Our conception of human life is different. We do not conceive life to be

so rich in enjoyments, that it can afford to forego the cultivation of

all those which address themselves to what M. Comte terms the egoistic

propensities. On the contrary, we believe that a sufficient

gratification of these, short of excess, but up to the measure which

renders the enjoyment greatest, is almost always favourable to the

benevolent affections. The moralization of the personal enjoyments we

deem to consist, not in reducing them to the smallest possible amount,

but in cultivating the habitual wish to share them with others, and with

all others, and scorning to desire anything for oneself which is

incapable of being so shared. There is only one passion or inclination

which is permanently incompatible with this condition--the love of

domination, or superiority, for its own sake; which implies, and is

grounded on, the equivalent depression of other people. As a rule of

conduct, to be enforced by moral sanctions, we think no more should be

attempted than to prevent people from doing harm to others, or omitting

to do such good as they have undertaken. Demanding no more than this,

society, in any tolerable circumstances, obtains much more; for the

natural activity of human nature, shut out from all noxious directions,

will expand itself in useful ones. This is our conception of the moral

rule prescribed by the religion of Humanity. But above this standard

there is an unlimited range of moral worth, up to the most exalted

heroism, which should be fostered by every positive encouragement,

though not converted into an obligation. It is as much a part of our

scheme as of M. Comte's, that the direct cultivation of altruism, and

the subordination of egoism to it, far beyond the point of absolute

moral duty, should be one of the chief aims of education, both

individual and collective. We even recognize the value, for this end, of

ascetic discipline, in the original Greek sense of the word. We think

with Dr Johnson, that he who has never denied himself anything which is

not wrong, cannot be fully trusted for denying himself everything which

is so. We do not doubt that children and young persons will one day be

again systematically disciplined in self-mortification; that they will

be taught, as in antiquity, to control their appetites, to brave

dangers, and submit voluntarily to pain, as simple exercises in

education. Something has been lost as well as gained by no longer giving

to every citizen the training necessary for a soldier. Nor can any pains

taken be too great, to form the habit, and develop the desire, of being

useful to others and to the world, by the practice, independently of

reward and of every personal consideration, of positive virtue beyond

the bounds of prescribed duty. No efforts should be spared to associate

the pupil's self-respect, and his desire of the respect of others, with

service rendered to Humanity; when possible, collectively, but at all

events, what is always possible, in the persons of its individual

members. There are many remarks and precepts in M. Comte's volumes,

which, as no less pertinent to our conception of morality than to his,

we fully accept. For example; without admitting that to make "calculs

personnels" is contrary to morality, we agree with him in the opinion,

that the principal hygienic precepts should be inculcated, not solely or

principally as maxims of prudence, but as a matter of duty to others,

since by squandering our health we disable ourselves from rendering to

our fellow-creatures the services to which they are entitled. As M.

Comte truly says, the prudential motive is by no means fully sufficient

for the purpose, even physicians often disregarding their own precepts.

The personal penalties of neglect of health are commonly distant, as

well as more or less uncertain, and require the additional and more

immediate sanction of moral responsibility. M. Comte, therefore, in this

instance, is, we conceive, right in principle; though we have not the

smallest doubt that he would have gone into extreme exaggeration in

practice, and would have wholly ignored the legitimate liberty of the

individual to judge for himself respecting his own bodily conditions,

with due relation to the sufficiency of his means of knowledge, and

taking the responsibility of the result.

Connected with the same considerations is another idea of M. Comte,

which has great beauty and grandeur in it, and the realization of which,

within the bounds of possibility, would be a cultivation of the social

feelings on a most essential point. It is, that every person who lives

by any useful work, should be habituated to regard himself not as an

individual working for his private benefit, but as a public functionary;

and his wages, of whatever sort, as not the remuneration or

purchase-money of his labour, which should be given freely, but as the

provision made by society to enable him to carry it on, and to replace

the materials and products which have been consumed in the process. M.

Comte observes, that in modern industry every one in fact works much

more for others than for himself, since his productions are to be

consumed by others, and it is only necessary that his thoughts and

imagination should adapt themselves to the real state of the fact. The

practical problem, however, is not quite so simple, for a strong sense

that he is working for others may lead to nothing better than feeling

himself necessary to them, and instead of freely giving his commodity,

may only encourage him to put a high price upon it. What M. Comte really

means is that we should regard working for the benefit of others as a

good in itself; that we should desire it for its own sake, and not for

the sake of remuneration, which cannot justly be claimed for doing what

we like: that the proper return for a service to society is the

gratitude of society: and that the moral claim of any one in regard to

the provision for his personal wants, is not a question of _quid pro

quo_ in respect to his co-operation, but of how much the circumstances

of society permit to be assigned to him, consistently with the just

claims of others. To this opinion we entirely subscribe. The rough

method of settling the labourer's share of the produce, the competition

of the market, may represent a practical necessity, but certainly not a

moral ideal. Its defence is, that civilization has not hitherto been

equal to organizing anything better than this first rude approach to an

equitable distribution. Rude as it is, we for the present go less wrong

by leaving the thing to settle itself, than by settling it artificially

in any mode which has yet been tried. But in whatever manner that

question may ultimately be decided, the true moral and social idea of

Labour is in no way affected by it. Until labourers and employers

perform the work of industry in the spirit in which soldiers perform

that of an army, industry will never be moralized, and military life

will remain, what, in spite of the anti-social character of its direct

object, it has hitherto been--the chief school of moral co-operation.

Thus far of the general idea of M. Comte's ethics and religion. We must

now say something of the details. Here we approach the ludicrous side of

the subject: but we shall unfortunately have to relate other things far

more really ridiculous.

There cannot be a religion without a _cultus._ We use this term for want

of any other, for its nearest equivalent, worship, suggests a different

order of ideas. We mean by it, a set of systematic observances, intended

to cultivate and maintain the religious sentiment. Though M. Comte

justly appreciates the superior efficacy of acts, in keeping up and

strengthening the feeling which prompts them, over any mode whatever of

mere expression, he takes pains to organize the latter also with great

minuteness. He provides an equivalent both for the private devotions,

and for the public ceremonies, of other faiths. The reader will be

surprised to learn, that the former consists of prayer. But prayer, as

understood by M. Comte, does not mean asking; it is a mere outpouring of

feeling; and for this view of it he claims the authority of the

Christian mystics. It is not to be addressed to the Grand Etre, to

collective Humanity; though he occasionally carries metaphor so far as

to style this a goddess. The honours to collective Humanity are reserved

for the public celebrations. Private adoration is to be addressed to it

in the persons of worthy individual representatives, who may be either

living or dead, but must in all cases be women; for women, being the

_sexe aimant_, represent the best attribute of humanity, that which

ought to regulate all human life, nor can Humanity possibly be

symbolized in any form but that of a woman. The objects of private

adoration are the mother, the wife, and the daughter, representing

severally the past, the present, and the future, and calling into active

exercise the three social sentiments, veneration, attachment, and

kindness. We are to regard them, whether dead or alive, as our guardian

angels, "les vrais anges gardiens." If the last two have never existed,

or if, in the particular case, any of the three types is too faulty for

the office assigned to it, their place may be supplied by some other

type of womanly excellence, even by one merely historical. Be the object

living or dead, the adoration (as we understand it) is to be addressed

only to the idea. The prayer consists of two parts; a commemoration,

followed by an effusion. By a commemoration M. Comte means an effort of

memory and imagination, summoning up with the utmost possible vividness

the image of the object: and every artifice is exhausted to render the

image as life-like, as close to the reality, as near an approach to

actual hallucination, as is consistent with sanity. This degree of

intensity having been, as far as practicable, attained, the effusion

follows. Every person should compose his own form of prayer, which

should be repeated not mentally only, but orally, and may be added

to or varied for sufficient cause, but never arbitrarily. It may be

interspersed with passages from the best poets, when they present

themselves spontaneously, as giving a felicitous expression to the

adorer's own feeling. These observances M. Comte practised to the memory

of his Clotilde, and he enjoins them on all true believers. They are to

occupy two hours of every day, divided into three parts; at rising, in

the middle of the working hours, and in bed at night. The first, which

should be in a kneeling attitude, will commonly be the longest, and the

second the shortest. The third is to be extended as nearly as possible

to the moment of falling asleep, that its effect may be felt in

disciplining even the dreams.

The public _cultus_ consists of a series of celebrations or festivals,

eighty-four in the year, so arranged that at least one occurs in every

week. They are devoted to the successive glorification of Humanity

itself; of the various ties, political and domestic, among mankind; of

the successive stages in the past evolution of our species; and of the

several classes into which M. Comte's polity divides mankind. M. Comte's

religion has, moreover, nine Sacraments; consisting in the solemn

consecration, by the priests of Humanity, with appropriate exhortations,

of all the great transitions in life; the entry into life itself, and

into each of its successive stages: education, marriage, the choice of a

profession, and so forth. Among these is death, which receives the name

of transformation, and is considered as a passage from objective

existence to subjective--to living in the memory of our

fellow-creatures. Having no eternity of objective existence to offer,

M. Comte's religion gives it all he can, by holding out the hope of

subjective immortality--of existing in the remembrance and in the

posthumous adoration of mankind at large, if we have done anything to

deserve remembrance from them; at all events, of those whom we loved

during life; and when they too are gone, of being included in the

collective adoration paid to the Grand Etre. People are to be taught to

look forward to this as a sufficient recompense for the devotion of a

whole life to the service of Humanity. Seven years after death, comes

the last Sacrament: a public judgment, by the priesthood, on the memory

of the defunct. This is not designed for purposes of reprobation, but of

honour, and any one may, by declaration during life, exempt himself from

it. If judged, and found worthy, he is solemnly incorporated with the

Grand Etre, and his remains are transferred from the civil to the

religious place of sepulture: "le bois sacré" qui doit entourer chaque

temple de l'Humanité."

This brief abstract gives no idea of the minuteness of M. Comte's

prescriptions, and the extraordinary height to which he carries the

mania for regulation by which Frenchmen are distinguished among

Europeans, and M. Comte among Frenchmen. It is this which throws an

irresistible air of ridicule over the whole subject. There is nothing

really ridiculous in the devotional practices which M. Comte recommends

towards a cherished memory or an ennobling ideal, when they come

unprompted from the depths of the individual feeling; but there is

something ineffably ludicrous in enjoining that everybody shall practise

them three times daily for a period of two hours, not because his

feelings require them, but for the premeditated, purpose of getting his

feelings up. The ludicrous, however, in any of its shapes, is a

phaenomenon with which M. Comte seems to have been totally unacquainted.

There is nothing in his writings from which it could be inferred that he

knew of the existence of such things as wit and humour. The only writer

distinguished for either, of whom he shows any admiration, is Molière,

and him he admires not for his wit but for his wisdom. We notice this

without intending any reflection on M. Comte; for a profound conviction

raises a person above the feeling of ridicule. But there are passages in

his writings which, it really seems to us, could have been written by no

man who had ever laughed. We will give one of these instances. Besides

the regular prayers, M. Comte's religion, like the Catholic, has need of

forms which can be applied to casual and unforeseen occasions. These, he

says, must in general be left to the believer's own choice; but he

suggests as a very suitable one the repetition of "the fundamental

formula of Positivism," viz., "l'amour pour principe, l'ordre pour base,

et le progrès pour but." Not content, however, with an equivalent for

the Paters and Aves of Catholicism, he must have one for the sign of the

cross also; and he thus delivers himself:[23] "Cette expansion peut être

perfectionnée par des signes universels.... Afin de mieux développer

l'aptitude nécessaire de la formule positiviste à représenter toujours

la condition humaine, il convient ordinairement de l'énoncer en touchant

successivement les principaux organes que la théorie cérébrale assigne à

ses trois éléments." This _may_ be a very appropriate mode of expressing

one's devotion to the Grand Etre: but any one who had appreciated its

effect on the profane reader, would have thought it judicious to keep it

back till a considerably more advanced stage in the propagation of the

Positive Religion.

As M. Comte's religion has a _cultus_, so also it has a clergy, who are

the pivot of his entire social and political system. Their nature and

office will be best shown by describing his ideal of political society

in its normal state, with the various classes of which it is composed.

The necessity of a Spiritual Power, distinct and separate from the

temporal government, is the essential principle of M. Comte's political

scheme; as it may well be, since the Spiritual Power is the only

counterpoise he provides or tolerates, to the absolute dominion of the

civil rulers. Nothing can exceed his combined detestation and contempt

for government by assemblies, and for parliamentary or representative

institutions in any form. They are an expedient, in his opinion, only

suited to a state of transition, and even that nowhere but in England.

The attempt to naturalize them in France, or any Continental nation, he

regards as mischievous quackery. Louis Napoleon's usurpation is

absolved, is made laudable to him, because it overthrew a representative

government. Election of superiors by inferiors, except as a

revolutionary expedient, is an abomination in his sight. Public

functionaries of all kinds should name their successors, subject to the

approbation of their own superiors, and giving public notice of the

nomination so long beforehand as to admit of discussion, and the timely

revocation of a wrong choice. But, by the side of the temporal rulers,

he places another authority, with no power to command, but only to

advise and remonstrate. The family being, in his mind as in that of

Frenchmen generally, the foundation and essential type of all society,

the separation of the two powers commences there. The spiritual, or

moral and religious power, in a family, is the women of it. The

positivist family is composed of the "fundamental couple," their

children, and the parents of the man, if alive. The whole government of

the household, except as regards the education of the children, resides

in the man; and even over that he has complete power, but should forbear

to exert it. The part assigned to the women is to improve the man

through his affections, and to bring up the children, who, until the age

of fourteen, at which scientific instruction begins, are to be educated

wholly by their mother. That women may be better fitted for these

functions, they are peremptorily excluded from all others. No woman is

to work for her living. Every woman is to be supported by her husband or

her male relations, and if she has none of these, by the State. She is

to have no powers of government, even domestic, and no property. Her

legal rights of inheritance are preserved to her, that her feelings of

duty may make her voluntarily forego them. There are to be no marriage

portions, that women may no longer be sought in marriage from interested

motives. Marriages are to be rigidly indissoluble, except for a single

cause. It is remarkable that the bitterest enemy of divorce among all

philosophers, nevertheless allows it, in a case which the laws of

England, and of other countries reproached by him with tolerating

divorce, do not admit: namely, when one of the parties has been

sentenced to an infamizing punishment, involving loss of civil rights.

It is monstrous that condemnation, even for life, to a felon's

punishment, should leave an unhappy victim bound to, and in the wife's

case under the legal authority of, the culprit. M. Comte could feel for

the injustice in this special case, because it chanced to be the

unfortunate situation of his Clotilde. Minor degrees of unworthiness may

entitle the innocent party to a legal separation, but without the power

of re-marriage. Second marriages, indeed, are not permitted by the

Positive Religion. There is to be no impediment to them by law, but

morality is to condemn them, and every couple who are married

religiously as well as civilly are to make a vow of eternal widowhood,

"le veuvage éternel." This absolute monogamy is, in M. Comte's opinion,

essential to the complete fusion between two beings, which is the

essence of marriage; and moreover, eternal constancy is required by the

posthumous adoration, which is to be continuously paid by the survivor

to one who, though objectively dead, still lives "subjectively." The

domestic spiritual power, which resides in the women of the family, is

chiefly concentrated in the most venerable of them, the husband's

mother, while alive. It has an auxiliary in the influence of age,

represented by the husband's father, who is supposed to have passed the

period of retirement from active life, fixed by M. Comte (for he fixes

everything) at sixty-three; at which age the head of the family gives up

the reins of authority to his son, retaining only a consultative voice.

This domestic Spiritual Power, being principally moral, and confined to

a private life, requires the support and guidance of an intellectual

power exterior to it, the sphere of which will naturally be wider,

extending also to public life. This consists of the clergy, or

priesthood, for M. Comte is fond of borrowing the consecrated

expressions of Catholicism to denote the nearest equivalents which his

own system affords. The clergy are the theoretic or philosophical class,

and are supported by an endowment from the State, voted periodically,

but administered by themselves. Like women, they are to be excluded from

all riches, and from all participation in power (except the absolute

power of each over his own household). They are neither to inherit, nor

to receive emolument from any of their functions, or from their writings

or teachings of any description, but are to live solely on their small

salaries. This M. Comte deems necessary to the complete

disinterestedness of their counsel. To have the confidence of the

masses, they must, like the masses, be poor. Their exclusion from

political and from all other practical occupations is indispensable for

the same reason, and for others equally peremptory. Those occupations

are, he contends, incompatible with the habits of mind necessary to

philosophers. A practical position, either private or public, chains the

mind to specialities and details, while a philosopher's business is with

general truths and connected views (vues d'ensemble). These, again,

require an habitual abstraction from details, which unfits the mind for

judging well and rapidly of individual cases. The same person cannot be

both a good theorist and a good practitioner or ruler, though

practitioners and rulers ought to have a solid theoretic education. The

two kinds of function must be absolutely exclusive of one another: to

attempt them both, is inconsistent with fitness for either. But as men

may mistake their vocation, up to the age of thirty-five they are

allowed to change their career.

To the clergy is entrusted the theoretic or scientific instruction of

youth. The medical art also is to be in their hands, since no one is fit

to be a physician who does not study and understand the whole man, moral

as well as physical. M. Comte has a contemptuous opinion of the existing

race of physicians, who, he says, deserve no higher name than that of

veterinaires, since they concern themselves with man only in his animal,

and not in his human character. In his last years, M. Comte (as we learn

from Dr Robinet's volume) indulged in the wildest speculations on

medical science, declaring all maladies to be one and the same disease,

the disturbance or destruction of "l'unité cérébrale." The other

functions of the clergy are moral, much more than intellectual. They are

the spiritual directors, and venerated advisers, of the active or

practical classes, including the political. They are the mediators in

all social differences; between the labourers, for instance, and their

employers. They are to advise and admonish on all important violations

of the moral law. Especially, it devolves on them to keep the rich and

powerful to the performance of their moral duties towards their

inferiors. If private remonstrance fails, public denunciation is to

follow: in extreme cases they may proceed to the length of

excommunication, which, though it only operates through opinion, yet if

it carries opinion with it, may, as M. Comte complacently observes, be

of such powerful efficacy, that the richest man may be driven to produce

his subsistence by his own manual labour, through the impossibility of

inducing any other person to work for him. In this as in all other

cases, the priesthood depends for its authority on carrying with it the

mass of the people--those who, possessing no accumulations, live on the

wages of daily labour; popularly but incorrectly termed the working

classes, and by French writers, in their Roman law phraseology,

proletaires. These, therefore, who are not allowed the smallest

political rights, are incorporated into the Spiritual Power, of which

they form, after women and the clergy, the third element.

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