian_, A.C. 132, they placed this abomination

by building a Temple to _Jupiter Capitolinus_, where the Temple of God in

_Jerusalem_ had stood. Thereupon the _Jews_ under the conduct of

_Barchochab_ rose up in arms against the _Romans_, and in the war had 50

cities demolished, 985 of their best towns destroyed, and 580000 men slain

by the sword; and in the end of the war, A.C. 136, were banished _Judea_

upon pain of death, and thenceforward the land remained desolate of its old

inhabitants.

In the beginning of the _Jewish_ war in _Nero_'s reign, the Apostles fled

out of _Judea_ with their flocks; some beyond _Jordan_ to _Pella_ and other

places, some into _Egypt_, _Syria_, _Mesopotamia_, _Asia minor_, and

elsewhere. _Peter_ and _John_ came into _Asia_, and _Peter_ went thence by

_Corinth_ to _Rome_; but _John_ staying in _Asia_, was banished by the

_Romans_ into _Patmos_, as the head of a party of the _Jews_, whose nation

was in war with the _Romans_. By this dispersion of the _Christian Jews_,

the _Christian_ religion, which was already propagated westward as far as

_Rome_, spred fast into all the _Roman_ Empire, and suffered many

persecutions under it till the days of _Constantine_ the great and his

sons: all which is thus described by _Daniel_. [11] _And such as do

wickedly against the covenant, shall he_, who places the abomination,

_cause to dissemble_, and worship the heathen Gods; _but the people_ among

them _who do know their God, shall be strong and act. And they that

understand among the people, shall instruct many: yet they shall fall by

the sword, and by flame, and by captivity, and by spoil many days. Now when

they shall fall, they shall be holpen with a little help, viz._ in the

reign of _Constantine_ the great; _and_ at that time by reason of their

prosperity, _many shall_ come over to them from among the heathen, and

_cleave to them with dissimulation. But of those of understanding there

shall_ still _fall to try_ God's people _by them and to purge_ them from

the dissemblers, _and to make them white even to the time of the end:

because it is yet for a time appointed._

Hitherto the _Roman_ Empire continued entire; and under this dominion, the

little horn of the He-Goat continued _mighty, but not by his own power_.

But now, by the building of _Constantinople_, and endowing it with a Senate

and other like privileges with _Rome_; and by the division of the _Roman_

Empire into the two Empires of the _Greeks_ and _Latins_, headed by those

two cities; a new scene of things commences, in which which [12] _a King_,

the Empire of the _Greeks_, _doth according to his will, and_, by setting

his own laws above the laws of God, _exalts and magnifies himself above

every God, and speaks marvellous things against the God of Gods, and shall

prosper till the indignation be accomplished.--Neither shall he regard the

God of his fathers, nor the_ lawful _desire of women_ in matrimony, _nor

any God, but shall magnify himself above all. And in his seat he shall

honour _Mahuzzims__, that is, strong guardians, the souls of the dead;

_even with a God whom his fathers knew not shall he honour them_, in their

Temples, _with gold and silver, and with precious stones and valuable

things_. All which relates to the overspreading of the _Greek_ Empire with

Monks and Nuns, who placed holiness in abstinence from marriage; and to the

invocation of saints and veneration of their reliques, and such like

superstitions, which these men introduced in the fourth and fifth

centuries. [13] _And at the time of the end the King of the_ South, or the

Empire of the _Saracens_, _shall push at him_; _and the King of the_ North,

or Empire of the _Turks_, _shall come against him like a whirlwind, with

chariots and with horsemen, and with many ships_; _and be shall enter into

the countries_ of the _Greeks_, _and shall overflow and pass over. He shall

enter also into the glorious land, and many countries shall be overthrown;

but these shall escape out of his hand, even _Edom_ and _Moab_, and the

chief of the children_ Ammon: that is, those to whom his Caravans pay

tribute. _He shall stretch forth his hand also upon the countries, and the

land of _Egypt_ shall not escape_; _but he shall have power over the

treasures of gold and silver, and over all the precious things of _Egypt_;

and the _Lybians_ and _Ethiopians_ shall be at his steps_. All these

nations compose the Empire of the _Turks_, and therefore this Empire is

here to be understood by the King of the _North_. They compose also the

body of the He-Goat; and therefore the Goat still reigns in his last horn,

but not by his own power.

Notes to Chap. XII.

[1] Chap. xi. 2, 3, 4.

[2] Chap. xi. 5.

[3] Chap. xi. 6, 7, 8.

[4] Chap. xi. 10, &c.

[5] Chap. xi. 13-19.

[6] Chap. xi. 20.

[7] Chap. xi. 21, &c.

[8] 2 Maccab. iii. 5, 8. & iv. 4.

[9] Chap. xi. 25, &c.

[10] Chap. xi. 29, 30.

[11] Chap. xi. 32, &c.

[12] Chap. xi. 36, &c.

[13] Chap. xi. 40, &c.

* * * * *

CHAP. XIII.

_Of the King who did according to his will, and magnified himself above

every God, and honoured _Mahuzzims_, and regarded not the desire of women_.

In the first ages of the Christian religion the Christians of every city

were governed by a Council of Presbyters, and the President of the Council

was the Bishop of the city. The Bishop and Presbyters of one city meddled

not with the affairs of another city, except by admonitory letters or

messages. Nor did the Bishops of several cities meet together in Council

before the time of the Emperor _Commodus_: for they could not meet together

without the leave of the _Roman_ governors of the Provinces. But in the

days of that Emperor they began to meet in Provincial Councils, by the

leave of the governors; first in _Asia_, in opposition to the

_Cataphrygian_ Heresy, and soon after in other places and upon other

occasions. The Bishop of the chief city, or Metropolis of the _Roman_

Province, was usually made President of the Council; and hence came the

authority of Metropolitan Bishops above that of other Bishops within the

same Province. Hence also it was that the Bishop of _Rome_ in _Cyprian_'s

days called himself the Bishop of Bishops. As soon as the Empire became

Christian, the _Roman_ Emperors began to call general Councils out of all

the Provinces of the Empire; and by prescribing to them what points they

should consider, and influencing them by their interest and power, they set

up what party they pleased. Hereby the _Greek_ Empire, upon the division of

the _Roman_ Empire into the _Greek_ and _Latin_ Empires, became _the King

who_, in matters of religion, _did according to his will_; _and_, in

legislature, _exalted and magnified himself above every God_: and at

length, by the seventh general Council, established the worship of the

images and souls of dead men, here called _Mahuzzims_.

The same King placed holiness in abstinence from marriage. _Eusebius_ in

his Ecclesiastical history [1] tells us, that _Musanus_ wrote a tract

against those who fell away to the heresy of the _Encratites_, which was

then newly risen, and had introduced pernicious errors; and that _Tatian_,

the disciple of _Justin_, was the author thereof; and that _Irenæus_ in his

first book against heresies teaches this, writing of _Tatian_ and his

heresy in these words: _A Saturnino & Marcione profecti qui vocantur

Continentes, docuerunt non contrahendum esse matrimonium; reprobantes

scilicet primitivum illud opificium Dei, & tacitè accusantes Deum qui

masculum & fæminam condidit ad procreationem generis humani. Induxerunt

etiam abstinentiam ab esu eorum quæ animalia appellant, ingratos se

exhibentes ergo eum qui universa creavit Deum. Negant etiam primi hominis

salutem. Atque hoc nuper apud illos excogitatum est, Tatiano quodam omnium

primo hujus impietatis auctore: qui Justini auditor, quamdiu cum illo

versatus est, nihil ejusmodi protulit. Post martyrium autem illius, ab

Ecclesia se abrumpens, doctoris arrogantia elatus ac tumidus, tanquam

præstantior cæteris, novam quandam formam doctrinæ conflavit: Æonas

invisibiles commentus perinde ac Valentinus: asserens quoque cum Saturnino

& Marcione, matrimonium nihil aliud esse quam corruptionem ac stuprum: nova

præterea argumenta ad subvertendam Adami salutem excogitans. Hæc Irenæus de

Hæresi quæ tunc viguit Encratitarum._ Thus far _Eusebius_. But altho the

followers of _Tatian_ were at first condemned as hereticks by the name of

_Encratites_, or _Continentes_; their principles could not be yet quite

exploded: for _Montanus_ refined upon them, and made only second marriages

unlawful; he also introduced frequent fastings, and annual, fasting days,

the keeping of _Lent_, and feeding upon dried meats. The _Apostolici_,

about the middle of the third century, condemned marriage, and were a

branch of the disciples of _Tatian_. The _Hierocitæ_ in _Egypt_, in the

latter end of the third century, also condemned marriage. _Paul_ the

_Eremite_ fled into the wilderness from the persecution of _Decius_, and

lived there a solitary life till the reign of _Constantine_ the great, but

made no disciples. _Antony_ did the like in the persecution of

_Dioclesian_, or a little before, and made disciples; and many others soon

followed his example.

Hitherto the principles of the _Encratites_ had been rejected by the

Churches; but now being refined by the Monks, and imposed not upon all men,

but only upon those who would voluntarily undertake a monastic life, they

began to be admired, and to overflow first the _Greek_ Church, and then the

_Latin_ also, like a torrent. _Eusebius_ tells us, [2] that _Constantine_

the great had those men in the highest veneration, who dedicated themselves

wholly to the divine philosophy; and that he almost venerated the most holy

company of Virgins perpetually devoted to God; being certain that the God

to whom he had consecrated himself did dwell in their minds. In his time

and that of his sons, this profession of a single life was propagated in

_Egypt_ by _Antony_, and in _Syria_ by _Hilarion_; and spred so fast, that

soon after the time of _Julian_ the Apostate a third part of the

_Egyptians_ were got into the desarts of _Egypt_. They lived first singly

in cells, then associated into _coenobia_ or convents; and at length came

into towns, and filled the Churches with Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons.

_Athanasius_ in his younger days poured water upon the hands of his master

_Antony_; and finding the Monks faithful to him, made many of them Bishops

and Presbyters in _Egypt_: and these Bishops erected new Monasteries, out

of which they chose Presbyters of their own cities, and sent Bishops to

others. The like was done in _Syria_, the superstition being quickly

propagated thither out of _Egypt_ by _Hilarion_ a disciple of _Antony_.

_Spiridion_ and _Epiphanius_ of _Cyprus_, _James_ of _Nisibis_, _Cyril_ of

_Jerusalem_, _Eustathius_ of _Sebastia_ in _Armenia_, _Eusebius_ of

_Emisa_, _Titus_ of _Bostra_, _Basilius_ of _Ancyra_, _Acacius_ of

_Cæsarea_ in _Palestine_, _Elpidius_ of _Laodicea_, _Melitius_ and

_Flavian_ of _Antioch_, _Theodorus_ of _Tyre_, _Protogenes_ of _Carrhæ_,

_Acacius_ of _Berrhæa_, _Theodotus_ of _Hierapolis_, _Eusebius_ of

_Chalcedon_, _Amphilochius_ of _Iconium_, _Gregory Nazianzen_, _Gregory

Nyssen_, and _John Chrysostom_ of _Constantinople_, were both Bishops and

Monks in the fourth century. _Eustathius_, _Gregory Nazianzen_, _Gregory

Nyssen_, _Basil_, &c. had Monasteries of Clergymen in their cities, out of

which Bishops were sent to other cities; who in like manner erected

Monasteries there, till the Churches were supplied with Bishops out of

these Monasteries. Hence _Jerome_, in a Letter written about the year 385,

[3] saith of the Clergy: _Quasi & ipsi aliud sint quam Monachi, & non

quicquid in Monachos dicitur redundet in Clericos qui patres sunt

Monachorum. Detrimentum pecoris pastoris ignominia est_. And in his book

against _Vigilantius_: _Quid facient Orientis Ecclesiæ? Quæ aut Virgines

Clericos accipiunt, aut Continentes, aut si uxores habuerint mariti esse

desistunt_. Not long after even the Emperors commanded the Churches to

chuse Clergymen out of the Monasteries by this Law.

_Impp. Arcad & Honor. AA. Cæsario PF. P._

[4] _Si quos forte Episcopi deesse sibi Clericos arbitrantur, ex monachorum

numero rectius ordinabunt: non obnoxios publicis privatisque rationibus cum

invidia teneant, sed habeant jam probatos. Dat. _vii._ Kal. Aug. Honorio A.

_iv._ & Eutychianio Coss._ A.C. 598. The _Greek_ Empire being now in the

hands of these _Encratites_, and having them in great admiration, _Daniel_

makes it a characteristick of the King who doth according to his will, that

_he should not regard the desire of Women._

Thus the Sect of the _Encratites_, set on foot by the _Gnosticks_, and

propagated by _Tatian_ and _Montanus_ near the end of the second century;

which was condemned by the Churches of that and the third century, and

refined upon by their followers; overspread the _Eastern_ Churches in the

fourth century, and before the end of it began to overspread the _Western_.

Henceforward the Christian Churches having a form of godliness, but denying

the power thereof, came into the hands of the _Encratites_: and the

Heathens, who in the fourth century came over in great numbers to the

Christians, embraced more readily this sort of Christianity, as having a

greater affinity with their old superstitions, than that of the sincere

Christians; who by the lamps of the seven Churches of _Asia_, and not by

the lamps of the Monasteries, had illuminated the Church Catholic during

the three first centuries.

The _Cataphrygians_ brought in also several other superstitions: such as

were the doctrine of Ghosts, and of their punishment in Purgatory, with

prayers and oblations for mitigating that punishment, as _Tertullian_

teaches in his books _De Anima_ and _De Monogamia_. They used also the sign

of the cross as a charm. So _Tertullian_ in his book _de Corona militis_:

_Ad omnem progressum atque promotum, ad omnem aditum & exitum, ad vestitum,

ad calceatum, ad lavacra, ad mensas, ad lamina, ad cubilia, ad sedilia,

quacunque nos conversatio exercet, frontem crucis signaculo terimus_. All

these superstitions the Apostle refers to, where he saith: _Now the Spirit

speaketh expresly, that in the latter times some shall depart from the

faith, giving heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils_, the

_Dæmons_ and Ghosts worshipped by the heathens, _speaking lyes in

hypocrisy_, about their apparitions, the miracles done by them, their

reliques, and the sign of the cross, _having consciences seared with a hot

iron_; _forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats_, &c. 1

Tim. iv. 1,2,3. From the _Cataphrygians_ these principles and practices

were propagated down to posterity. _For the mystery of iniquity_ did

_already work_ in the _Apostles_ days in the _Gnosticks_, continued to work

very strongly in their offspring the _Tatianists_ and _Cataphrygians_, and

was to work _till that man of sin_ should _be revealed_; _whose coming is

after the working of Satan, with all power and signs, and lying wonders,

and all deceivableness of unrighteousness_; coloured over with a form of

_Christian_ godliness, but without the power thereof, 2 _Thess_. ii. 7-10.

For tho some stop was put to the _Cataphrygian_ Christianity, by Provincial

Councils, till the fourth century; yet the _Roman_ Emperors then turning

_Christians_, and great multitudes of heathens coming over in outward

profession, these found the _Cataphrygian_ Christianity more suitable to

their old principles, of placing religion in outward forms and ceremonies,

holy-days, and doctrines of Ghosts, than the religion of the sincere

_Christians_: wherefore they readily sided with the _Cataphrygian

Christians_, and established that Christianity before the end of the fourth

century. By this means those of understanding, after they had been

persecuted by the heathen Emperors in the three first centuries, and _were

holpen with a little help_, by the conversion of _Constantine_ the great

and his sons to the _Christian_ religion, fell under new persecutions, _to

purge them_ from the dissemblers, _and to make them white, even to the time

of the end_.

Notes to Chap. XIII.

[1] Lib. 4. c. 28, 29.

[2] In vita Constantini, l. 4. c. 28.

[3] Epist. 10.

[4] L. 32. de Episcopis.

* * * * *

CHAP. XIV.

_Of the _Mahuzzims_, honoured by the King who doth according to his will_.

In scripture we are told of some _trusting in God_ and others _trusting in

idols_, and that _God is our refuge, our strength, our defense_. In this

sense God is _the rock of his people_, and false Gods are called _the rock

of those that trust in them_, Deut. xxxii. 4, 15, 18, 30, 31, 37. In the

same sense the Gods of _the King_ who _shall do according to his will_ are

called _Mahuzzims_, munitions, fortresses, protectors, guardians, or

defenders. _In his estate_, saith [1] _Daniel_, _shall he honour

_Mahuzzims_; even with a God whom his fathers knew not, shall he honour

them with gold and silver, and with precious stones, and things of value.

Thus shall he do in the most strong holds_ or temples;--_and he shall cause

them to rule over many, and divide the land_ among them _for a possession_.

Now this came to pass by degrees in the following manner.

_Gregory Nyssen_ [2] tells us, that after the persecution of the Emperor

_Decius_, _Gregory_ Bishop of _Neocæsarea_ in _Pontus_, _instituted among

all people, as an addition or corollary of devotion towards God, that

festival days and assemblies should be celebrated to them who had contended

for the faith_, that is, to the _Martyrs_. And he adds this reason for the

institution: _When he observed_, saith _Nyssen_, _that the simple and

unskilful multitude, by reason of corporeal delights, remained in the error

of idols; that the principal thing might be corrected among them, namely,

that instead of their vain worship they might turn their eyes upon God; he

permitted that at the memories of the holy Martyrs they might make merry

and delight themselves, and be dissolved into joy_. The heathens were

delighted with the festivals of their Gods, and unwilling to part with

those delights; and therefore _Gregory_, to facilitate their conversion,

instituted annual festivals to the _Saints_ and _Martyrs_. Hence it came to

pass, that for exploding the festivals of the heathens, the principal

festivals of the _Christians_ succeeded in their room: as the keeping of

_Christmas_ with ivy and feasting, and playing and sports, in the room of

the _Bacchanalia_ and _Saturnalia_; the celebrating of _May-day_ with

flowers, in the room of the _Floralia_; and the keeping of festivals to the

Virgin _Mary_, _John_ the Baptist, and divers of the Apostles, in the room

of the solemnities at the entrance of the Sun into the signs of the

_Zodiac_ in the old _Julian_ Calendar. In the same persecution of _Decius_,

_Cyprian_ ordered the passions of the Martyrs in _Africa_ to be registred,

in order to celebrate their memories annually with oblations and

sacrifices: and _Felix_ Bishop of _Rome_, a little after, as _Platina_

relates, _Martyrum gloria consulens, constituit at quotannis sacrificia

eorum nomine celebrarentur_; "consulting the glory of the Martyrs, ordained

that sacrifices should be celebrated annually in their name." By the

pleasures of these festivals the _Christians_ increased much in number, and

decreased as much in virtue, until they were _purged and made white_ by the

persecution of _Dioclesian_. This was the first step made in the

_Christian_ religion towards the veneration of the Martyrs: and tho it did

not yet amount to an unlawful worship; yet it disposed the _Christians_

towards such a further veneration of the dead, as in a short time ended in

the invocation of Saints.

The next step was the affecting to pray at the sepulchres of the Martyrs:

which practice began in _Dioclesian_'s persecution. The Council of

_Eliberis_ in _Spain_, celebrated in the third or fourth year of

_Dioclesian_'s persecution, A.C. 305, hath these Canons. Can. 34. _Cereos

per diem placuit in Coemeterio non incendi: inquietandi enim spiritus

sanctorum non sunt. Qui hæc non observârint, arceantur ab Ecclesiæ

communione._ Can. 35. _Placuit prohiberi ne fæminæ in Coemeterio

pervigilent, eò quod sæpe sub obtentu orationis latentèr scelera

committant._ Presently after that persecution, suppose about the year 314,

the Council of _Laodicea_ in _Phrygia_, which then met for restoring the

lapsed discipline of the Church, has the following Canons. Can. 9. _Those

of the Church are not allowed to go into the _Coemeteries_ or _Martyries_,

as they are called, of hereticks, for the sake of prayer or recovery of

health: but such as go, if they be of the faithful, shall be excommunicated

for a time_. Can. 34. _A _Christian_ must not leave the Martyrs of

_Christ_, and go to false Martyrs_, that is, to the Martyrs of the

hereticks; _for these are alien from God: and therefore let those be

anathema who go to them_. Can. 51. _The birth-days of the Martyrs shall not

be celebrated in _Lent_, but their commemoration shall be made on the

Sabbath-days and Lords days_. The Council of _Paphlagonia_, celebrated in

the year 324, made this Canon: _If any man being arrogant, abominates the

congregations of the Martyrs, or the Liturgies performed therein, or the

memories of the Martyrs, let him be anathema_. By all which it is manifest

that the _Christians_ in the time of _Dioclesian_'s persecution used to

pray in the _Coemeteries_ or burying-places of the dead; for avoiding the

danger of the persecution, and for want of Churches, which were all thrown

down: and after the persecution was over, continued that practice in honour

of the Martyrs, till new Churches could be built: and by use affected it as

advantageous to devotion, and for recovering the health of those that were

sick. It also appears that in these burying-places they commemorated the

Martyrs yearly upon days dedicated to them, and accounted all these

practices pious and religious, and anathematized those men as arrogant who

opposed them, or prayed in the _Martyries_ of the hereticks. They also

lighted torches to the Martyrs in the day-time, as the heathens did to

their Gods; which custom, before the end of the fourth century, prevailed

much in the _West_. They sprinkled the worshipers of the Martyrs with

holy-water, as the heathens did the worshipers of their Gods; and went in

pilgrimage to see _Jerusalem_ and other holy places, as if those places

conferred sanctity on the visiters. From the custom of praying in the

_Coemeteries_ and _Martyries_, came the custom of translating the bodies of

the Saints and Martyrs into such Churches as were new built: the Emperor

_Constantius_ began this practice about the year 359, causing the bodies of

_Andrew_ the Apostle, _Luke_ and _Timothy_, to be translated into a new

Church at _Constantinople_: and before this act of _Constantius_, the

_Egyptians_ kept the bodies of their Martyrs and Saints unburied upon beds

in their private houses, and told stories of their souls appearing after

death and ascending up to heaven, as _Athanasius_ relates in the life of

_Antony_. All which gave occasion to the Emperor _Julian_, as _Cyril_

relates, to accuse the _Christians_ in this manner: _Your adding to that

antient dead man, Jesus, many new dead men, who can sufficiently abominate?

You have filled all places with sepulchres and monuments, altho you are no

where bidden to prostrate yourselves to sepulchres, and to respect them

officiously._ And a little after: _Since _Jesus_ said that sepulchres are

full of filthiness, how do you invoke God upon them_? and in another place

he saith, that if _Christians_ had adhered to the precepts of the

_Hebrews_, _they would have worshiped one God instead of many, and not a

man, or rather not many unhappy men_: And that they _adored the wood of the

cross, making its images on their foreheads, and before their houses_.

After the sepulchres of Saints and Martyrs were thus converted into places

of worship like the heathen temples, and the Churches into sepulchres, and

a certain sort of sanctity attributed to the dead bodies of the Saints and

Martyrs buried in them, and annual festivals were kept to them, with

sacrifices offered to God in their name; the next step towards the

invocation of Saints, was the attributing to their dead bodies, bones and

other reliques, a power of working miracles, by means of the separate

souls, who were supposed to know what we do or say, and to be able to do us

good or hurt, and to work those miracles. This was the very notion the

heathens had of the separate souls of their antient Kings and Heroes, whom

they worshiped under the names of _Saturn_, _Rhea_, _Jupiter_, _Juno_,

_Mars_, _Venus_, _Bacchus_, _Ceres_, _Osiris_, _Isis_, _Apollo_, _Diana_,

and the rest of their Gods. For these Gods being male and female, husband

and wife, son and daughter, brother and sister, are thereby discovered to

be antient men and women. Now as the first step towards the invocation of

Saints was set on foot by the persecution of _Decius_, and the second by

the persecution of _Dioclesian_; so this third seems to have been owing to

the proceedings of _Constantius_ and _Julian_ the Apostate. When _Julian_

began to restore the worship of the heathen Gods, and to vilify the Saints

and Martyrs; the _Christians_ of _Syria_ and _Egypt_ seem to have made a

great noise about the miracles done by the reliques of the _Christian_

Saints and Martyrs, in opposition to the powers attributed by _Julian_ and

the heathens to their Idols. For _Sozomen_ and _Ruffinus_ tell us, that

when he opened the heathen Temples, and consulted the Oracle of _Apollo

Daphnæus_ in the suburbs of _Antioch_, and pressed by many sacrifices for

an answer; the Oracle at length told him that the bones of the Martyr

_Babylas_ which were buried there hinder'd him from speaking. By which

answer we may understand, that some _Christian_ was got into the place

where the heathen Priests used to speak thro' a pipe in delivering their

Oracles: and before this, _Hilary_ in his book against _Constantius_,

written in the last year of that Emperor, makes the following mention of

what was then doing in the _East_ where he was. _Sine martyrio persequeris.

Plus crudelitati vestræ _Nero_, _Deci_, _Maximiane_, debemus. Diabolum enim

per vos vicimus. Sanctus ubique beatorum martyrum sanguis exceptus est, dum

in his Dæmones mugiunt, dum ægritudines depelluntur, dum miraculorum opera

cernuntur, elevari sine laqueis corpora, & dispensis pede fæminis vestes

non defluere in faciem, uri sine ignibus spiritus, confiteri sine

interrogantis incremento fidei_. And _Gregory Nazianzen_, in his first

Oration against the Emperor _Julian_ then reigning, writes thus: _Martyres

non extimuisti quibus præclari honores & festa constituta, à quibus Dæmones

propelluntur & morbi curantur; quorum sunt apparitiones & prædictiones;

quorum vel sola corpora idem possunt quod animæ sanctæ, sive manibus

contrectentur, sive honorentur: quorum vel solæ sanguinis guttæ atque

exigua passionis signa idem possunt quod corpora. Hæc non colis sed

contemnis & aspernaris_. These things made the heathens in the reign of the

same Emperor demolish the sepulchre of _John_ the Baptist in _Phoenicia_,

and burn his bones; when several _Christians_ mixing themselves with the

heathens, gathered up some of his remains, which were sent to _Athanasius_,

who hid them in the wall of a Church; foreseeing by a prophetic spirit, as

_Ruffinus_ tells us, that they might be profitable to future generations.

The cry of these miracles being once set on foot, continued for many years,

and encreased and grew more general. _Chrysostom_, in his second Oration on

St. _Babylas_, twenty years after the silencing of the Oracle of _Apollo

Daphnæus_ as above, viz. A.C. 382, saith of the miracles done by the Saints

and their reliques [3]: _Nulla est nostri hujus Orbis seu regio, seu gens,

seu urbs, ubi nova & inopinata miracula hæc non decantentur; quæ quidem si

figmenta fuissent, prorsus in tantam hominum admirationem non venissent_.

And a little after: _Abunde orationi nostræ fidem faciunt quæ quotidiana à

martyribus miracula eduntur, magna affatim ad illa hominum multitudine

affluente_. And in his 66th Homily, describing how the Devils were

tormented and cast out by the bones of the Martyrs, he adds: _Ob eam causam

multi plerumque Reges peregrè profecti sunt, ut hoc spectaculo fruerentur.

Siquidem sanctorum martyrum templa futuri judicii vestigia & signa

exhibent, dum nimirum Dæmones flagris cæduntur, hominesque torquentur &

liberantur. Vide quæ sanctorum vitâ functorum vis sit?_ And _Jerom_ in his

Epitaph on _Paula_, thus [4] mentions the same things. _Paula vidit

Samariam: ibi siti sunt Elisæus & Abdias prophetæ, & Joannes Baptista, ubi

multis intremuit consternata miraculis. Nam cernebat variis dæmones rugire

cruciatibus, & ante sepulchra sanctorum ululare, homines more luporum

vocibus latrare canum, fremere leonum, sibilare serpentum, mugire taurorum,

alios rotare caput & post tergum terram vertice tangere, suspensisque pede

fæminis vestes non defluere in faciem_. This was about the year 384: and

_Chrysostom_ in his Oration on the _Egyptian_ Martyrs, seems to make

_Egypt_ the ringleader in these matters, saying [5]: _Benedictus Deus

quandoquidem ex Ægypto prodeunt martyres, ex Ægypto illa cum Deo pugnante

ac insanissima, & unde impia ora, unde linguæ blasphemæ; ex Ægypto martyres

habentur; non in Ægypto tantum, nec in finitima vicinaque regione, sed

_UBIQUE TERRARUM_. Et quemadmodum in annonæ summa ubertate, cum viderunt

urbium incolæ majorem quam usus habitatorum postulat esse proventum, ad

peregrinas etiam urbes transmittunt: cum & suam comitatem & liberalitatem

ostendant, tum ut præter horum abundantiam cum facilitate res quibus

indigent rursus ab illis sibi comparent: sic & Ægyptii, quod attinet ad

religionis athletas, fecerunt. Cum apud se multam eorum Dei benignitate

copiam cernerent, nequaquam ingens Dei munus sua civitate concluserunt, sed

in _OMNES TERRÆ PARTES_ bonorum thesauros effuderunt: cum ut suum in

fratres amorem ostenderent, tum ut communem omnium dominum honore

afficerent, ac civitati suæ gloriam apud omnes compararent, totiusque

terrarum _ORBIS_ esse _METROPOLIN_ declararent.--Sanctorum enim illorum

corpora quovis adamantino & inexpugnabili muro tutiùs nobis urbem

communiunt, & tanquam excelsi quidam scopuli undique prominentes, non horum

qui sub sensus cadunt & oculis cernuntur hostium impetus propulsant tantùm,

sed etiam invisibilium dæmonum insidias, omnesque diaboli fraudes

subvertunt ac dissipant.--Neque vero tantùm adversus hominum insidias aut

adversus fallacias dæmonum utilis nobis est hæc possessio, sed si nobis

communis dominus ob peccatorum multitudinem irascatur, his objectis

corporibus continuo poterimus eum propitium reddere civitati_. This Oration

was written at _Antioch_, while _Alexandria_ was yet the Metropolis of the

_East_, that is, before the year 381, in which _Constantinople_ became the

Metropolis: and it was a work of some years for the _Egyptians_ to have

distributed the miracle-working reliques of their Martyrs over all the

world, as they had done before that year. _Egypt_ abounded most with the

reliques of Saints and Martyrs, the _Egyptians_ keeping them embalmed upon

beds even in their private houses; and _Alexandria_ was eminent above all

other cities for dispersing them, so as on that account to acquire glory

with all men, and manifest herself to be the _Metropolis_ of the world.

_Antioch_ followed the example of _Egypt_, in dispersing the reliques of

the forty Martyrs: and the examples of _Egypt_ and _Syria_ were soon

followed by the rest of the world.

The reliques of the forty Martyrs at _Antioch_ were distributed among the

Churches before the year 373; for _Athanasius_ who died in that year, wrote

an Oration upon them. This Oration is not yet published, but _Gerard

Vossius_ saw it in MS. in the Library of Cardinal _Ascanius_ in _Italy_, as

he says in his commentary upon the Oration of _Ephræm Syrus_ on the same

forty Martyrs. Now since the Monks of _Alexandria_ sent the reliques of the

Martyrs of _Egypt_ into all parts of the earth, and thereby acquired glory

to their city, and declared her in these matters the Metropolis of the

whole world, as we have observed out of _Chrysostom_; it may be concluded,

that before _Alexandria_ received the forty Martyrs from _Antioch_, she

began to send out the reliques of her own Martyrs into all parts, setting

the first example to other cities. This practice therefore began in _Egypt_

some years before the death of _Athanasius_. It began when the

miracle-working bones of _John_ the Baptist were carried into _Egypt_, and

hid in the wall of a Church, _that they might be profitable to future

generations_. It was restrained in the reign of _Julian_ the Apostate: and

then it spred from _Egypt_ into all the Empire, _Alexandria_ being the

Metropolis of the whole world, according to _Chrysostom_, for propagating

this sort of devotion, and _Antioch_ and other cities soon following her

example.

In propagating these superstitions, the ring-leaders were the Monks, and

_Antony_ was at the head of them: for in the end of the life of _Antony_,

_Athanasius_ relates that these were his dying words to his disciples who

then attended him. _Do you take care_, said _Antony_, _to adhere to

_Christ_ in the first place, and then to the Saints, that after death they

may receive you as friends and acquaintance into the everlasting

tabernacles, Think upon these things, perceive these things; and if you

have any regard to me, remember me as a father_. This being delivered in

charge to the Monks by _Antony_ at his death, A.C. 356, could not but

inflame their whole body with devotion towards the Saints, as the ready way

to be received, by them into the eternal Tabernacles after death. Hence

came that noise about the miracles, done by the reliques of the Saints in

the time of _Constantius_: hence came the dispersion of the miracle-working

reliques into all the Empire; _Alexandria_ setting the example, and being

renowned, for it above all other cities. Hence it came to pass in the days

of _Julian_, A.C. 362, that _Athanasius_ by a prophetic spirit, as

_Ruffinus_ tells us, hid the bones of _John_ the Baptist from the Heathens,

not in the ground to be forgotten, but in the hollow wall of a Church

before proper witnesses, that they might _be profitable to future

generations_. Hence also came the invocation of the Saints for doing such

miracles, and for assisting men in their devotions, and mediating with God.

For _Athanasius_, even from his youth, looked upon the dead Saints and

Martyrs as mediators of our prayers: in his Epistle to _Marcellinus_,

written in the days of _Constantine_ the great, he saith that the words of

the _Psalms_ are not to be transposed or any wise changed, but to be

recited and sung without any artifice, as they are written, _that the holy

men who delivered them, knowing them to be their own words, may pray with

us; or rather, that the Holy Ghost who spake in the holy men, seeing his

own words with which he inspired them, may join_ with them _in assisting

us_.

Whilst _Egypt_ abounded with Monks above any other country, the veneration

of the Saints began sooner, and spred faster there than in other places.

_Palladius_ going into _Egypt_ in the year 388 to visit the Monasteries,

and the sepulchres of _Apollonius_ and other Martyrs of _Thebais_ who had

suffered under _Maximinus_, saith of them: _Iis omnibus Christiani fecerunt

ædem unam, ubi nunc multæ virtutes peraguntur. Tanta autem fuit viri

gratia, ut de iis quæ esset precatus statim exaudiretur, eum sic honorante

servatore: quem etiam nos in martyrio precati vidimus, cum iis qui cum ipso

fuerunt martyrio affecti; & Deum adorantes, eorum corpora salutavimus._

_Eunapius_ also, a heathen, yet a competent witness of what was done in his

own times, relating how the soldiers delivered the temples of _Egypt_ into

the hands of the Monks, which was done in the year 389, rails thus in an

impious manner at the Martyrs, as succeeding in the room of the old Gods of

_Egypt_. _Illi ipsi, _milites_, Monachos Canobi quoque collocârunt, ut pro

Diis qui animo cernuntur, servos & quidem flagitiosos divinis honoribus

percolerent, hominum mentibus ad cultum ceremoniasque obligatis. Ii namque

condita & salita eorum capita, qui ob scelerum multitudinem à judicibus

extremo judicio fuerant affecti, pro Divis ostentabant; iis genua

submittebant, eos in Deorum numerum receptabant, ad illorum sepulchra

pulvere sordibusque conspurcati. Martyres igitur vocabantur, & ministri

quidem & legati arbitrique precum apud Deos; cum fuerint servilia infida &

flagris pessimè subacta, quæ cicatrices scelerum ac nequitiæ vestigia

corporibus circumferunt; ejusmodi tamen Deos fert tellus_. By these

instances we may understand the invocation of Saints was now of some

standing in _Egypt_, and that it was already generally received and

practised there by the common people.

Thus _Basil_ a Monk, who was made Bishop of _Cæsarea_ in the year 369, and

died in the year 378, in his Oration on the Martyr _Mamas_, saith: _Be ye

mindful of the Martyr; as many of you as have enjoyed him in your dreams,

as many as in this place have been assisted by him in prayer, as many of

you as upon invoking him by name have had him present in your works, as

many as he has reduced into the way from wandering, as many as he has

restored to health, as, many as have had their dead children restored by

him to life, as many as have had their lives prolonged by him_: and a

little after, he thus expresses the universality of this superstition in

the regions of _Cappadocia_ and _Bithynia_: _At the memory of the Martyr_,

saith he, _the whole region is moved; at his festival the whole city is

transported with joy. Nor do the kindred of the rich turn aside to the

sepulchres of their ancestors, but all go to the place of devotion._ Again,

in the end of the Homily he prays, that _God would preserve the Church,

thus fortified with the great towers of the Martyrs_: and in his Oration on

the forty Martyrs; _These are they_, saith he, _who obtaining our country,

like certain towers afford us safety against our enemies. Neither are they

shut up in one place only, but being distributed are sent into many

regions, and adorn many countries.--You have often endeavoured, you have

often laboured to find one who might pray for you: here are forty, emitting

one voice of prayer.--He that is in affliction flies to these, he that

rejoices has recourse to these: the first, that he may be freed from evil,

the last that he may continue in happiness. Here a woman praying for her

children is heard; she obtains a safe return for her husband from abroad,

and health for him in his sickness.--O ye common keepers of mankind, the

best companions of our cares, suffragans and coadjutors of our prayers,

most powerful embassadors to God_, &c. By all which it is manifest, that

before the year 378, the Orations and Sermons upon the Saints went much

beyond the bounds of mere oratorical flourishes, and that the common people

in the _East_ were already generally corrupted by the Monks with

Saint-worship.

_Gregory Nazianzen_ a Monk, in his sixth Oration written A.C. 373, when he

was newly made Bishop of _Sasima_, saith: _Let us purify ourselves to the

Martyrs, or rather to the God of the Martyrs_: and a little after he calls

the Martyrs _mediators of obtaining an ascension or divinity_. The same

year, in the end of his Oration upon _Athanasius_ then newly dead, he thus

invokes him: _Do thou look down upon us propitiously, and govern this

people, as perfect adorers of the perfect Trinity, which in the Father,

Son, and Holy Ghost, is contemplated and worshiped: if there shall be

peace, preserve me, and feed my flock with me; but if war, bring me home,

place me by thyself, and by those that are like thee; however great my

request._ And in the end of the funeral Oration upon _Basil_, written A.C.

378, he thus addresses him: _But thou, O divine and sacred Head, look down

upon us from heaven; and by thy prayers either take away that thorn of the

flesh which is given us by God for exercise, or obtain that we may bear it

with courage, and direct all our life to that which is most fitting for us.

When we depart this life, receive us there in your Tabernacles, that living

together and beholding the holy and blessed Trinity more purely and

perfectly, whereof we have now but an imperfect view, we may there come to

the end of our desires, and receive this reward of the wars which we have

waged or suffered_: and in his Oration upon _Cyprian_, not the Bishop of

_Carthage_, but a _Greek_, he invokes him after the same manner; and tells

us also how a pious Virgin named _Justina_, was protected by invoking the

Virgin _Mary_, and how miracles were done by the ashes of _Cyprian_.

_Gregory Nyssen_, another eminent Monk and Bishop, in the life of _Ephræm

Syrus_, tells how a certain man returning from a far country, was in great

danger, by reason all the ways were intercepted by the armies of barbarous

nations; but upon invoking _Ephræm_ by name, and saying, _Holy _Ephræm_

assist me_, he escaped the danger, neglected the fear of death, and beyond

his hope got safe home. In the end of this Oration _Gregory_ calls upon

_Ephræm_ after the following manner: _But thou, O Ephræm, assisting now at

the divine altar, and sacrificing to the Prince of life, and to the most

holy Trinity, together with the Angels; remember us all, and obtain for us

pardon of our sins, that we may enjoy the eternal happiness of the kingdom

of heaven._ The same _Gregory_, in his Oration on the Martyr _Theodorus_

written A.C. 381, thus describes the power of that Martyr, and the practice

of the people. _This Martyr_, saith he, _the last year quieted the

barbarous tempest, and put a stop to the horrid war of the fierce and cruel

_Scythians_.--If any one is permitted to carry away the dust with which the

tomb is covered, wherein the body of the Martyr rests; the dust is accepted

as a gift, and gathered to be laid up as a thing of great price. For to

touch the reliques themselves, if any such prosperous fortune shall at any

time happen; how great a favour that is, and not to be obtained without the

most earnest prayers, they know well who have obtained it. For as a living

and florid body, they who behold it embrace it, applying to it the eyes,

mouth, ears, and all the organs of sense; and then with affection pouring

tears upon the Martyr, as if he was whole and appeared to them: they offer

prayers with supplication, that he would intercede for them as an advocate,

praying to him as an Officer attending upon God, and invoking him as

receiving gifts whenever he will._ At length _Gregory_ concludes the

Oration with this prayer: _O Theodorus, we want many blessings; intercede

and beseech for thy country before the common King and Lord: for the

country of the Martyr is the place of his passion, and they are his

citizens, brethren and kindred, who have him, defend, adorn and honour him.

We fear afflictions, we expect dangers: the wicked _Scythians_ are not far

off, ready to make war against us. As a soldier fight for us, as a Martyr

use liberty of speech for thy fellow-servants. Pray for peace, that these

publick meetings may not cease, that the furious and wicked barbarian may

not rage against the temples and altars, that the profane and impious may

not trample upon the holy things. We acknowledge it a benefit received from

thee, that we are preserved safe and entire, we pray for freedom from

danger in time to come: and if there shall be need of greater intercession

and deprecation, call together the choir of thy brethren the Martyrs, and

in conjunction with them all intercede for us. Let the prayers of many just

ones attone for the sins of the multitudes and the people; exhort _Peter_,

excite _Paul_, and also _John_ the divine and beloved disciple, that they

may be sollicitous for the Churches which they have erected, for which they

have been in chains, for which they have undergone dangers and deaths; that

the worship of idols may not lift up its head against us, that heresies may

not spring up like thorns in the vineyard, that tares grown up may not

choak the wheat, that no rock void of the fatness of true dew may be

against us, and render the fruitful power of the word void of a root; but

by the power of the prayers of thyself and thy companions, O admirable man

and eminent among the Martyrs, the commonwealth of _Christians_ may become

a field of corn_. The same _Gregory Nyssen_, in his sermon upon the death

of _Meletius_ Bishop of _Antioch_, preached at _Constantinople_ the same

year, A.C. 381, before the Bishops of all the _East_ assembled in the

second general Council, spake thus of _Meletius_. _The Bridegroom_, saith

he, _is not taken from us: he stands in the midst of us, tho we do not see

him: he is a Priest in the most inward places, and face to face intercedes

before God for us and the sins of the people_. This was no oratorical

flourish, but _Gregory_'s real opinion, as may be understood by what we

have cited out of him concerning _Ephræm_ and _Theodorus_: and as _Gregory_

preached this before the Council of _Constantinople_, you may thence know,

saith [6] _Baronius_, that he professed what the whole Council, and

therewith the whole Church of those parts believed, namely, that the Saints

in heaven offer prayers for us before God.

_Ephræm Syrus_, another eminent Monk, who was contemporary with _Basil_,

and died the same year; in the end of his Encomium or Oration upon _Basil_

then newly dead, invokes him after this manner: _Intercede for me, a very

miserable man; and recal me by thy intercessions, O father; thou who art

strong, pray for me who am weak; thou who art diligent, for me who am

negligent; thou who art chearful, for me who am heavy; thou who art wise,

for me who am foolish. Thou who hast treasured up a treasure of all

virtues, be a guide to me who am empty of every good work_. In the

beginning of his Encomium upon the forty Martyrs, written at the same time,

he thus invokes them: _Help me therefore, O ye Saints, with your

intercession; and O ye beloved, with your holy prayers, that _Christ_ by

his grace may direct my tongue to speak_, &c. and afterwards mentioning the

mother of one of these forty Martyrs, he concludes the Oration with this

prayer: _I entreat thee, O holy, faithful, and blessed woman, pray for me

to the Saints, saying; Intercede ye that triumph in _Christ_, for the most

little and miserable _Ephræm_, that he may find mercy, and by the grace of

_Christ_ may be saved_. Again, in his second Sermon or Oration on the

praises of the holy Martyrs of _Christ_, he thus addresses them: _We

entreat you most holy Martyrs, to intercede with the Lord for us miserable

sinners, beset with the filthiness of negligence, that he would infuse his

divine grace into us_: and afterwards, near the end of the same discourse;

_Now ye most holy men and glorious Martyrs of God, help me a miserable

sinner with your prayers, that in that dreadful hour I may obtain mercy,

when the secrets of all hearts shall be made manifest. I am to day become

to you, most holy Martyrs of _Christ_, as it were an unprofitable and

unskilful cup-bearer: for I have delivered to the sons and brothers of your

faith, a cup of the excellent wine of your warfare, with the excellent

table of your victory, replenished with all sorts of dainties. I have

endeavoured, with the whole affection and desire of my mind, to recreate

your fathers and brothers, kindred and relations, who daily frequent the

table. For behold they sing, and with exultation and jubilee glorify God,

who has crown'd your virtues, by setting on your most sacred heads

incorruptible and celestial crowns; they with excessive joy stand about the

sacred reliques of your martyrdoms, wishing for a blessing, and desiring to

bear away holy medicines both for the body and the mind. As good disciples

and faithful ministers of our benign Lord and Saviour, bestow therefore a

blessing on them all: and on me also, tho weak and feeble, who having

received strength by your merits and intercessions, have with the whole

devotion of my mind, sung a hymn to your praise and glory before your holy

reliques. Wherefore I beseech you stand before the throne of the divine

Majesty for me _Ephræm_, a vile and miserable sinner, that by your prayers

I may deserve to obtain salvation, and with you enjoy eternal felicity by

the grace and benignity and mercy of our Lord and Saviour _Jesus Christ_,

to whom with the Father and Holy Ghost be praise, honour and glory for ever

and ever_. Amen.

By what has been cited out of _Basil_, the two _Gregories_ and _Ephræm_, we

may understand that Saint-worship was established among the Monks and their

admirers in _Egypt_, _Phoenicia_, _Syria_ and _Cappadocia_, before the year

378, this being the year in which _Basil_ and _Ephræm_ died. _Chrysostom_

was not much later; he preached at _Antioch_ almost all the time of

_Theodosius_ the great, and in his Sermons are many exhortations to this

sort of superstition, as may be seen in the end of his Orations on S.

_Julia_, on St. _Pelagia_, on the Martyr _Ignatius_, on the _Egyptian_

Martyrs, on Fate and Providence, on the Martyrs in general, on St.

_Berenice_ and St. _Prosdoce_, on _Juventinus_ and _Maximus_, on the name

of _Coemetery_, &c. Thus in his Sermon on _Berenice_ and _Prosdoce_:

_Perhaps_, saith he, _you are inflamed with no small love towards these

Martyrs; therefore with this ardour let us fall down before their reliques,

let us embrace their coffins. For the coffins of the Martyrs have great

virtue, even as the bones of the Martyrs have great power. Nor let us only

on the day of this festival, but also on other days apply to them, invoke

them, and beseech them to be our patrons: for they have great power and

efficacy, not only whilst alive, but also after death; and much more after

death than before. For now they bear the marks or brands of _Christ_; and

when they shew these marks, they can obtain all things of the King. Seeing

therefore they abound with such efficacy, and have so much friendship with

him; we also, when by continual attendance and perpetual visitation of them

we have insinuated ourselves into their familiarity, may by their

assistance obtain the mercy of God_.

_Constantinople_ was free from these superstitions till _Gregory Nazianzen_

came thither A.D. 379; but in a few years it was also inflamed with it.

_Ruffinus_ [7] tells us, that when the Emperor _Theodosius_ was setting out

against the tyrant _Eugenius_, which was in the year 394, he went about

with the Priests and people to all the places of prayer; lay prostrate in

haircloth before the shrines of the Martyrs and Apostles, and pray'd for

assistance by the intercession of the Saints. _Sozomen_ [8] adds, that when

the Emperor was marched seven miles from _Constantinople_ against

_Eugenius_, he went into a Church which he had built to _John_ the Baptist,

_and invoked the Baptist for his assistance. Chrysostom_ [9] says: _He that

is clothed in purple, approaches to embrace these sepulchres; and laying

aside his dignity, stands supplicating the Saints to intercede for him with

God: and he who goes crowned with a diadem, offers his prayers to the

tent-maker and the fisher-man as his Protestors._ And in [10] another

place: _The cities run together to the sepulchres of the Martyrs, and the

people are inflamed with the love of them_.

This practice of sending reliques from place to place for working miracles,

and thereby inflaming the devotion of the nations towards the dead Saints

and their reliques, and setting up the religion of invoking their souls,

lasted only till the middle of the reign of the Emperor _Theodosius_ the

great; for he then prohibited it by the following Edict. _Humatum corpus,

nemo ad alterum locum transferat; nemo Martyrem distrahat, nemo mercetur:

Habeant verò in potestate, si quolibet in loco sanctorum est aliquis

conditus, pro ejus veneratione, quod _Martyrium_ vocandum sit, addant quod

voluerint fabricarum. Dat. _iv._ Kal. Mart. Constantinopoli, Honorio nob.

puero & Euodio Coss._ A.C. 386. After this they filled the fields and

high-ways with altars erected to Martyrs, which they pretended to discover

by dreams and revelations: and this occasioned the making the fourteenth

Canon of the fifth Council of _Carthage_, A.C. 398. _Item placuit, ut

altaria, quæ passim per agros aut vias, tanquam memoriæ Martyrum

constituuntur, in quibus nullum corpus aut reliquiæ Martyrum conditæ

probantur, ab Episcopis, qui illis locis præsunt, si fieri potest,

evertantur. Si autem hoc propter tumultus populares non sinitur, plebes

tamen admoneantur, ne illa loca frequentent, ut qui rectè sapiunt, nullâ

ibi superstitione devincti teneantur. Et omnino nulla memoria Martyrum

probabiliter acceptetur, nisi aut ibi corpus aut aliquæ certæ reliquiæ

sint, aut ubi origo alicujus habitationis, vel possessionis, vel passionis

fidelissima origine traditur. Nam quæ per somnia, & per inanes quasi

revelationes quorumlibet hominum ubique constituuntur altaria, omnimodè

reprobentur._ These altars were for invoking the Saints or Martyrs buried

or pretended to be buried under them. First they filled the Churches in all

places with the reliques or pretended reliques of the Martyrs, for invoking

them in the Churches; and then they filled the fields and high-ways with

altars, for invoking them every where: and this new religion was set up by

the Monks in all the _Greek_ Empire before the expedition of the Emperor

_Theodosius_ against _Eugenius_, and I think before his above-mentioned

Edict, A.C. 386.

The same religion of worshiping _Mahuzzims_ quickly spred into the _Western

Empire_ also: but _Daniel_ in this Prophecy describes chiefly the things

done among the nations comprehended in the body of his third Beast.

Notes to Chap. XIV.

[1] Chap. xi. 38, 39

[2] Orat. de vita Greg. Thaumaturg. T. 3. p. 574.

[3] Vide Hom. 47. in. S. Julian.

[4] Epist. 27. ad Eustochium.

[5] Edit. Frontonis Ducæi, Tom. 1.

[6] Ad. an. 381, Sect. 41.

[7] Hist. Eccl. l. 2. c. 23.

[8] L. 4. c. 24.

[9] Hom. 66. ad. populum, circa finem. & Hom. 8, 27. in Matth. Hom. 42, 43.

in Gen. Hom. 1. in 1 Thess.

[10] Exposit. in Psal. 114. sub finem.

* * * * *

_The end of the first Part._

* * * * *