{581}
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SATURDAY, JUNE 24. 1854
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* * * * *
CONTENTS.
NOTES:-- Page
Memoirs of Grammont, by W. H. Lammin, &c. 583
Bohn's Reprint of Woodfall's "Junius," by H. Martin 584
MINOR NOTES:--Mutilating Books--The Plymouth Calendar--
Divinity Professorships 585
QUERIES:--
Sepulchral Monuments 586
Roger Ascham and his Letters, by J. E. B. Mayor 588
MINOR QUERIES:--Symbolism in Raphael's Pictures--
"Obtains"--Army Lists for Seventeenth and Eighteenth
Centuries--Anonymous Poet--John Bale--A short Sermon 589
MINOR QUERIES WITH ANSWERS:--Quakers' Calendar--"Rodondo,
or the State Jugglers"--Rathlin Island--Parochial
Registers--"Trevelyan," &c.--Grammar School of
St. Mary de Crypt, Gloucester 589
REPLIES:--
Cranmer's Martyrdom, by John P. Stilwell, &c. 590
Coleridge's Unpublished Manuscripts, by
C. Mansfield Ingleby 591
Life 591
Inscriptions on Bells, by Peter Orlando Hutchinson,
Cuthbert Bede, Rev. H. T. Ellacombe, &c. 592
De Beauvoir Pedigree, by Edgar MacCulloch 596
Right of Refuge in the Church Porch, by
Goddard Johnson, &c. 597
Ferdinand Charles III., Duke of Parma, by
J. Reynell Wreford, &c. 598
PHOTOGRAPHIC CORRESPONDENCE:--Mr. Townsend's Wax-paper
Process--Photographic Litigation 598
REPLIES TO MINOR QUERIES:--Vandyking--Monteith--A. M. and
M. A.--Greek denounced by the Monks--Caldecott's
Translation of the New Testament--Blue Bells of
Scotland--"De male quæsitis gaudet non tertius
hæres"--Mawkin--"Putting a spoke in his wheel"--Dog
Latin--Swedish Words current in England--Mob--"Days
of my Youth"--Encore--Richard Plantagenet, Earl of
Cambridge--Right of redeeming Property--Latin Inscription
on Lindsey Court-house--Myrtle Bee--Mousehunt--Longfellow's
"Hyperion"--Benjamin Rush--Quakers executed in North
America 599
MISCELLANEOUS:--
Notices to Correspondents 603
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{583}
_LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 24, 1854._
* * * * *
Notes.
MEMOIRS OF GRAMMONT.
(Vol. viii., pp. 461. 549.; Vol. ix., pp. 3. 204. 356.)
"Des gens qui écrivent pour le Comte de Grammont peuvent compter sur
quelque indulgence."--Vide Introduction to the Memoirs.
Grammont's first visit to England may have been in Nov. 1655, when
Bordeaux, the French ambassador, concluded a treaty with Cromwell, whereby
France agreed totally to abandon the interests of Charles II.; and
Cromwell, on his part, declared war against Spain, by which we gained
Jamaica. Another opportunity occurred in 1657, when Cromwell's son-in-law,
Lord Fauconberg, was sent to compliment Louis XIV. and Cardinal Mazarin,
who were near Dunkirk. The ambassador presented some horses to the King and
his brother, and also to the Cardinal. They made the ambassador handsome
presents, and the King sent the Duke de Crequi as his ambassador
extraordinary to the Protector, accompanied by several persons of
distinction.
Grammont was at the siege of Montmedi, which surrendered on the 6th August,
1657.
He accompanied his brother, the Marshal, to Madrid in 1660, to demand the
hand of the Infanta for his sovereign. On the Kings entry into Paris the
same year with his Queen, Madame de Maintenon writes:
"The Chevalier de Grammont, Rouville, Bellefont, and some other
courtiers, followed the household of Cardinal Mazarin, which surprised
everybody: it was said it was out of flattery. The Chevalier was
dressed in a flame-coloured suit, and was very brilliant."
In 1662 he was disgraced on account of Madlle de la Motte Houdancourt,
aggravated also, it is said, by his having watched the King getting over
the tiles into the apartments of the maids of honour, and spread the report
about.
The writer of the notes to the _Memoirs_ supposes that the Count's
circumstances were not very flourishing on his arrival in England, and that
he endeavoured to support himself by his literary acquirements. A scarce
little work in Latin and French on King Charles's coronation was attributed
to him, the initials to which were P. D. C., which it was said might stand
for Philibert de Cramont. There seems no reason for this supposition: his
finances were no worse in England than they had been in France; and there
is no doubt he made his appearance at the Court of England under the
greatest advantages. His family were specially protected by the Duke and
Duchess of Orleans, the favourite sister of King Charles; and the Count was
personally known to the King and to the Duke of York; and from a letter of
Comminges', dated 20th Dec. 1662, it may be almost inferred that the Duke
sent his own yacht to fetch the Count to London. Bussi-Rabutin writes of
the Count, that he wrote almost worse than any one, and therefore not very
likely to recruit his finances by authorship.
The exact date of Grammont's marriage has yet to be fixed: probably a
search at Doctors' Commons for the licence, or in the Whitehall Registers,
if such exist, would determine the day. The first child, a boy, was born on
the 28th August, O. S., 7th September, 1664, but did not live long. This
would indicate that the marriage took place in December, 1663. From
Comminges' letters, dated in that month, it must have been on a day
subsequent to the 24th December. Their youngest child, who was afterwards
an abbess, was born on the 27th December, 1667.
It has been stated that Grammont was the hero of Molière's _Mariage
forcée_, which was performed before the Court at Versailles in 1664.
Comminges' letter of May 19-24, 1664, may allude to the Count's conduct to
Miss Hamilton. He was twenty years older than the lady.
Under date of October 24-November 3, 1664, Comminges announces the
departure from London of the Count and Countess de Grammont.
The Count was present with the King at the conquest of Franche Comte in
1660, and in particular at the siege of Dôle in February, 1668. The Count
and Countess were subsequently in England, as King Charles himself writes
to the Duchess of Orleans on the 24th October, 1669, that the Count and
Countess, with their family, were returning to France by way of Dieppe.
In 1668, according to St. Evremond, the Count was successful in procuring
the recall of his nephew, the Count de Guiche.
Evelyn mentions in his _Diary_ dining on the 10th May, 1671, at Sir Thomas
Clifford's, "where dined Monsieur de Grammont and several French noblemen."
Madame de Sévigné names the Count in her letter of 5th January, 1672.
He was present at the siege of Maestricht, which surrendered to the King in
person on the 29th June, 1673.
Madame de Sévigné names the Count again in her letter of the 31st July,
1675.
The Duchess of Orleans (the second) relates the great favour in which the
Count was with the King.
He was present at the sieges of Cambray and Namur in April, 1677, and
February, 1678.
We obtain many glimpses of the Count and Countess in subsequent years in
the pages of Madame de Sévigné, Dangeau, and others, which may be consulted
in preference to filling your columns with extracts. {584}
In 1688, Grammont was sent by the Duke of Orleans to congratulate James II.
on the birth of his son; in the _Ellis Correspondence_, under the date of
10th July, 1688, it appears there was to have been an exhibition of
fire-works, but it was postponed, and the following intimation of the cause
was hinted at by a person behind the scenes:
"The young Prince is ill, but it is a secret; I think he will not hold.
The foreign ministers, Zulestein and Grammont, stay to see the issue."
Grammont died on the 30th January, 1707, aged eighty-six years; his
Countess survived him only until the 3rd June, 1708, when she expired, aged
sixty-seven years. They only left one child, namely, Claude Charlotte,
married on the 6th April, 1694, to Henry Howard, Earl of Stafford; Marie
Elizabeth de Grammont, born the 27th December, 1667, Abbess of Sainte
Marine de Poussey, in Lorraine, having died in 1706, previous to her
parents.
Maurepas says that Grammont's eldest daughter was maid of honour to the
second Duchess of Orleans, who suspected her of intriguing with her son,
afterwards the celebrated Regent. The Duchess, he adds, married her to Lord
Stafford.
Another writer says, that although Grammont's daughters were not handsome,
yet they caused as much observation at Court as those who were.
W. H. LAMMIN.
Fulham.
Count Hamilton is little to be trusted to in his chronology, from a
mischievous custom that he has of, whenever he has to record a marriage or
love affair between two parties considerably different in age, adding to
that difference extravagantly, to make the thing more ridiculous. Sir John
Denham is a well-known instance of this; but another, which is not noticed
by the editor of Bohn's edition, nor any other that I have seen, is his
making out Col. John Russell, a younger brother of the first Duke of
Bedford, to have been seventy years of age in 1664, although his eldest
brother was born in 1612, and the colonel could have been little older
than, if as old as, De Grammont himself.
J. S. WARDEN.
* * * * *
BOHN'S REPRINT OF WOODFALL'S "JUNIUS."
When a publisher issues a series of such works as are comprised in _Bohn's
Standard Library_, and thereby brings expensive publications within the
reach of the multitude, he is entitled to the gratitude and the active
support of the reading portion of the public; but, if he wish to be ranked
amongst the respectable booksellers, he ought to see to the accuracy of his
reprints. Bohn's edition of Woodfall's _Junius_, in two volumes, purports
to contain "the entire work, as originally published." This it does not.
Some of the notes are omitted; and the text is, in many instances,
incorrect. I have examined the first volume only; and I shall state some of
the errors which I have found, on comparing it with Woodfall's edition,
three volumes 8vo., 1814. The pages noted are those of Bohn's first volume.
P. 87. In his Dedication, Junius says: "If an honest, and, I may truly
affirm, a laborious zeal." Bohn turns it into nonsense, by printing it: "If
an honest _man_, and I may truly," &c.
P. 105. In Letter I., Junius speaks of "distributing the _offices_ of
state, by rotation." Bohn has it "_officers_."
P. 113. In Letter II., Sir W. Draper says that "all Junius's _assertions_
are false and scandalous." Bohn prints it "_exertions_."
P. 206. In Letter XXII., Junius says, "it may be advisable to _gut_ the
resolution." Bohn has it "to _put_."
P. 240. In Letter XXX., Junius says: "And, if possible, to perplex _us
with_ the multitude of their offences." Bohn omits the words "_us with_."
P. 319. In Letter XLII., Junius speaks of the "future _projects_" of the
ministry. Bohn prints it "future _prospects_."
P. 322. In the same letter, Junius says: "How far people may be animated
_to resistance_, under the present administration." Bohn omits "_to
resistance_."
P. 382. In Letter LIII., Horne says: "And in case of refusal, _threaten_ to
write them down." Bohn omits "_threaten_."
P. 428. In Letter LXI., Philo-Junius says, "his view is to change a court
of _common law into a court of_ equity." Bohn omits the words "_common law
into a court of_."
P. 437. In Letter LXIII., Junius writes, "love _and kindness_ to Lord
Chatham." Bohn omits "_and kindness_."
P. 439. In Letter LXIV., Junius speaks of "a multitude of _prerogative
writs_." Bohn has it "a multitude of _prerogatives_."
P. 446. In Letter LXVIII., Junius says to Lord Mansfield: "If, on your
part, you should have no plain, substantial _defence_." Bohn substitutes
"_evidence_" for "_defence_."
These are the most important errors, but not all that I have found in the
text. I now turn to the reprint of Dr. Mason Good's Preliminary Essay. The
editor says: "The omission of a quotation or two, of no present interest,
and the correction of a few inaccuracies of language, are the only
alterations that have been made in the Preliminary Essay." We shall see how
far this is true. Such alterations as "arrogance" for "insolence," p. 2.;
"classic purity" for "classical chastity," p. 3.; "severe" for "atrocious,"
p. 15., I shall not particularise farther; but merely observe that, so far
from being merely "corrections {585} of inaccuracies of language," they are
frequently changes of meaning.
At pp. 4. and 5., extracts from speeches by Burke and North are introduced
into the text. In Woodfall, they are given in a note, so as not to
interrupt the writer's argument.
Occasionally, a sentence is partly rewritten. I take one specimen. Dr. Good
says that, "But for the Letters of Junius, the Commons of England might
still ... have been exposed to the absurd and obnoxious harassment of
parliamentary arrests, upon a violation of privileges undefined and
incapable of being appealed against--defrauded of their estates upon an
arbitrary and interested claim of the crown." In Bohn, p. 5., the words are
altered to "have been exposed to arbitrary violations of individual
liberty, under undefined pretexts of parliamentary privileges, against
which there _were_ (?) no appeal--defrauded of their estates upon
capricious and interested claims of the crown."
Dr. Good, to show that Burke could not be Junius, cites several passages
from his works; and then proves, by quotations from Junius, that the
opinions of the one were opposed to those of the other. In Bohn's edition
all these quotations, which occupy twelve octavo pages in Woodfall, are
omitted as unnecessary, although the writer's argument is partly founded
upon them; and yet the editor has retained (evidently through
carelessness), at p. 66., Dr. Good's subsequent reference to these very
quotations, where, being about to give some extracts from General Lee's
letters, he says: "They may be compared with those of Junius, _that follow
the preceding extracts from Mr. Burke_." This reference is retained, but
the extracts spoken of are omitted.
Some of Woodfall's notes are wholly left out; but I will not lengthen these
remarks by specially pointing them out. The new notes of Bohn's editor
offer much matter for animadversion, but I confine myself to one point. In
a note to Sir W. Draper's first letter (p. 116.), we are told that Sir
William "married a Miss De Lancy, who died in 1778, _leaving him a
daughter_." In another note relating to Sir William (p. 227.), it is stated
that "he married a daughter of the second son of the Duke of St. Alban's.
Her ladyship died in 1778, _leaving him no issue_." How are we to reconcile
these statements?
H. MARTIN.
Halifax.
[The work professes to be edited by Mr. Wade. Mr. Wade therefore, and
not Mr. Bohn, is responsible for the errors pointed out by our
correspondent.--ED.]
* * * * *
Minor Notes.
_Mutilating Books._--Swift, in a letter to Stella, Jan. 16, 1711, says, "I
went to Bateman's the bookseller, and laid out eight-and-forty shillings
for books. I bought three little volumes of Lucian in French, for our
Stella." This Bateman would never allow any one to look into a book in his
shop; and when asked the reason, he would say, "I suppose you may be a
physician, or an author, and want some recipe or quotation; and if you buy
it I will engage it to be perfect before you leave me, but not after; as I
have suffered by leaves being torn out, and the books returned, to my very
great loss and prejudice.
ABHBA.
_The Plymouth Calendar._--To your collection of verses (Vol. vii. _passim_)
illustrative of local circumstances, incidents, &c., allow me to add the
following:
"The West wind always brings wet weather,
The East wind wet and cold together;
The South wind surely brings us rain,
The North wind blows it back again.
If the Sun in red should set,
The next day surely will be wet;
If the Sun should set in grey,
The next will be a rainy day."
BALLIOLENSIS.
_Divinity Professorships._--In the last number of _The Journal of Sacred
Literature_ (April, 1854), there is a well-deserved eulogium on the
biblical labours of Dr. Kitto; who, though in the enjoyment of the title of
D.D. (conferred on him some years ago by a Continental University), is
nevertheless a layman, and not, as is very commonly imagined, in orders.
The article, however, to which I refer, contains a curious mistake.
Michaelis is cited (p. 122.) as an instance of a layman being able, on the
Continent, to hold a professorship relating to theology and biblical
science, in contrast to what is assumed to be the invariable system at the
English Universities. It is true, indeed, that for the most part such
professorships are here held by clergymen; but from several of them laymen
are not excluded by any law. At Cambridge, the Norrisian Professor of
Divinity, for example, may be a layman.
With respect to the degree of D.D., it is observed by the Writer of the
article, p. 127.:
"In Germany this degree is given to laymen, but in England it is
exclusively appropriated to the clergy. This led to the very general
impression among strangers, that Dr. Kitto is a clergyman."
ABHBA.
[We have frequently seen the celebrated Nonjuror Henry Dodwell noticed
as in orders, perhaps from his portrait exhibiting him in gown and
bands as Camden Professor of History at Oxford. Miss Strickland, too,
in her _Lives of the Queens of England_, vol. vii. p. 202., and vol.
viii. p. 352., edit. 1853, speaks of that worthy layman, Robert Nelson,
both as a _Doctor_ and a clergyman!--ED.]
{586}
* * * * *
Queries.
SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS.
(_Concluded from_ p. 539.)
A divine, reasoning philosophically with a lady on the possibility of the
appearance of ghosts, was much perplexed by her simple inquiry as to where
the clothes came from. If then the mediæval effigies are alive, how can the
costume be reconciled with their position? Where do their clothes come
from? The theory advanced in the two preceding Numbers seems to offer a
ready solution. Another corroborative fact remains to be stated, that when
a kneeling attitude superseded the recumbent, the brasses were placed upon
the wall, testifying, in some degree at least, that the horizontal figures
were not traditionally regarded as living portraits. In anticipation of
objections, it can only be said that "they have no speculation in their
eyes;" that out of the thousands in existence, a few exceptions will only
prove the rule; and that their incongruities were conventional.
It is now my purpose to offer a few more reasons for releasing the
sculptors of the present day from a rigid adherence to the uplifted hands
and the straight head. That there is grace, dignity, and pious serenity
occasionally perceptible in these interesting relics of bygone days, which
so appropriately furnish our magnificent cathedrals, and embellish numbers
of our parochial churches, is freely admitted; but that they are formal,
conventional, monotonous, and consequently unfitted for modern imitation,
cannot reasonably be denied by a person with pretensions to taste. From the
study of anatomy, the improvement in painting, the invention of engraving,
our acquaintance with the matchless works of Greece, and other causes, this
branch of art has made considerable advance. Why, then, should a sculptor
be now "cabin'd, cribb'd, confined, bound in," by such inflexible
conditions? If some variation is discoverable in the ancient types, why
should he not have the advantage of selection, and avail himself of that
attitude best adapted to the situation of the tomb and the character of the
deceased? Not to multiply examples of deviation--the Queen of Henry IV., in
Canterbury Cathedral, has one arm reposing at her side, and the other upon
her breast. The arms of Edward III., in Westminster Abbey, are both
stretched at his side. An abbot of Peterborough, in that cathedral, holds a
book and a pastoral staff. The hands of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick,
in his beautiful chapel, are raised, but separate. Several have the arms
crossed, expressive of humility and resignation. Others (lay as well as
clerical) press a holy book to their bosom; and some place the right hand
upon the heart, denoting the warmth of their love and faith. In his
description of Italian monuments, Mr. Ruskin remarks, that "though in
general, in tombs of this kind, the face of the statue is slightly turned
towards the spectator, in one case it is turned away" (_Stones of Venice_,
vol. iii. p. 14.); and instances are not unfrequent of similar inclinations
of the head at home. Why then should this poor choice be denied? Why should
he be fettered by austere taskmasters to this stereotyped treatment, to the
proverbial stiffness of "our grandsires cut in alabaster." Indignation has
been excited in many quarters against that retrograde movement termed
"pre-Raphaelism," yet what in fact is this severe, angular, antiquated
style, but identically the same thing in stone? What but pre-Angeloism?
Upon the supposition that the effigies have departed this life, or even
that the spirit is only about to take its flight, anatomical and
physiological difficulties present themselves, for strong action would be
required to hold the hands in this attitude of prayer. The drapery, too,
hanging in straight folds, has been always apparently designed from upright
figures, circumstances evincing how little the rules of propriety were then
regarded. Their profusion occasions a familiarity which demands a change,
for the range is here as confined as that of the sign-painter, who could
only depict lions, and was therefore precluded from varying his signs,
except by an alteration in the colour. Such is the yearning of taste for
diversity, that in the equestrian procession on the frieze of the
Parthenon, out of about ninety horses, not two are in the same attitude;
yet to whatever extent our churches may be thronged with these sepulchral
tombs, all must be, as it were, cast in the same mould, till by repetition
their beauty
"Fades in the eye and palls upon the sense."
It is evidently imitating the works of antiquity under a disadvantage,
inasmuch as modern costume is far inferior in picturesque effect to the
episcopal vestments, the romantic armour, and numerous elegant habiliments
of an earlier day. Every lesser embellishment and minuteness of detail are
regarded by an artist who has more enlarged views of his profession as
foreign to the main design; yet the robes, millinery, jewellery, and
accoutrements usually held a place with the carvers of that time of equal
importance with the face, and engaged as large a share of their attention.
The comparative easiness of execution forms another argument. Having
received the simple commission for a monument (specifications are
needless), the workmen (as may be imagined) fixes the armour of the defunct
knight upon his table, places a mask moulded from nature on the
helmet-pillow, fits on a pair of hands with which, like an {587} assortment
of gloves, his studio is provided, diligently applies his compasses to
insure exact equality by means of a receipt, perchance imparts some
devotional expression, and the work is ready to be transferred to stone.
Mr. Petit, in the preface (page x.) to his _Architectural Studies_, after
due praise, asserts--
"That no sculptor anxious to advance his own reputation and art will
ever set up a mediæval statue as his model. He may acknowledge its
merits, and learn much from a careful examination of it, but still he
will not look up to its designer as his master and guide."
Again, the efforts of genius are cramped by such uncompromising terms. The
feet must unavoidably be directed towards the east; still, whatever the
situation of the tomb may chance to be, from whatever point it may be
viewed, or whether the light may fall on this side or on that, no way of
escape is open, and no ingenuity can be employed to grapple with the
uncontrollable obstruction. Portrait painters can choose the position most
favourable to the features, but the monumental sculptor of the nineteenth
century may only exhibit what is generally shunned, the direct profile; the
contour of the face, and the wide expanse of brow, which might probably
give the most lively indications of intellectual power, amiability of
disposition, and devout tranquillity of soul, must be sacrificed to this
unbending law "which altereth not." Sculptors, we are told, should overcome
difficulties; but here they are required to "strive with impossibilities,
yea, get the better of them." Whether painted windows, or some other
ornament, or a tomb alone in harmony with the architecture (the form and
features of the individual being elsewhere preserved), may constitute a
more desirable memorial, is a separate question, but as statues are only
admissible in a recumbent posture, some little latitude must be allowed.
Like our reformers in higher things, it behoves us to discard what is
objectionable in art, while we cherish that which is to be admired. Instead
of treading in the footsteps of those lofty spirits, we should endeavour to
follow the same road. Fully appreciating their excellences, let us avoid
the distorted drawing of their brilliant glass, their irregularities in
architectural design, the irreverence of their carving, and the
conventionalism of their monumental sculpture.
C. T.
I agree with C. T. in thinking that the usual recumbent figure on mediæval
tombs was intended to represent a dead body, and more particularly to
represent the body as it had lain in state, or had been borne to the grave;
and I will add one or two additional reasons for this opinion. In the
description in Speed, of the intended monument of Henry VIII., taken from a
MS. given to Speed by that industrious herald master, Charles Lancaster,
the following direction occurs:--
"Item, upon the same basement shall be made two tombes of blacke touch,
that is to say, on either side one, and upon the said tombes of blacke
touch shall be made the image of the King and Queen, on both sides, not
as death [dead], but as persons sleeping, because to shewe that famous
princes leaving behind them great fame never doe die, and shall be in
royall apparels after the antique manner."--Speed's _Hist. of Great
Brit._, p. 1037. ed. 1632.
The distinction here taken between a dead and a sleeping figure, and the
reason assigned for the latter, show, I think, that at that time a
recumbent figure generally was supposed to represent death. In a monument
of Sir Roger Aston, at Cranford, Middlesex, in Lysons' _Environs of
London_, the knight and his two wives are represented praying, and by the
side of the knight _lies_ the infant son who had died in his lifetime. In
the monument of Pope Innocent VIII. (Pistolesi, _Il Vaticano_, vol. i.
plate 63.), the Pope is in one part represented in a living action, and in
another as lying on his tomb, and from the contrast which would thus be
afforded between life and death, the latter representation seems to
indicate death.
The hands raised in prayer are accounted for by C. T. Open eyes, I think,
may be intended to express, by their direction towards heaven, the hope in
which the deceased died. This is suggested by the description of the
funeral car of Henry V.
"Preparations were made to convey the body of Henry from Rouen to
England. It was placed within a car, on which reclined his figure made
of boiled leather, elegantly painted. A rich crown of gold was on its
head. The right hand held a sceptre, and the left a golden ball. _The
face seemed to contemplate the heavens._"--Turner's _Hist. of Eng._,
vol. ii. p. 465.
I must, however, add that on referring to Monstrelet, I doubt whether
Turner does not go too far in this last particular. Monstrelet merely says,
"le visage vers le ciel." (Monst. _Chron._ vol. i. 325. ed. 1595.) Speed
adds an additional circumstance: "The body (of this figure) was clothed
with a purple roabe furred with ermine." From the mutilated state of the
tomb it is impossible to say how far the recumbent effigy resembled this
boiled figure, but it is evidently just such a representation of the king
as might have been laid on his tomb, and so far it tends to support the
opinion that the effigy on a tomb represents the deceased as he had lain in
state, or was borne to and placed in his tomb, an opinion fully borne out
by the agreement which, in some cases, has been found to exist between the
effigy on a tomb and the body discovered within it, or between the effigy
and the description of the body as it had lain in state. See the tombs of
King {588} John, Robert Lord Hungerford, and Henry II., in Stothard's
_Monumental Effigies of Great Britain_, and the Introduction to that work.
I think it is not irrelevant to remark that at a very early period a
recumbent figure was sometimes placed on a tomb as in a state of death. The
recumbent Etruscan figures generally represent a state of repose or of
sensual enjoyment; but there is one given by Micali (_Monumenti inediti a
Illustrazione degli Antichi Popoli Italiani_, Tav. 48. p. 303.), which is,
undoubtedly, that of a dead person. In his description of it, Micali says,
"On the first view of it one would say it was a sepulchral monument of the
Middle Ages, so greatly does it resemble one." Mrs. Gray, too (_Tour to the
Sepulchres of Etruria_, p. 264.), mentions a sepulchral urn, "very large,
with a woman robed, and with a dog upon it, exactly like an English
monument of the Middle Ages." If it were not for the dog, I should suppose
this to be the one given by Micali. Though it may be too much to suppose
that this form of representation may have been not uncommon, and may have
passed into early Christian monuments, the instance in Micali at least
shows that the idea of representing a dead body on a tomb is a very ancient
one. It may be added, perhaps, that it is an obvious one.
Though the reasons for thinking that the ordinary mediæval figure
represents death may not be conclusive, still that opinion is, I think,
entitled to be looked upon as the more probable one, until some
satisfactory reason is given why a _living_ person should be represented
outstretched, and lying on his back--a position, as it seems to me, more
inconsistent with life than the open eyes and hands joined in prayer are
with death. For too much weight is not to be attached to slight
inconsistencies. These would probably be disregarded for the sake of
expressing some favourite idea or sentiment. Thus, in the proposed monument
of Henry VIII., though the king and queen are directed to be represented as
living, their souls are to be represented in the hand of "the Father."
In modern tombs the mediæval idea has been entirely departed from, and the
recumbent position sometimes expresses neither death, nor even sleep, but
simple repose, or contemplation, resignation, hope, &c. If it is proper or
desirable to express these or other sentiments in a recumbent figure, it
seems unreasonable to exclude them for the sake of a rigid adherence to a
form, of which the import is either obscure, or, if rightly conjectured,
has, by the change of customs, become idle and unmeaning.
F. S. B. E.
* * * * *
ROGER ASCHAM AND HIS LETTERS.
To the epistles of Roger Ascham, given in Elstob's edition, have since been
added several to Raven and others[1], two to Cecil[2], and several to Mrs.
Astley, Bp. Gardiner, Sir Thos. Smith, Mr. Callibut, Sir W. Pawlett, Queen
Elizabeth, the Earl of Leicester, and Mr. C. H.[owe].[3] Some of your
correspondents will, doubtless, be able farther to enlarge this list of
printed letters.
In a MS. volume, once belonging to Bp. Moore, now in the University
Library, Cambridge, is a volume of transcripts[4], containing, amongst
other documents, letters from Ascham to Petre[5] and to Cecil; one (p. 44.)
"written by R. A., for a gent to a gentlewoman, in waie of marriage," and
one to the B. of W.[inchester], which, though without a signature, is
certainly Ascham's. In another MS. volume, in the same collection (Ee. v.
23.), are copies of Ascham's letter to his wife on the death of their
child[6], and of a letter to Mr. Richard Goodrich. Lastly, Ascham's College
(St. John's) possesses his original letter to Cardinal Pole, written on the
fly-leaf of a copy of Osorius _De nobilitate civili_[7]; and also the
original MS. of the translation of Oecumenius, accompanied by a Latin
letter to Seton.[8]
These unpublished letters will shortly be printed for the Cambridge
Antiquarian Society. Early information respecting any other MS. works of
Ascham, or collations of his published letters with the originals, will be
thankfully acknowledged.
J. E. B. MAYOR.
St. John's College, Cambridge.
P. S.--I may add that we have at St. John's a {589} copy of Ascham's
Letters (ed. Elstob), with many dates and corrections in Baker's hand.
There may be something new in Kennett's biographical notice of Ascham
(Lansdowne MSS. 981. art. 41.)
[Footnote 1: In _The English Works of Roger Ascham_, London, 1815, 8vo.:
this edition is reprinted from Bennet's, with additions. Bennet took these
letters from Baker's extracts (in his MSS. xiii. 275-295., now in the
Harleian Collection), "from originals in Mr. Strype's hands." One letter is
more fully given by Mr. Tytler, _England under Edward VI. and Mary_, vol.
ii. p. 124.]
[Footnote 2: In Sir H. Ellis's _Letters of Eminent Literary Men_, Camden
Soc. Nos. 4 and 5. Correcter copies than had before appeared from the
Lansdowne MSS.]
[Footnote 3: Most incorrectly printed in Whitaker's _History of
Richmondshire_, vol. i. p. 270. seq. The letters themselves are highly
important and curious.]
[Footnote 4: Dd. ix. 14. Some of the letters are transcribed by Baker, MSS.
xxxii. p. 520. seq.]
[Footnote 5: This letter has many sentences in common with that to
Gardiner, of the date Jan. 18 [1554], printed by Whitaker (p. 271. seq.)]
[Footnote 6: Whitaker, who prints this (p. 289. seq.) says that it had been
printed before. Where?]
[Footnote 7: This, I believe, unpublished letter is referred to by Osorius,
in a letter to Ascham (_Aschami Epistolæ_, p. 397.: Oxon. 1703).]
[Footnote 8: Both of these have been printed, the letter in _Aschami
Epistolæ_, lib. i. ep. 4. p. 68. seq. Compare on the commentary, ibid. pp.
70. and 209.]
* * * * *
Minor Queries.
_Symbolism in Raphael's Pictures._--In some of the most beautiful pictures
of "The Virgin and Child" of Raphael, and other old masters, our Lord is
represented with His right foot placed upon the right foot of the blessed
Virgin. What is the symbolism of this position? In the Church of Rome, the
God-parent at Holy Confirmation is, if I remember right, directed by a
rubric to place his or her right foot upon the right foot of the person
confirmed. Is this ceremony at all connected with the symbolism I have
noticed?
WM. FRASER, B.C.L.
"_Obtains._"--Every one must have observed the frequent recurrence of this
word, more especially those whose study is the law: "This practice on that
principle _obtains_." How did the word acquire the meaning given to it in
such a sentence?
Y. S. M.