The great national triumph we have just achieved renders that foggy and
forlorn Second Tuesday of November the most memorable day of this most
memorable year of the war. Under the heavy curtain of mist that brooded
low over the scene, under the sombre clouds of uncertainty that hung
drizzling and oppressive above the whole land, was enacted a drama whose
grandeur has not been surpassed in history. The deep significance of
that event it is not easy for the mind to fathom. As the accumulating
majorities for the Union came rolling in, like billows succeeding
billows, heaping up the waters of victory, it was not alone the ship of
state that was lifted bodily over the bar, but all her costly freight of
human liberties and human hopes was upborne, and floated some leagues
onward towards the fair haven of the Future.
The first uprising of the nation, when its existence was assailed, was
truly a sublime spectacle. But the last uprising of the same, to confirm
with cool deliberation the judgment it pronounced in its heat, is a
spectacle of far higher moral sublimity. That sudden wildfire-blaze of
patriotism, if it was simply a blaze, had long since had time to expire.
The Red Sea we had passed through was surely sufficient to quench any
light flame kindled merely in the leaves and brushwood of our national
character. Instead of a brisk and easy conquest of a rash rebellion,
such as seemed at first to be pretty generally anticipated, we had
closed with a powerful antagonist in a struggle which was all the more
terrible because it was unforeseen. The country had soon digested its
hot cakes of enthusiasm, and come to the tougher article, the
ostrich-diet of iron determination. If we were a race of flunkies, ample
opportunities had been afforded to have our flunky-ism whipped out of
us. If Jonathan was but another blustering Sir Andrew Aguecheek, he
would long before have elicited laughter from the world's aristocratic
dress-circle, and split the ears of the groundlings, by turning from the
foe that would fight, and bellowing forth that worthy gentleman's
sentiments:--"An I thought he had been valiant, and so cunning in fence,
I'd have seen him damned ere I'd have challenged him!" But those who
looked hopefully for this conclusion have been disappointed. Even Mr.
Carlyle may now perceive that we have something more than a foul chimney
burning itself out over here:--strange that a seer should thus mistake
the glare of a mountain-torch! We have not made war from a mere
ebullition of spite, or as an experiment, or for any base and temporary
purpose; but this is a war for humanity, and for all time. That we are
in deadly earnest, that the heart of the nation is in it, and that this
is no effervescent and fickle heart, the momentous Tuesday stands before
the world as the final proof.
True, in that day's winnowing of the national grain, which had been
some four years threshing, plenty of chaff and grit were found. The
opposition to the Administration was made up of three classes. The
smallest, but by far the most active class, consisted of reckless
politicians,--those Northern men with Southern principles (if they have
anything that can properly be called principles) who sympathize with the
Rebels in arms,--who hold the interests of party to be supreme, and
shrink from no acts that bid fair to advance those interests. They are
the grit in the machine. The second class comprised the sheep which
those bad shepherds led,--sheep with a large proportion of swine
intermixed, and many a fanged and dangerous cur, as ignorant as they,
doing the will of his masters,--the brutish class, without enlightenment
or moral perception, goaded by prejudice, and deceived by lies so
shallow and foolish that the wonder was how anybody could be duped by
them. Side by side with these, and often mingling with them, was the
third class, the so-called "Conservatives," whose numbers and
respectability could alone have kept the warlike young Falstaff of the
expedition in countenance, and induced him to march through Coventry (or
rather into it, for he got no farther) with his motley crew of
followers.
This last-named class, when analyzed, is found to be composed of a great
variety of elements. The downright "Hunker" Conservative, who is very
likely to pass over to and identify himself with the first class, hates
with a natural, ineradicable hate all political and spiritual
advancement. He takes material and selfish, and consequently low and
narrow views of things,--and having secured for himself and his wife,
for his son John and his wife, privilege to eat and sleep and cohabit,
he cannot see the necessity of any further progress. If he is
enterprising, it is to increase his blessings in this world; if devout,
it is to perpetuate them in the next: for sincere religion he has
none,--since religion is but another name for Love, inspiring hope,
charity, and a zeal for the welfare of all mankind.--Others are
conservative from timidity, or because they are wedded to tranquility.
"Oh yes," they say, "no doubt the cause you are fighting for is just;
but then fighting is so dreadful! Let us have peace,--peace at any
cost!" Good-hearted people as far as they go, but lacking in
constitution. To them the fiery torrents of generosity and heroism are
unknown. Numbers of these, it is true, were swept away by the flood of
enthusiasm which prevailed during the first days of the Rebellion; but
when it appeared that the insurgents were not to be overawed and put
down by noise,--that making speeches and hanging out flags would not do
the business,--they became alarmed: the thought of actual bloodshed, and
taxes, and a disturbance of trade developed the Aguecheek. "Good
heavens!" said they, picking up the hats they has tossed with cheers
into the sky, and carefully brushing down the ruffled nap to its former
respectable smoothness, "this will never do! we can't frighten 'em!" So
they concluded to be frightened themselves, and ran back to their
comfortable apron-strings of opinion held by their grandmothers. Strange
as it seems, many of these are persons of piety, taste, and culture. Yet
their culture is retrospective, their taste mere dillettanteism, and
their piety conventional: to whatever is new in theology, or vital in
literature, (at least until the cobwebs of age begin to gather upon it,)
and especially to whatever tends to overthrow or greatly modify the
ancient order of things, they are unalterably opposed. If occasionally
one of them becomes desirous of keeping up with the times, or is forced
along momentarily by the stream of events, some defect of mental or
moral constitution prevents his progress; and you are sure to find him
soon or late returning to the point from which he started, like those
bits of drift-wood which are always bobbing up and down close under the
fall or circling round and round in the eddies. The trouble is, such
sticks float too lightly on the surface of things; if they carried more
heart-ballast, and would sink deeper, the current would bear them
on.--Another variety of the Conservative is the man who is really
progressive and right-minded, but extremely slow. Give him time, and he
is certain to form a just judgment, and range himself on the right side
at last. He goes with the rest only so far as they travel his road, and
his lagging is pretty sure to be atoned for by earnest endeavor in the
end. With these are to be classed numerous other varieties: those who
are "Hunkerish" on account of some strange spiritual obtuseness, or from
misanthropy, or perverseness, or self-conceit, or a cold and sluggish
temperament, or from weak, human sympathies governed by strong political
prejudice,--together with those countless larvae and tadpoles, the
small-fry of sons and nephews, of individuality yet undeveloped, who are
conservative because their fathers and uncles are conservative.
Such was the Opposition, to which we have devoted so many words,
because, though signally defeated, much of its power and influence
survives. The fact that it proved to be as large as it was is by no
means discouraging: that there should have been so much flabby and
diseased flesh on the body-politic was to have been expected; and that
it would show itself chiefly in the large cities, where foul humors and
leprosy are sure to break out, if anywhere, upon slight irritation,
(contrast the corrupt vote of New York City with Missouri and Maryland
giving their voices for freedom!) was likewise foreseen. That the malady
continues, and by what curative process it is to be subdued and rendered
harmless,--this is what concerns us now.
We have at last demonstrated, to the satisfaction of our arrogant
Southern friends, let us trust, that the despised Yankee, the
dollar-worshipper, is as prompt to fight for a principle as they for
power and a mistaken right of property,--ready to give blood and
treasure without stint, all for an idea; and that, having reluctantly
set his foot in gore, to draw back is not possible to him, for his heart
is indomitable, and his soul relentless,--in his soul sits Nemesis
herself. We have taught the slaveholding insolence the final lesson,
that there is absolutely nothing to hope from the pusillanimity it
counted upon. To the world abroad, also, that Tuesday's portentous
snow-storm of ballots, covering every vestige of treason here, to the
trail of the Copperhead, and whitening the face of the whole land with a
purer faith, will be more convincing than our victories in the field.
The bubble of Republicanism, which was to display such alacrity at
bursting, is not the childish thing it was deemed, but granitic, with a
fiery, throbbing core; its outward form no mere flashy film, blown out
of chimeras and dreams, but a creation from the solid strata of human
experience, upheaved here by the birth-throes of a new era:--
"With inward fires and pain,
It rose a bubble from the plain,"
secure and enduring as Monadnock or Mount Washington.
We have proved that we are a nation equal to the task of self-discipline
and self-control,--a new thing on this planet. Hitherto, on the stage of
history, kings and princes have been the star-actors: in them all the
interest of the scene has centred: they and a few grand favorites were
everything, and all the rest supernumeraries, "a level immensity of
foolish small people," of no utility except to support them in their
pompous parts. But we have found that "Hamlet" does very well with
Hamlet left out. In place of the prince we will have a principle.
Persons are of no account: the President is of no account simply as a
man. Here, at last, Humanity has flowered; here has blossomed a new race
of men, capable of postponing persons to uses, and private preferences
to the public good, of subjecting its wildest passions to a sense of
justice,--qualities so rare, that, when they are most strikingly
manifested in us, foreign observers stand astonished and incredulous.
Accustomed to seeing other races carried away by their own frenzy the
moment they break free from despotic restraint and attempt to act for
themselves, they cannot believe that Americans actually have that
uncommon virtue, self-control. The predictions of the London "Times"
with regard to us have always proved such ludicrous failures, because
they have been based upon this false estimate of our temper. Taking for
granted that we are a mob, and that a mob is an idiot, whose speech and
actions are void of reason, "full of sound and fury, signifying
nothing," the Thunderer continues to prophesy evil of us; and when,
where madness was most confidently looked for, we exhibit the coolest
sense, it can think of nothing better to do than to denounce us for our
inconsistencies! Yet the self-control we claim for ourselves comes from
no lack of caloric: caloric we possess in abundance, though of a stiller
sort than that with which the world has been hitherto acquainted. Our
friend from the backwoods thought there was no fire in the coal-furnace,
because he could not hear it roar and crackle, and was afterwards amazed
at its steady intensity of heat. Our misguided Southern brethren had the
same opinion of Northern character, and burned their hands most
deplorably when they laid hold of it.
They have discovered their mistake. Our Transatlantic neighbors have
also, by this time, discovered theirs. Moreover, we (and this is the
main thing) have caught a glimpse of ourselves in the glass of the last
election. Henceforth let us have faith in our destiny. Let us once more
open our maps, and, by the light of that day's revelation, look at the
grand outlines and limitless possibilities of our country. Look at the
old States and the new, and at the future States! Behold the vast plains
of Texas and the Indian Territory,--the rivers of Arizona, Dakotah, and
Utah,--Montana, Idaho, Colorado, and New Mexico, with their magnificent
mountain-chains,--Nevada, and the Pacific States,--Washington, Oregon,
and California, each alone capable of becoming another New England! What
a home is this for the nation that is to be! Let us consider well our
advantages, be true to the inspiration that is in us, put aside at once
and forever the thought of failure, and advance with firm and confident
steps to the accomplishment of the grandest mission ever yet intrusted
to any people.
True, great humiliations may be still in store for us; for what do we
not deserve? When we consider the inhumanity, the cowardice, the stolid
selfishness, of which this people has been guilty, especially on the
subject of negro slavery, we can find no refuge from despair but in the
comforting assurance that God is a God of mercy, as well as of justice.
Let us hasten to atone for our sins, and forward the work of national
purification, by doing our duty--our whole duty--now. One thing is
certain: we cannot look for help to other nations, nor to the amiable
disposition of a foe whose pith and pluck are consanguineous with our
own, nor to the agency of individuals. It was written in the beginning
that the people which aspired to make its own laws should also work out
its own salvation. For this reason great leaders have not been given us,
and we shall not need them. It is for a nation unstable in its purposes,
and incapable of self-moderation, that the steady hand of a strong ruler
is necessary. The first Napoleon was no more a natural product of the
first French Revolution than the present Emperor is of the last. They
might each have sat for the picture of the tyrant springing to the neck
of an unbridled Democracy, drawn by Plato in the eighth book of the
"Republic": just as his description of the excesses which necessitate
despotic rule might pass for a description of the frenzy of
'Ninety-Three:--"When a State thirsts after liberty, _and happens to
have bad cup-bearers appointed it, and gets immoderately drunk with an
unmixed draught, thereof_, it punishes even the governors." No such
inebriety has resulted from the moderate draughts of that nectar in
which this new Western race has indulged; and only the southern and
more passionate portion of it is in any danger of converting its acute
"State-Rights" distemper into chronic despotism. The nation in its
childhood needed a paternal Washington; but now it has arrived at
manhood, and it requires, not a great leader, but a magistrate willing
himself to be led. Such a man is Mr. Lincoln: an able, faithful,
hard-working citizen, overseeing the affairs of all the citizens,
accepting the guidance of Providence, and conscientiously yielding
himself to be the medium of a people's will, the agent of its destinies.
That is all we have any right to expect of him; and if we expect more,
we shall be disappointed. He cannot stretch forth his hand and save us,
although we have now twice elected him to his high place. Upon
ourselves, and upon ourselves alone, under God, success and victory
still depend.
What outward duties are to be fulfilled it is needless to recapitulate
here,--for have they not been taught in every loyal pulpit and in every
loyal print, in sermon, story, and song, until there is not a school-boy
but knows the lesson? Treason must be defeated in the field, its armies
annihilated, its power destroyed forever. In order to accomplish this,
our own armies must be kept constantly recruited with numbers and with
confidence. As for American slavery, it perishes from the face of the
earth utterly. We have had enough of the serpent which the young
Republic warmed in its too kind bosom. Now it dies; there is no help for
it: if you object to the heel upon its head, and place your own head
there to sheild it, God pity you, my friend, for you will have need of
more than human pity! This war is to be brought to a triumphant close,
and the cause of the war extirpated, whether you like it or not. You can
accept destruction and ignominy with it, or you may live to rejoice over
the most glorious victory and reform of the age: take your choice: but
understand, once for all, that complaint is puerile, and expostulation
but an idle wind in the face of inexorable Fate. Shall we remember our
martyred heroes, our noble, our beloved, who have gone down in this
conflict, and sit gloomily content while the devouring monster survives?
Is it nothing that they have fallen, and yet such a wrong that the
fetters of the bondman should fall? Is the claim of property in man so
sacred, and the blood of our brothers so cheap? Have done with this
heartless cant,--this prating about the constitutional rights of
traitors! When the Moslem chief was marching to the chastisement of a
revolted tribe, the insurgents, seeing disaster inevitable in a fair
field, resorted to the device of elevating the Koran upon the shafts of
their spears, and bearing it before them into battle. The stratagem
succeeded. The fanatical Arabs were filled with horror on finding that
they had lifted their swords against the Book of the Holy Prophet, and
fled in confusion,--defeated, not by the foe, but by their own blind
reverence for the letter and outward symbol of the Law. Thus the first
attempt at secession from the Moslem Empire became successful; and the
decadence of that empire was the fatal fruit of that day's folly. In
like manner we have had the letter of the Constitution thrust between us
and victory. The leaders of the Opposition carried it before them, with
ostentation and loud pharisaical rant, in the late political battle.
But, much as it has embarrassed and retarded our cause, terrifying and
bewildering weak minds, the device has not availed in the past, and it
shall avail still less in the future. The spirit of the Constitution we
shall remember and obey; but the sword of justice, edged with common
sense, must cut its way through everything else, to the very heart of
the Rebellion.
Only from ourselves have we anything to fear. Self-distrust is more to
be dreaded than foreign interference or Rebel despotism. The deportment
of Great Britain has become more and more respectful towards us as we
have shown ourselves worthy of respect; and even France has of late
grown discreetly reticent on the subject of intervention. But it is said
the Rebels will arm their slaves. Very well; if they think to save their
boat by taking the bottom out, in order to make paddles of it, they are
welcome to try the experiment. Are three or four hundred thousand negro
soldiers going to accept from their masters the boon of freedom for
themselves only, and not demand it for their race? Or think you their
gratitude towards those masters is so extraordinary, that they will take
arms against their brothers already in the field, and not be liable to
commit the slight error of passing over and fighting by their side? In
either case, Mr. Davis's proposition, if carried out, is practical
abolitionism; and we have yet to learn how a tottering edifice can be
rendered any more stable by the removal of its acknowledged
"cornerstone." The plan is violently opposed by the slave-owning
classes: for, whatever may be proclaimed to the contrary, they have
risked this war, and devoted themselves to it, believing it to be a war
for the aggrandizement of their peculiar institution; and if that
succumbs, where is the gain? Already their new Government has become to
them an object of dread and detestation, and they are beginning to look
back with regretful hearts to the beneficent Union which they were in
such rash haste to destroy. Only the leaders of the Rebellion can hope
to gain anything by so perilous an expedient; for Slavery has become
with them a secondary consideration,--no doubt Mr. Davis is sincere in
asserting this,--and they are now ready to sacrifice it to their private
ambition. They are in the position of men who, driven to extremity, will
give up everything else in order to preserve their power, and their
necks with it. But let us indulge in no useless apprehensions on this
point. Such a proposition, seriously entertained by the Richmond
Government, is of itself the strongest evidence we could have of the
exhaustion of their resources. Every other means has failed, and this is
their last resort. We are reminded of that vivid description, in one of
Cooper's novels, of an Indian in his canoe drawn into the rapids of
Niagara and swept over the falls,--who, in his wild efforts to save
himself, continued _paddling in the air_ even after he had passed the
verge of the cataract. So the Confederate craft has reached the brink of
destruction, and we may now look to see some frantic paddling in their
air. Or shall we liken it to Milton's bad angel, flying to his new
empire, but dropping into an unexpected "vast vacuity"?
"Fluttering his pennons vain, plumb down he drops
Ten thousand fathom deep, and to this hour
Down had been falling, had not by ill chance
This strong rebuff of some tumultuous cloud
Instinct with fire and nitre hurried him
As many miles aloft."
That "ill chance" has been averted by the last election; and no such
"tumultuous cloud" will gather again, to bear up the lost Anarch, if we
courageously act our part. The danger now is from our own weakness, not
from the enemy's strength.
A great and most important work still remains for us. It is not enough
to perform simply the external and obvious duties of the hour. What we
would insist on here is the internal and moral work to be done. Men have
never yet given full credit to the power of an idea. With faith, ye
shall remove mountains. A pebble of truth, in the hand of the
shepherd-boy of Israel, is mightier to prevail than the spear like a
weaver's beam. How long were the little band of Abolitionists despised!
But they were the cutwater of the national ship. With their
revolutionary idea, so opposed to the universal prejudice, they
succeeded at last in moving the entire country, just as one cog-wheel
set against another overcomes its resistance and puts the whole
machinery in motion. The rills of thought, shooting from the heights of
a few pure and lofty minds, have spread out into this sea of practical
Abolitionism which now covers the whole land,--although the sea may be
inclined to deny its source. May we, then, charge the pioneers of the
Anti-Slavery sentiment with having caused this war? In the same manner
we may regard the coming of Christ as being the cause of all the wars
and persecutions of Christianity.
If such is the force of earnest conviction, consider what we too may do.
We have gone to the polls and voted for the accomplishment of a certain
object: far more intelligently than at the beginning of the war, (for
few knew then what we were fighting for,) we have met the enemies of our
country, and defeated them at the ballot-box. But there is another and
no less important vote to be cast. The Twentieth Presidential Election
is not the last, even for this year. We are to continue casting our
ballots, every day, and day after day,--nay, year after year, if
necessary,--to the end. We have had political suffrage; but moral
suffrage is now called for. Here woman realizes her rights, so long
talked about, and so little understood; here, too, even the intelligent,
patriotic boy and girl can exert an influence. We know something of what
words can do; but how little we appreciate the power which is behind
words! By the wishes of your heart, by the aspirations of your soul, by
the energies of your mind and will, you form about you an atmosphere as
real as the air you breathe, although, like that, invisible. Not a
prayer is lost; not a throb of patriotish goes for nothing; never a wave
of impulse dies upon the ethereal deep in which we live and move and
have our being. Be filled with the truth as with life itself; let the
divine aura exhale from you wherever you move; and thus you may do more
to overcome the opposition to our cause than when you deposited your
ticket in the box. You may, perhaps, breathe the breath of life into the
nostrils of the coldest clay of conservatism you know: for true it is
that men not only catch manners, as they do diseases, one from another,
but that they catch unconscious inspiration also. Boswell, when absent
from London and his hero, acknowledged himself to be empty, vapid; and
he became somewhat only when "impregnated with the Johnsonian ether." So
the ether of your own earnest, fervent, patriotic character may
impregnate the spiritless and help to sustain the brave. Consider,
moreover, what an element may be thus generated by the combined hopes
and prayers of a whole loyal people! This is the atmosphere which is to
sustain the President and his advisers in their work: this, although we
may not know it, and although they may be unaware, is the vital breath
they need to give them wisdom and power equal to the great crisis; while
even the soldiers, in the far-off fields of conflict, shall feel the
agitations of this subtile fluid, this life-supporting oxygen, buoying
up their hopes, and wafting their banners on to victory.