CHAPTER VIII.

SPECIES.

We have now arrived at the limits of the task which we proposed to

attempt, and we hope, after what has gone before, that we shall be able

to arrive at some scientific conclusion.

After having endeavoured to establish in the introduction the route

we had to follow in anthropological studies, we gave an account of

the system of purely philosophic researches, putting every foreign

or prejudicial idea on one side, and, resting on facts and on

mathematical reasoning, we have endeavoured to apply these principles.

We endeavoured at first to prove that man was not a being as foreign

and superior to the rest of animal nature, as certain naturalists have

thought, taking themselves, the first from among men, as the point of

comparison. We have considered the inferior races, and we have shown

that between these and the first animals the distance was neither

absolute nor well-defined; that man came into the zoological series,

and that he only forms definitively a separate _family_. Changing our

direction, we abandoned this acquired knowledge, and we passed on to

the study of varieties among men; we found them profound, indeed, and

of every description.

Then came the study of the influences to which man may be subjected.

We saw that hybridity did not play any serious part in this, since it

could only weaken pre-existing differences. On the other hand, we have

acknowledged that _in the limits of time accessible to our knowledge_,

nothing justified the hypothesis, that climate had such an extensive

influence in changing man so as to make the differences which we may

observe between ancestors and descendants such as would suffice, in

any other zoological group, to characterise distinct species.

In regarding man as a separate kingdom, we are, by this fact, exempted

from applying the same rules as in zoology; but, by proving that he

comes into the zoological series, we have implicitly proved that he

must be submitted to the same laws. Science cannot have two different

modes of proceeding: it must follow the same paths in the same subjects

in order to arrive at comparable results. It is the only truly

philosophic road: nature is _one_, and the work of the modern sciences

is precisely to tend towards unity. The most diverse phenomena in the

hands of analysts compare and assimilate themselves to the rays of

a spirit of synthesis; magnetism, electricity, light, heat, motion,

everything is mingled and linked together so well, that we know not how

to make a distinction any more.

The pure and simple adoption of the law of organic unity brings us to

the following proposition:--

PROPOSITION.--_Either we must admit different species in the genus

Homo, or we must entirely reform zoological classification._

This last hypothesis will mean, then, that the works of Linnæus,

Cuvier, De Blainville, and the two Geoffroys, will be of no value, and

that we must commence anew the great work of classification upon the

same basis which we wish to adopt in anthropology. Of the two terms of

the preceding proposition, the second merits particular consideration.

Zoological classification has been created and established by the

greatest thinkers of which humanity can boast; even more, independent

by its nature from all religious influence, it has been freely done,

and without prejudice, as every scientific question ought to be, by

means of facts and reasoning. It has not always been so with the works

of those who desire that man should be an exception to universal

nature, and beyond the limits of the animal kingdom. Zoological

classification need not be reformed,--it is that of the genus _Homo_.

We touch now on the much discussed and controverted question of

species, and at the same time on the question of the origin of man. We

do not believe, as many eminent men have done, that this origin must

eternally be concealed, that man will never be permitted to tear the

veil from this statue of Isis. Let it suffice us to say that we are

about to enter on slippery ground, where we shall only find as few

resting places as the stones of a ford half destroyed by a torrent.

And since we shall only find here and there the fragile aid of one

hypothesis against so many others, in order to assist the consequents

of our reasonings, is it a reason for drawing back? We do not think so.

Every period of a science has its own tendency; at given moments the

efforts of all tend involuntarily towards one sole end,--one question

absorbs all, and all partial solutions tend to the same general

solution. At the present day, the great question in natural history

is that of species; inquiries are ardently pursued, and materials

are produced from every side,--opinions are mooted, and objections

raised. We have only to call attention on this point to the works of

Isidore Geoffroy, Morton, Nott, Godron, Broca,[285] Darwin, Fée, etc.

The question of spontaneous generation is but a phase of the same

discussion, an episode in the work of the birth of time.

Some people have made a sort of bugbear out of this word _spontaneous

generation_, or rather, _spontaneous genesis_.[286] And yet, here

is one of these truths to which, we think, we shall be led by the

observation of facts and by reasoning. The great harm of examining

into the question is to be strangely mistaken as to its bearing, and

inclined to restrict its limits. It has, in fact, been said, that

every day genital organs are discovered in beings whom it was thought

were reproduced spontaneously. This is a specious argument to which

Plutarch has long ago done justice. A person, whom he brings forward in

one of his books, asks, “Which had the first existence, the egg or the

hen?” and concludes that “it was evidently the hen.” Even in treating

lightly on this subject,--in making it a familiar conversation, the

Greek physician was, however, not mistaken about the importance of

the matter. “So that,” answers one of the guests, “with this little

question of the egg and the hen, we raise, as with a lever, the great

and dark question of the generation of the world.”[287]

That the animals which we know all reproduce by eggs, is possible,

although it has not been proved, but this is not an important point;

we want to know if all the animals which we are able to observe do not

remount necessarily, in a more or less direct manner, and at a more or

less distant period, to a spontaneous beginning.[288] The difficulty is

everywhere the same,--everywhere we arrive at that immense obscurity

which envelopes the origin of life on the surface of our planet; but it

is essential in every case not to give to the phenomenon of spontaneous

beginning any other signification than it ought to have. We must not

believe, for instance, that matter is formed by the agglomeration of

parts which do not yet live in a perfect being, having already all its

organs distributed and proportionate, uniting in one living whole. This

would be to cast ourselves on the field of an absolutely improbable

hypothesis. Histology teaches us that each animal, its instincts and

intellect included, is at a given moment merely a mass of amorphous

matter, which, at a later period, will form itself, or in the midst of

which will be _spontaneously_ developed an anatomical element, that

is to say, an organised body. To admit spontaneous genesis, then, is

simply to admit the formation of organic amorphous primitive matter

apart from an already living body, at the cost of and in the heart

of which can be born the initial anatomical element of one of these

animals, very properly called _protozoa_. We can even ask, whether

this latent primary life, this atomic life, has not always been the

ruling life on our planet.[289] And since, when account is taken of

everything, we are almost entirely ignorant of the conditions necessary

to the fecundity of any primitive embryo, excepting certain physical

conditions of temperature, liquidity, etc.; and as, on the other hand,

nothing authorises us to believe that the laws existing at the origin

of life on our planet have since been abrogated, we see that, if we

must necessarily conclude a spontaneous primitive genesis, there is

nothing irrational in admitting, until we know farther on the subject,

the persistence of the phenomenon.

Let us return to the subject of species, which, however, we did not

quite leave in speaking on the subject of spontaneous generation.

Isidore Geoffroy wishes to advance slowly in this matter, and only when

facts become patent to all. But he himself has more than once shown, by

a noble example, the benefits which science obtains by casting itself

beyond the limits of fact, provided that care is taken at first not to

give more than a simple hypothetical value to that which we may desire

to bring forward. In the question which occupies our attention, we must

embrace at one glance the whole animal kingdom since its commencement,

in order to deduce the truth of facts which have been observed; only

then these relations, for which science so ardently seeks, would appear

in their proper light. On account of this impossibility, we must

hope for some more enlightenment, chiefly from geology, and perhaps

from experiments. “How many facts would be necessary,” said Buffon,

“in order to pronounce authoritatively, or even to conjecture? How

many experiments are to be tried in order to discover these facts,

to acknowledge them, or even to anticipate them by well-founded

conjectures?”

Two opinions on the origin of species deserve to be noticed,--those

of Cuvier and Lamarck. This last held Buffon’s opinions at the end of

his career, and it ought to find in Étienne Geoffroy a defender even

more powerful in our eyes than Isidore Geoffroy himself; and especially

Darwin, to whom belongs the merit, however, of having propagated, in

his popular work, the ideas of Lamarck.

Cuvier’s theory seems to be still the dominant one; it is surrounded by

that scholastic _prestige_ which is explained by the word _classical_;

it is only fit for universities. Cuvier proclaimed the _immutability of

species_, and wished that at every revolution of the globe (the word

alone then made his fortune), a new _fauna_ might come ready made from

the hands of God, to animate the burning or icy lands of the old world.

But Cuvier, in proclaiming organic immutability, excepted mankind. We

must be allowed to doubt whether it was done with good faith. “Cuvier,

full of good taste regarding political propriety,” said a son of the

republic, his former master, now his adversary,--“Cuvier, filling his

mind with wise mental reservations concerning the future of society,

declared that it was not fitting that new discoveries, just dug from

the heart of the earth, should attack and oppose with hostile malignity

the venerated and ancient revelations of our holy books.”[290] This

remark, in which Étienne Geoffroy has concealed his anger and contempt

under a guise of perfect urbanity, will remain to the end, we are

convinced, as the judgment of posterity upon the naturalist statesman,

and upon that which they call in France at the present day _official

science_. Species was, then, a definite entity in Cuvier’s opinion,

and if he had been consistent, he would doubtless have become the

promoter of the idea which has been taken up by Agassiz,--that there

were several centres of creation on the surface of our planet after the

_last_ flood; in each of these centres would appear a special fauna,

and also one of the species constituting the genus _homo_.

These different species of men and these different fauna would since

have continued to occupy the same geographical areas with merely some

alteration. An absolute value is given to species in Cuvier’s theory,

as well as in that of Agassiz; it is unchangeable; it may disappear,

but cannot be modified, so that “each of them,” as Buffon said at the

commencement of his career, when he held the same views, “remains

always separated from the others by an interval which nature cannot

overstep.”[291]

Such has been, for a long time, the theory of the origin of species

which we have held, and which we maintained in the first edition

of this book. In fact, the solution which we now offer differs

considerably from that which we then gave. But there is evolution

rather than contradiction in going from one to the other. The

differences which separate mankind are not lessened, and have not

diminished in value in our eyes: we merely explain these differences in

another way. It cannot be called contradiction, or even inconsistency,

to change one’s manner of viewing things with the times; to regard

things otherwise which, as we said before, have no absolute basis; or

to change in five years one’s opinion concerning the origin of the

living beings on the surface of the globe.

In Buffon’s last opinion[292] species was not that definite entity in

which Cuvier believed, commencing at a given geological moment, in

order to terminate at another. Buffon says, in his latest works, that

the idea of species can only be seized upon by man at “this or that

instant of his age,”[293] and that it is merely the expression of the

ambient medium. Let this remain as before, it will not change; but when

the conditions of the medium become modified, _species_ will change. We

thus arrive at this definition:--

DEFINITION.--“_Species is a collection or group of individuals

characterised by a similarity of distinctive points; the transmission

of which is accomplished naturally, regularly, and indefinitely, in a

given order of things._”[294]

It is, in more scientific terms, the definition by Lamarck, “a

collection of similar individuals which generation perpetuates in

the same state, so that the circumstances of their situation do not

sufficiently alter so as to make their habits, their character, or

their form vary.”[295] Lamarck, to whom Isidore Geoffroy has rendered

greater justice than any one else before or after him,[296] admitted

the _unlimited variableness of species_. He admitted that we all

descend, just as we are, from an anatomical element, developed in a

determinate sense, and that we may have been worms, insects,[297]

birds, and mammals before becoming men, running through all the phases

through which animal organisation has passed during our uterine life.

We see that Lamarck approached frankly and resolutely the problem of

the origin of humanity.

In taking but superficially certain exaggerations into which Lamarck

fell, at a time less rich in facts than our own, it is not difficult

to give a certain grotesque turn to his ideas, and to laugh at them as

being unnatural; but we must not thus judge the work of a man’s whole

life, and we must appreciate Lamarck by the basis of his doctrine more

than by the examples he has given us: “a profound philosopher,” said

Étienne Geoffroy,[298] “able in laying down principles, less able in

the choice of his proofs.”

We must judge Lamarck as Isidore Geoffroy has done in his _Histoire

Naturelle Générale_, where we find a complete and impartial

chronological statement concerning the grave question of species.[299]

“Circumstances have an influence upon form and organisation,” such is

the fundamental principle of Lamarck’s doctrine;[300] he says the same

elsewhere:[301] “Circumstances determine positively what each body

may be;” and he concludes, “among living bodies, nature only shows

individuals who succeed one another. Species, amongst themselves, are

only _relative_, and are only temporarily so.”[302]

If from these general considerations we enter in detail into Lamarck’s

theory, we find room for the objections with which the opponents

of the system of variety are engrossed, with which they have made

those weapons of ridicule which act so well on minds which are not

forewarned, and who are ignorant of this master’s _whole system_ of

ideas. The grandeur of Lamarck’s views, the majestic simplicity of

his theory, ought to be sufficient to shield him from such attacks.

He saw at the beginning organic matter grouping itself under simple

forms. These first outlines, altered by time and circumstances, have

successively given birth to radiated creatures, to the inferior

molluscs, the articulate animals, then the lowest fishes, then man.

Here is a mistake, in our opinion; if there exists (until we know more)

an immense and impassable difference somewhere in the animal kingdom,

it is between the vertebrate and the invertebrate animals. Whilst the

first show an admirable unity of organic composition, the second do

not seem to have any at all, so that they do not admit of serial or

linear classification. Each of the groups which they form is united

by some particularity to all the other groups, and naturalists have

even been able to differ about what must be considered as the highest

round in the animal ladder. The organism of the invertebrata possesses

a flexibility and immense variety, which is almost a characteristic

special to these beings in which the nervous system ceases to present

the profound unity which we see in the vertebrata; whilst the entire

group has only a negative characteristic, _the want of vertebræ_, which

is sufficient alone to show how unnatural it is. As for the rest, the

vertebrate animal, even at the first moment of his embryo life, is

absolutely irreducible to any invertebrate type whatsoever, contrary

to Lamarck’s opinion. A vertebrate is to an invertebrate as two first

numbers are to one another; all the vertebrata, on the contrary, are

one to another as a simple number raised to different powers; they can

all be brought back to their origin, and both the most complicated and

the most elevated of the series are only the most simple ones arrived

at a state of considerable perfection.

A still weaker side of Lamarck’s theory is certainly the decided

influence which he attributes to the _actions_ and _habits_ of

organised beings, so as to modify them by their own means. The pedantic

caprice of his enemies has always hit on this point. “The habit of

exercising an organ,” he says, “makes it acquire developments and

dimensions which insensibly change it, so that in time it becomes very

different. On the contrary, the faulty continual exercise of an organ

impoverishes it gradually, and ends by destroying it.”[303] But it must

not be thought that Lamarck gave an _appreciable_ alteration to the

organ,--an alteration sufficiently rapid to be noticed by ourselves.

If some passages of his works make the reader think so, it is plain

that they are only the wanderings of a great mind, always weak on the

side of the ideas which he has created, and which he cherishes. Lamarck

knew very well that an _infinite time_ is the condition of unlimited

variability.[304]

Darwin is the direct successor of Lamarck, and, in our opinion, the

success of his book both in England and France is an index of the

progress which scientific ideas have made, since the days of Cuvier,

in the path of liberty and independence. Darwin, like Lamarck, admits

unlimited variety; he thinks that all animals must descend from four

or five primitive types, and plants from about an equal number; he

is almost disposed to admit but one primordial type for all organic

nature.[305]

Darwin, however, seems to us to have fallen into a grievous

exaggeration, or error of interpretation, formerly laid to Lamarck’s

charge, while he is at the same time defending an excellent cause.

Without speaking here of the relationship (forced, in our opinion)

which Darwin makes out between wild and domestic animals (of which we

have before spoken), the learned Englishman seems to have accorded too

much to individual action in the production of specific modification.

He sees a powerful activity, which he calls _natural selection_, where

we can only see absolute passiveness. We will explain what we mean:

in the midst of this vital concurrence, which he has in part so well

described,--in the midst of this immense struggle, where all which

has life on our planet is engaged in combat one against the other, or

against all, on this eternal field of battle, where the victors become

the victims, Darwin supposes that an animal brings into the world with

him, _by chance_, some psychological modification, or some anatomical

disposition, which is individually advantageous to him in the great

struggle for life; after this he will have a chance of being among the

victors, of uniting himself to another animal as happily endowed by

birth by having also conquered; they will together leave a numerous

posterity, and there is every chance that some of the descendants of

such a couple may inherit either the same instinctive disposition or

the same conformation; definitively, and by the repeated action of

this natural proceeding, a new variety can be formed, and may either

supplant the parent species or coexist with it.[306]

Such is, in a few words, the theory of natural selection. In our ideas,

there is here a false interpretation of facts; we do not believe in

this _chance_ of a native disposition, which thus transmits itself in

order to become in time a specific characteristic. We have shown,

while speaking of hybridity, that a native _individual_ disposition

ought always to disappear by the mere fact of its being individual;

it quickly disappears through cross-breeding at the tenth generation,

if not at the first, in the midst of a population which does not

possess it. We fully admit, like Lamarck, that species are formed from

one another by the appearance of organic modifications, more or less

decided; but we do not leave anything to chance in this phenomenon, as

Darwin does, and we can only see there the application of general laws.

It is not one or two animals, born with some special psychological or

anatomical disposition, who are destined to generalise themselves by

generation: it will be _all_ the individuals of the same species in a

certain radius, who will be born with a scarcely appreciable organic

modification, resulting, as far as we can tell, in an action of the

medium also nearly inappreciable by ourselves, but which long ago

will have made itself felt by the parents. The new variety will be

propagated quite naturally, since it is general, and can but increase

with each generation as long as the modifying cause continues to act.

Étienne Geoffroy had been the worthy successor of Lamarck, with

a larger and more philosophical mind. He never fell into his

exaggerations, nor into the restrictive applications of the system,

like Darwin. Let us see how Isidore Geoffroy[307] continues his

father’s theory: “Species is variable under the influence of the

ambient medium; differences, more or less considerable according to the

power of the modifying causes, may in time be produced, and the present

beings may be the descendants of the former being.” This doctrine is

our own also.

As to the idea of limited variety, propounded by Isidore Geoffroy,

we can only see in it an unfortunate restriction of his father’s

theory,--one of those errors into which even the most judicious minds

are liable to fall. Limited! Does he mean that there is a point where

these variations stop, and consequently a point where they have

commenced? Does he mean that some neighbouring animal species are

derived from a given prototype, similar to themselves, and without

any antecedents in the organic world? This is to return to Cuvier!

Limited! Does he mean that the modifications will not be considerable

in the present state of things, on account of this present state being

more or less modified? It comes to nothing directly we admit variety

as a consequence of the medium. Étienne Geoffroy was led by this kind

of idea, when, limiting his view to the short period of historical

time, and thinking he had discovered that our present climates do not

sensibly alter existing species,[308] he asked, “if there had not been

on the earth revolutions and disturbances of so vast a character that

their influence may not have been enormous; whilst in our days, changes

may have been according to the power of their effects, that is to say,

almost nothing.” And he explained everything by this convenient theory

of geological floods.

Before going farther, let us consider what we ought to think about

the disturbances of the terrestrial globe thus invoked by Étienne

Geoffroy. Now, to our mind, we have no authentic proof that the past of

our planet has really been marked by such frightful revolutions, and

geology does not make the tradition as clear as some have desired. We

think, although this is not the place to prove it, that if the changes

which have happened to the surface of the globe have been considerable,

they ought to be proportionally _weak_, resulting less from sudden and

powerful efforts than from those small and continuous actions[309] in

which nature puts forth its most formidable energies, but the progress

of which is not to be measured by the memory of man. In general, our

mind seizes but badly the notion of duration beyond certain limits. It

is not the same with the notion of force. Hence, the belief in floods.

In the presence of gigantic effects, the mind, in the appreciation of

the movers of this effect, has done what we have done every day in

mechanics. “It has changed mind into force.” It is certain that weak

but continuous forces (everywhere, however, the most powerful) have

been able to play a grander part in the history of our globe, than

these disturbances which we are in the habit of seeing everywhere.

We consider that there ought to be an entire revolution in the system

of geological research; it ought to commence at ancient times, and

come down to the present day, not _vice versâ_; we ought, in fact, to

substitute synthetic for analytical geology. After having carefully

noticed contemporaneous phenomena, we should doubtless be in time able

to read simply the trace of a feeble revolution in the geological

past, accomplished under the government of the same forces which are

daily preparing new lands, new elevations, new depressions, and a new

organic world on the surface of the globe, for the future. If it is

probable that the atmosphere has changed within certain limits, if

the nature of the waters has also been altered,--at least all these

geological phenomena, these abysses, chains of mountains, and submerged

continents, can only be the result of the forces now at work under our

own eyes,--the comparison of animals which formerly existed with those

which exist at the present day, shows, as we shall see farther on, that

the conditions of life have not sensibly changed on the surface of the

globe since the formation of the rocks subjacent to the metamorphous

rocks.

We deny that the earth is actually passing through a period of repose,

and we do not believe that it has ever formerly been more disturbed.

Since the age of the first vestiges of the organic life, which we find

in the most ancient rocks, we think that our planet has not ceased to

move in a calm and continuous march of existence; we think, in fact,

that geological phenomena of all sorts, which we hear of now-a-days,

are the exact history of the past, during which some volcanic phenomena

have also taken place, but in an entirely sporadic manner. “The day

is, perhaps, not very distant,” said M. Lartet, at the Institute,[310]

in 1858, “when it will be proposed to strike out the word ‘flood’

from the vocabulary of positive geology.” This day approaches still

nearer.[311]

Before mooting, in our turn, a theory about the vertebrate animal

kingdom (the only one which ought to occupy our attention) on the

surface of the globe, we simply ask, what is meant by Étienne Geoffroy

by the words _some considerable time_? This is a difficulty, we own,

and we have just said so. We wish that the thirty thousand years,[312]

the maximum time which we give to the farthest origin of man, should be

considered as being the age which separates us from the first organic

matter cast into the bosom of the waters, in the same proportion as the

radius of the earth is to the distance which separates our sun from the

most distant star of the most distant nebulous system which the best

telescope can observe. The extent alone of the heavens can give us an

idea of the extent of the past.

This being granted, let us see how we can represent the history of

organic development upon the earth in a few words, without hiding from

ourselves the immense obscurity which covers all origins. We are here

expressing merely a hypothesis. It will suffice us to see if this

hypothesis will agree in a satisfactory manner with the facts noticed

at the present day, on the surface and in the interior of the globe.

At the origin of the vertebrate world, since we are only examining

this, it seems rational to admit a primordial commencement, which

nothing prevents us from considering as a new and special combination

of organic matter, derived from the invertebrate world, which we may

believe to have formerly existed. In the heart of this _embryo_ will

have appeared, by spontaneous generation, the first organism connected

with the vertebrate type. This was, doubtless, a simple anatomical

element, like that which histologists see every day formed in certain

granular liquids.

We do not imagine that the origin of life can be otherwise represented;

for to admit, as Isidore Geoffroy has done in certain passages of his

works, that the will of a God peopled the earth suddenly with perfect

beings, fit for producing other beings like themselves, would be to

admit a miracle, and science teaches us at the present day what to

think of all divine interventions, either past or present.[313]

We defy anyone to get out of this alternative,--either that there

was an instantaneous and miraculous creation of a certain number of

perfect animals;[314] or that there was a successive evolution, which

is Lamarck’s idea, modified by the sense of the new knowledge which we

have at the present day, arising, on the one hand, from geology, and on

the other, from philosophical anatomy.

Let us return to this primordial anatomical element which we may

call _individual-element_. It virtually represents a vertebrate

animal just as the ovum detached from the ovary of the female

represents a man, who is only waiting for favourable circumstances

in order to develope himself. This individual-element, according

to our hypothesis, is at first simply reproduced; then, after some

considerable time, its descendants, will, little by little, in their

own sphere of activity, give birth to other elements in juxtaposition

to themselves, in this manner perfecting it and identifying it more and

more with the vertebrate type which it offers for our consideration.

After some considerable time vertebrates of as simple an organism

as mixinæ and lampreys will have thus appeared. Then, again, after

another considerable lapse of time--millions of centuries, rather

than thousands--these animals with elementary vertebra will have

successively produced, by transformation, all the vertebrata which

stock the globe at the present day.

We must here make an important remark. We have inferred by all which

precedes this, that the vertebrata of the present day and the fossil

vertebrata all descend from the same individual-element prototype,

whose existence we have admitted. In one word, we think that all

the vertebrata, both present and past, have the same genealogy, and

are all relations. That may doubtless be the case; but nothing will

make us admit that there once existed on our planet conditions fit

for the birth of this individual-element prototype, and that these

circumstances have never since been represented; so that the most

simple vertebrata of our time may very well descend from a less ancient

spontaneous genesis than the mammalia and man himself. Nothing hinders

such a supposition. It does not cost us any more to admit that one day

or other a simple organic element is formed, endowed with a life of

its own, and, even more, with a latent life, which it can, by means of

time and circumstances, diffuse around it; it does not cost us more to

admit this than to admit that similar elements have arisen at different

periods of time. This last supposition may even be regarded as so much

more probable, that we must renounce entirely, in order to explain

specific transformations, the influence of the geological revolutions

of which Étienne Geoffroy took so much account. We have seen higher up

that these were far from being proved; we can add, in support of our

assertion, a fact which we think has not been sufficiently remarked. If

these revolutions ever existed, we have a strong proof that they have

only very slightly altered the conditions of life on the surface of

the globe, at least since the ancient periods during which the first

alluvium was deposited; if we dredge some yards deep in the ocean,

the drag brings up terebratulæ and encrini; that is to say, animals

identical with those which we find in the most ancient alluvia. Is

it not remarkable that the lowest placed fossil in the stratigraphic

ladder of the beds of the terrestrial surface, the most ancient fossil

which we know, is precisely this same terebratula, which still lives

in our seas? What must we hence conclude? That there once existed on

the globe, at least to a certain extent, conditions of aquatic life

sensibly identical with those which exist at the present day.

Whether all the species of vertebrata descend from one original

spontaneous beginning, or from many successive ones, signifies very

little, since, in the second case, the primordial individual-elements

which have thus appeared at various times, would always show a great

analogy to one another.

Now, after all that we have said, this is how we may, in our opinion,

represent by a graphic figure the whole of the vertebrate kingdom,[315]

in the present and in the past. Let us image a conical figure: the

individual-element of which we have spoken will occupy its summit.

From this point a number of straight lines, few at first, will start,

branching off and always multiplying themselves with more or less

regularity, but so as to form an immense cone.[316]

Each of these straight lines would represent a _specific modification_,

accomplished after a certain number of generations under the combined

influence of the ambient medium and of some considerable time: in other

terms, each ramification would represent a species having once existed

or now existing on our planet. The length of each line would measure

the time which the species in question has existed. These lines would

never converge, because we do not believe in the creation of permanent

species by means of hybridity.

Now the mind must admit here all possible combinations; certain species

have disappeared without producing any others after them:--others exist

actually without our having any idea of one of the intermediary species

which have been allied to primitive species;--others have subsisted

slightly or not at all altered from the remotest antiquity up to our

own days, thus becoming through contemporaneous time the transformed

descendants of fossil species, of which they were also formerly the

contemporaries; it is even not impossible but that certain species

succeeding one another may have presented a retrograde evolution,

so that we must not always conclude that because one animal is only

inferior to another, it has therefore preceded it:--without going so

far as all this, the evolution of certain species may have presented

a long time of cessation whilst all others were progressing around

them, so that they appear to have retrograded. This is what has made

M. Michelet[317] say, “Nature has not progressed with a continuous

flow, but with retrograde movements, and stoppages, which allow her to

harmonise everything.” These times of repose in a specific evolution,

as well as the hypothesis of successive geneses which are already

admitted, explain how the stratified beds of the earth’s surface, in

showing from low to high what we may call more perfect organic means,

unveil at the same time to our eyes here and there a certain number of

species, inferior in organisation to those in the most ancient rocks.

As to explaining how a part of the ancient species has been able to

modify itself whilst another has remained stationary, we must admit

that all these influences of _medium_ have always been exclusively

local, so that all the coexisting vertebrata have never been able

to submit at once to its influence. We must understand by medium,

_the whole of the circumstances, past or present, which are able to

influence organism mediately or immediately in any manner whatsoever_.

The ancestors of an animal, as well as the sun which warms it, and the

parasites which devour it, make up a part of this medium.

But if it is easy to explain variety by the medium, it is a difficulty

against which the mind struggles. How can we explain ascending and

progressive variety? must we believe in some finality, an end settled

beforehand? We do not think so. Finality is a sort of divine prevision,

and the world as regards this hypothesis is still in tutelage; we

would rather believe in a creating intelligence. A simple example will

make our meaning understood. In the vegetable world this strikes us

forcibly:--the most simply formed plants are precisely those which

approach most nearly to animals by reason of their physiological

manifestations.[318] The plants which they call superior, by placing

them in an organographic point of view, are in reality inferior,

so that these plants are simple in reference to the dicotyledons

which have necessarily succeeded them, and there has been in reality

a retrograde march of life, instead of the ascending march of the

animal kingdom. Must we seek for the reason of this difference in the

presence of a nervous system? We think so. We then would admit that

organism would tend to modify itself by an inconscient act of the will,

analogous to those which rule most physiological actions; this would be

something like the possible increase or growth of the head by reason

of the influence of civilisation of which we have before spoken.[319]

And whilst all the specific varieties would result among plants from

the influence of the physical medium, we must add to the notion of this

medium, as regards animals, the nervous activity of the ancestors.

By the side of this creating influence we must recognise in the medium

a parallel destructive influence. Now, we can appreciate this every

day. The present tells us about the past; we cannot doubt but that

species formerly disappeared exactly as we see them still disappear

under our eyes by the manifestation of some new condition of the

medium; these may be sudden; volcanic phenomena, floods, extreme

variations of temperature, diseases, famines, enemies--all these

hypotheses are possible, and all equally reasonable: the _dodo_ has

disappeared some years ago, having been destroyed by the hand of

man; they say that the _apterix_ will soon disappear in the same

way, devoured by cats. But actions only moderately destructive were

doubtless otherwise very important, and we find here all the phenomena

which have been so well described, and so well explained by Darwin[320]

under the name of _vital competition_. By this we see, even since

the most ancient historic periods, that certain savage animals, like

the lion,[321] crocodile,[322] and hippopotamus,[323] retire before

mankind; that the black rat is disappearing in Europe to give place

to the field mouse, and that a race of savages disappears when their

country begins to be inhabited by a more civilised race, even when the

victors in this organic, as well as political, struggle, are not able

to reproach themselves with any cruelty.

Now, let us apply to man the theory of the origin of species which we

wish to be dominant, for there is no reason to think that man forms

any exception to the common rule. Before all things, we must remember

that human races cannot lend themselves to any classification in

natural series. It is also as impossible for the naturalist to point

out a race at the present day from which all the others are derived,

either parallelly or successively, as for the historian to discover

in the past any trace of a homogeneous humanity. If even such an

uniformity had ever existed, how would the remembrance of it have been

kept, for it is evident that this primitive form, constituting at the

beginning all the human genus, would be the same _inferior_ form, such

as the Negro or the Bosjesman, for instance, nature rising in general

from inferiority to perfection. This was for a long time Prichard’s

idea, and certain monogenists think the same at the present day. This

hypothesis, entering at its basis into the doctrine of evolution, has

nothing in itself which is startling; we can only say one thing against

it, and that is in its admitting as proved that filiation which would

connect one with the other all the groups composing in our times the

genus _homo_. For our part, we wish simply to extend the same manner

of viewing the matter, to generalise it, and to place it in relation

with this immense unknown which is behind us, and of which monogenists

do not take enough notice. We maintain that there has existed in the

night of time a certain species, less perfect than the most imperfect

man, remounting by a certain number of intermediary species, of whose

nature it is impossible for us at present to form any idea,--to

this primordial vertebrate animal which we admit. This species, a

rough outline of what man now is, gave birth, after a considerable

time, to many other species, whose parallel and unequal evolution,

following what we have said concerning animals, has at the present

day as contemporaneous (but not the last) illustration, the different

_species_ of men designated by the name of races. So that all humanity

would be in relationship, if the expression be allowed us, not in the

_serial sense_, as monogenists take it, but in the _collateral sense_,

and at a degree which we cannot determine; the prognathous races

probably less deviated from the former type, the others more separated

from this type, and more perfect.

It may be seen, and we are bound to make the remark, that we no more

pretend to make man a descendant of the ape, than a white man a

descendant of a Negro; but it is not impossible, in our opinion, that

species of men, as well as the great apes whose relationship hurts our

vanity so much, may remount infinitely far in the past to an unknown

single species, whose descendants, submitted to multiplied influences,

might be modified in different ways by reason of these different

influences.

We admit, then, that species is an instant of a constant evolution;

that it does not exist by itself; and that it is only an appreciation

of our senses, localised by time. In our opinion, if species is fixed,

it is fixed after the manner of the sun. That is to say, that we cannot

perceive any movement in it beyond the merest trifle.

It requires thousands of years to discover either solar displacement or

specific alteration. This is what makes the determination of species so

difficult; some of which may be considered as in progress of formation

in reference to others. The difficulty is the same with mankind as it

is with animals. We would not dare to contradict, for instance, the

opinions of those who see in the Hindú, German, and Celtic population

three species in course of formation, all three being probably derived

from a species anterior to that which history endeavours at the present

day to name; that Aryan race of which such a noble picture is made,

and which we believe to be primitive because it is in the horizon of

history, just as the ancients saw in the ocean the limits of the world.

In a short time, perhaps, some discovery in a poor Asiatic field will

take away from the Aryas the characteristic nobility and intelligence

which we give to them with so much satisfaction. It belongs to human

palæontology alone to enlighten us upon the origin of the _present_

human types; it alone can lead us in a sure path towards the great

problem of their origin.

But both geology, and palæontology which depends on it, have the

singular destiny of showing at one and the same time both great

certainties and insoluble doubts. The stratification of rocks, for

example, gives us very clearly the notion of the succession of

these rocks with regard to one another. But it leaves us in absolute

ignorance of all which has passed between the deposit of one stratum

and the deposit of that which we meet with above it; in this unknown

time all may take place, ten series of rocks may have been placed upon

it, and then have been so well mingled together that we cannot discover

their individual trace. Who will tell us about the continents engulphed

by the sea; has it not already ground up under its waves those

memorials of ancient days, which would be so useful to us as a means of

reconstructing the history of man? Geology is a gigantic inscription

lacerated for ever: each age will decipher some fragment, but we shall

never be able to read it in its perfect state.

Besides its great advantages, palæontological inquiry has its great

inconveniences. Its advantages are the studying of animal forms

which are fixed for ever, and not seeing the field of such studies

continually increasing on our view. The limit of its inquiries is the

origin of the alluvium; all the facts which we are thereby called

upon to study are within this boundary. Palæontology alone, among the

sciences of the present day, knows the extent of its domain.

But palæontology, proceeding step by step, by blows of the pickaxe in

an otherwise inaccessible mass, is composed of two orders of facts,

which must be distinguished one from the other, resting either on

affirmative evidence (the existence of organic remains in a rock) or

on negative evidence (the absence of organic remains in a rock). Human

palæontology itself has its own inconveniences. A bone or a skull of

a man are things which are well known; they have not that strange

appearance in the eyes of the crowd which makes them take ammonites

for petrified serpents, hamites[324] for leeches, radiated animals for

stars; when we dig up some singular bone, some carapace of a lizard, a

fish, or of some unknown animal, we pick it up, and take great care of

it. But if it is a man’s head, it is generally replaced religiously in

the earth, and these remains are for ever lost to the scientific world.

There result from all this two sorts of ideas in palæontology, the one

positive, the other negative: it is true, however, that the latter

diminish continually the profit we obtain from the former, and it is

important to remember that this negative evidence is the only basis

upon which rests the hypothesis that man is so new to our globe as some

imagine. Every moment we may expect to see the interior of the earth

prove the contrary. Instead of discoveries following one another, and

being linked together as in other sciences, forming a whole which hangs

together by itself, palæontology goes on from hand to mouth, as it

were, at the caprice of whatever may happen, without knowing the wonder

which is about to be revealed, perhaps at a few steps from a path which

millions of men have passed by.

It is very true that the human bones which have hitherto been found

in the ground in caverns seem to proceed from a form but slightly

different from our own; but all this is very recent, relatively to this

_considerable time_ of which we have before spoken. Who can say but

that we may find very soon a skull which must be classed, whether one

will or not, between the anthropomorphous apes and man?

Étienne Geoffroy, led by the logical nature of his ideas, naturally

admitted this intermediary form, anterior to our own; but seeing the

mammalia of the last geological ages generally larger than those

which are contemporary with ourselves, he concluded besides that our

immediate ancestors were giants, and that we have degenerated, like the

descendants of the bears and hyenas found in caverns.[325] Nothing has

appeared in order to justify this hypothesis, and everything seems to

show that since that epoch the height of the genus _homo_ has not much

altered, whilst the size of the different genera of ferines, ruminants,

and pachyderms has positively varied.

_Recapitulation._ Since we have found that man is comparable in all

points to animals, we ought to seek for him and for them a common

origin, and the difficulty of admitting an initial miracle has led us

to the idea of _evolution_. If in the science of observation it is

permitted to refer to general ideas, assuredly it is so in this case;

philosophy commences where science ends, and it belongs to it to give

us an explanation of the matter; but we must wait for the future for a

true positive solution of the problem, perhaps from advanced geology,

perhaps from experiments. The genius of man has no bounds, who can say

to what it may reach? who knows whether, like a new Prometheus,[326]

a creator in his turn, he may not one day breathe life into some new

species, which will suddenly appear from his laboratories?

The plurality of the human race · 第 8 / 10 章