(_c_) But, once again, and for the last time, the opponent objects:

'All this theory of original sin is built simply on the supposition

that the early chapters of Genesis represent literal history. It falls

to the ground if they are myth and not history.' Once again, this is

not at all the case. The Christian doctrine of sin finds its chief

authorisation in Christ's attitude towards it. Sin (if Christ's

witness is true) is not nature; it does not represent God's intention,

but something that has baffled for a time God's intention, something

that Christ is come to conquer. Moreover, this doctrine of sin is not

a mere dogma enunciated on external authority; it finds its

verification in experience. The moral experience of Christendom

confirms it, and this experience of eighteen centuries reflects itself

inevitably on the whole of human life. What interprets sin within this

area interprets it through the whole history. With this authority of

Christ, verified in the Christian experience, as his firm foundation,

the Christian does not hesitate to see in the early chapters of

Genesis the action of the inspiring Spirit. It was only the inspiring

Spirit Which could assure man that the whole universe was of God's

making and very good, that the state in which he found himself

represented not his nature, as God meant it to be, but the result of

his rebellion, the result, moreover, which God meant to counter-work,

nay, which in gradual process He was counter-working. In all the

account then of the creation, of the nature of man, of the origin of

sin, the Christian sees an action of the inspiring Spirit. He sees it

all the more when he compares the record of Genesis with those which

are parallel to it in other races. But if an Irenaeus, a Clement, an

Athanasius, an Anselm could treat the record or part of it as rather

allegorical than historical, we can use the same liberty. This is not

our present subject. All I want to make clear is that the Christian

doctrine of sin rests on a far broader and far surer foundation than

the belief that the early chapters of Genesis belong to one form or

stage of inspired literature rather than to another. It rests on the

strong foundation of the authority of our Lord, accepted and verified

by man's moral consciousness.

[609] A sermon preached before the University of Cambridge, at Great

St. Mary's Church, on Sunday, March 17, 1889, by the Rev. Charles

Gore, and printed in the _Guardian_, March 27. A paragraph of

practical exhortation is omitted at the end. Some apology is no doubt

needed for the introduction of a Sermon into a volume of Essays. But

it was felt (1) that there was under the circumstances an advantage in

producing what was not written in view of the criticisms on _Lux

Mundi_; (2) that the sermon was not specially homiletic.

[610] The first is that of the Manichaeans and some Gnostics. The

second that of the Platonists and other Gnostics. But both the

theories represent tendencies very commonly at work both among

Orientals and in Europe. Recently John Stuart Mill was disposed to

embrace the latter theory: see _Three Essays on Religion_, 3rd

edition, London, 1874, pp. 58, 243.

[611] _The Service of Man_, London, 1887, p. 295. Cf. p. 293, 'It will

perhaps be said that this view does away with moral responsibility....

To which the answer is, that the sooner the idea of moral

responsibility is got rid of, the better it will be for society and

moral education.'

[612] See, for instance, Tertullian, _de paenit._ 3; Anselm, _Cur Deus

Homo_, i. 11.

[613] Augustine, _de Trin._ i. 10. 21.

[614] Aug. _de mor. Man._ ii. 3, 'Ut ab essentia deficiant et ad non

esse tendant? quod malum generale esse clamat verissima ratio.' _Op.

imp. c. Jul._ i. 114, 'Non enim potest esse ullum malum nisi in aliquo

bono; quia non potest esse nisi in aliqua natura; omnis autem natura,

in quantum natura est, bonum est.'

[615] For references, see p. 290, note.

[616] Rom. v. 6: see Godet's _Commentary_ in loc. Clark's _Foreign

Theol. Libr._ i. p. 416; and cf. Col. ii. 11, τὸ σῶμα τῆς σαρκός.

[617] S. Luke xvi. 9.

[618] See Origen, _C. Cels._ iv. 65-66; Athan. _C. Gentes_, 6-7; and

cf. the index to S. Augustine _s. v._ malum. So far, however, as each

individual identifies himself with sin, it becomes 'his nature': a

false nature, obscuring the true, but never annihilating it; cf.

Tertullian, _de An._ 41, 'Naturae corruptio alia natura est,' etc.;

and Bernard, _in Cant. Serm._ 82. 2,--admirable passages.

[619] See in Mozley, _Lectures_, etc., x. p. 159.

[620] Cf. in explanation of this, the Preface, p. xviii.

[621] There is a fundamental mistake in the popular excuse for sensual

sin--that it is 'natural.' The mistake lies in the idea that man's

animal and spiritual natures are separable, that he can live as pure

animal in one part of his life, and pure spirit in another. But as a

fact man's life is only lived 'according to nature,' where every part

of it is lived 'in flesh and in spirit': the spiritual motive must

control the bodily organ. Only so are his acts really human. If he

tries to act as a mere animal he becomes sinful. The evidence of this

lies in the fact that while the physical nature of animals contains

within itself the check on sensual indulgence, the check in man's case

lies in his spiritual faculties. You can have a 'dissipated' man, i.e.

a man whose bodily impulses are uncontrolled by will or spirit; you

cannot have a 'dissipated' animal.

[622] It is not intended as a _complete_ account, cf. Rom. ii. 14-15.

[623] In answer to the question whether Adam was formed perfect or

imperfect τέλειος ἤ ἀτελής, Clement replies: 'They shall learn from us

that he was not perfect [i.e. complete in development, τέλειος] in

respect of his creation, but in a fit condition to receive virtue.'

Clem. Alex. _Strom._ vi. 12. 96. Cp. Iren. _c. haer._ iv. 38.

[624] But we can recognize that before civilisation had developed the

checks which society supplies against abrupt deterioration, collapse

into savagery would have been much more rapid than it can be in a more

developed state.

[625] Cf. Aubrey Moore's _Evolution and Christianity_ (Oxford House

Papers), pp. 32-3. 'The change which took place at the Fall was a

change in the moral region; but it could not be without its effect

elsewhere. Even the knowledge of nature becomes confused, without the

governing truth of the relation of man to God. The evolution which

should have been the harmonious development of the whole man, is

checked and impeded in one part, and that the highest part of his

nature. And therefore, in spite of all the physical and intellectual

advance which man has made, he is always and everywhere the worse for

the Fall. However great his development has been, it is still a

retarded development, a development slower than it need have been,

less regular and less sure than God meant it to be.'

[626] Aug. _De gen. ad litt._ vi. 36, 'Mortalis erat conditione

corporis animalis.'

[627] Athan. _de Incarn._ 4.

[628] Cf. Westcott's _Ep. to the Hebrews_, p. 54 (on Hebr. ii. 16).

[629] Athan. _C. Gentes_ 7; cf. Aug. on Gen. iii. 18 (_De Gen. ad

litt._ iii. 18, 28), where it is said that it is difficult to suppose

that 'thorns and thistles' were first produced on the occasion of sin:

but we may understand that they then first began to be obstacles to

man in the cultivation of the ground: 'spinas et tribulos pariet

_tibi_.'

Lux Mundi: A Series of Studies in the Religion of the Incarnation, 10th Edition, 1890 · 第 51 / 51 段