CHAPTER XVII.

THE HEIR OF SOLOMON'S GODHEAD.

The anger of Jahveh against Solomon (1 Kings xi.) is, of course, the

outcome of late theological explanations of how the ancient and much

idealised kingdom could have been divided after divine promises of its

protection. The interview with Solomon is a sort of dramatization,

in which the anachronism of making Jahveh a historic contemporary

of the Wise King represents the fact that when the tribal deity was

evolved it was in antagonism to a Solomon who, though his body had long

mouldered, was still "marching on." That Solomon had to contend with

the hard and fanatical elements afterwards consolidated in Jahvism is

pretty clear, and we may see in him a primitive Akbar. A century after

Akbar's death the Rajah of Joudpoor said to the emperor Aurungzebe:

"Your ancestor Akbar, whose throne is now in heaven, conducted the

affairs of his empire in equity and security for the period of fifty

years. He preserved every tribe of men in repose and happiness, whether

they were followers of Jesus or of Moses, of Brahma or Mohammed. Of

whatever sect or creed they might be, they all equally enjoyed his

countenance and favour, insomuch that his people, in gratitude for

the indiscriminate protection which he afforded them, distinguished

him by the appellation of The Guardian of Mankind." Moslem fanaticism

could not tolerate such toleration, and Akbar's reign was followed

by conflicts very similar to those which followed Solomon's reign,

leading to the Mogul empire, but ultimately to the reign of an "Empress

of India," under whom we now see the same toleration of all religions

which prevailed in the fifty years of Akbar.

The Moslem saw in Akbar's liberality and toleration the supreme

offence of putting other gods--Jesus, Brahma, Ahuramazda--beside

Allah. The Jahvist saw retrospectively in Solomon's liberality the

putting of Moloch, Ashera, and other gods beside Jahveh. It was

therefore recorded that Jahveh determined to rend all the tribes

save one from Solomon's son (a vaticinium ex evento). But that one

was enough to preserve the Solomon cult.

Anankê oude Theoi machontai. This Necessity, which the Greeks saw

working above all the gods, is man himself, and worked also above Jah

and Jahvism, nay, by means of them. Gradually they seemed to prevail

over Solomonism. The Proverbs and Solomonic Psalms were transfused with

Jahvism, but by this process the heavenly and the terrestrial kings

were confused, and the idea of a human heir to the throne of Jahveh

was conceived. As when, in our own era, Islam swallowed Zoroaster,

with the result of bringing forth the great literary age of Persia,

with Parsaism rationalized under a transparent veil of Moslem phrase

and fable, so anciently arose the Hebrew Faizis and Saadis and Omar

Khayyáms. Of these was the Isaiah who, with pigments of the Solomonic

sunset, painted the sunrise of a new day, and a new earth-born God.

"Unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given, and the

government shall rest on his shoulder; and his name shall be

called Counsellor of Wonders, God-hero, Father of Spoil, Prince of

Peace. Enlarged shall be dominion, and without cessation of peace,

on the throne of David, and throughout his kingdom, to establish

it and uphold it by justice and righteousness from henceforth

and forever."

Every title, every tint, in this gorgeous vision is taken from the

nuptial song for Solomon (Ps. xlv.) and Solomon's Psalm (lxxii.) The

"delightsomeness poured over (Solomon's) lips" (Ps. xlv. 2) makes

the Counsellor of Wonders; his deification (verses 6, 7) makes the

God-hero; the tributes of Tarshish, and Sheba make him father of

spoil (Ps. lxxii.); his "mildness" (Ps. xlv. 4) his abundant "peace"

(Ps. lxxii. 3, 7) make the Prince of Peace; and the rest is a general

refrain for both of the Psalms.

Psalm xlv. opens with the words, "My verse concerns the King," and

there is a fair consensus of the learned that the king is Solomon. It

has been found impossible to fix upon any other monarch to whom the

eulogia would be applicable, and the resemblance of the theme to the

Song of Solomon proves that at an early period writers connected the

Psalm with Solomon and one of his espousals.

In quoting Professor Newman's translation of this Psalm (ante II)

I alluded to my slight alterations. These are few and verbal, but

momentous, and were not made without consultation of many critical

authorities and versions. Professor Newman was unable to believe

that the poet really meant to address Solomon as God, and in verse

6 translates "Thy throne divine," in verse 7, "Therefore hath God,

thy God, etc." Others, with similar theistic bias, have shrunk from

what, according to the balance of critical interpretation, is the

clear sense of the original:

"Thy throne, O God, ever and always stands;

A righteous sceptre is thy royal sceptre:

Thou lovest right and hatest evil;

Therefore, O God, hath thy God anointed thee

With oil of joy above thy fellow-kings."

When these verses were written--and verse 11, where after Adonai

the Vulgate has Elohim, "He is thy Lord God, worship thou him"--the

rigid Jewish monotheism did not exist; and the apostrophe might have

continued without special notice had not the psalm been included in

the Jewish hymnology and thus given the solemnity and consecration

ascribed by Jahvism to its canonical Book of Psalms. But ultimately

it made a tremendous and even revolutionary impression; and that the

verses were interpreted as bestowing the divine name on Solomon, by

those most jealous of that name, is proved, I think, by the following

considerations:

1. Isaiah, in his vision quoted above (Is. ix.) combines the

phraseology of Ps. xlv. with that of Ps. lxxii. (which bears Solomon's

name as its author), and ascribes to a new-born child the title

"God-hero."

2. The recently discovered original of a fragment of Ecclesiasticus

includes the passage about Solomon in xlvii., and it is said in

verse 18: "Thou (Solomon) wast called by the glorious name which

is called over Israel." This seems to be a plain reference to the

ascriptions in Ps. xlv., where alone the divine name is applied to

any individual mortal. Ecclesiasticus was compiled early in the second

century before our era, and on the basis of much earlier compilations,

as its prologue states.

3. In the "Wisdom of Solomon" the monarch is represented as a mortal

who by the divine gift of supernatural Wisdom had gained immortality;

he had become privy to the mysteries of God, was his Beloved, his

Son. This was written about the first year of our era.

4. The writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews translates the Psalm

xlv. as it is translated above, interpreting the words of deification

as meant for the Firstborn of God at his ancient appearance on earth

(i. 6), and applicable to his reappearance as Christ; arguing from

such language of deification the superiority of the Son of God over

the angels, who were never so addressed.

A court poet addresses a princely bridegroom as Elohim, as a god--as

it were, an Apollo. Had more songs of like antiquity by poets of his

race been preserved, no doubt other instances of such rhapsody might

be found, but it happens that this is the only instance in Hebrew

literature where an individual man is clearly addressed as God (for

Exod. vii. 1 and 1 Sam. xxviii. 13 are not really exceptions). As in

the Psalm that is the only instance in which an individual man is,

in the Old Testament, addressed as God, so is its application in the

Epistle to the Hebrews the only indisputable instance in which an

individual is addressed as God in the New Testament.

"Thy throne, O God." Fateful words! The word of God, says this Epistle,

is sharper than any two-edged sword, but its writer himself unwittingly

unsheathed from a courtier's compliment just such a sword. One edge

has slaughtered innumerable Jews, Moslems, Arians, Socinians, mingling

their blood with that of the humane Jesus himself on the sacrificial

altar he tried so hard to exchange for mercifulness. The other edge

turned against the moral heart of Jesus himself, lowering the tone of

all narratives and utterances ascribed to him after his connection

with Jahveh, and consequently lowering all Christendom under its

dishonourable burden of accommodating human veracity and kindness to

the bad heavenly manners that were acquired by the deified Christ. For

there was no other God to adopt him but a particularly rude one.

Theological scholars who have compared the Epistle to the Hebrews

with the Epistles of Paul have dwelt on the theological differences,

but the moral differences are greater. In the Epistle to the Hebrews

the emphasis is laid on the service of Jesus to mankind: it is this

that makes him, as it made Solomon, worthy of worship as a God,

and the ancient God with his sacrifices is virtually represented as

transforming himself and his government to the measure of Jesus. Jesus

is complete and perfect man, no part or power of his divine nature

accompanying him on earth. But we see in Philippians ii. 7, and other

passages, the primitive idea fading away, and Jesus pictured as a

divine being in the mere semblance and disguise of a man, no real man

at all; a theory which prevails in the story of the transfiguration,

where the disguise is for a moment thrown aside. The earlier idea of

his genuine humanity was still strong enough to prevent any stories

of miracles wrought by Jesus from arising, the resurrection being a

miracle wrought by God after the work of Jesus was "finished," as he

is said to have proclaimed from the stake. But legends of miracles

became inevitable after the theory of his disguise was diffused,

and also stories of the vituperation, anathemas, and attitudinizings,

which are so offensive in a man, but so characteristic of the whole

history of Jahveh, with whom he was gradually identified. A gentleman

does not call his opponents vipers and consign them to hell, but

Jahveh is not under any such obligations. And, alas, disregard of

the humanities did not, as we have seen, stop there even in Paul's

time. In the further development, that of Jesus the magician, the

personal character of Jesus was sadly sacrificed, and it is only

due to the superstition that prevents the New Testament narratives

from being read in a common sense way that people generally are not

shocked by some of the representations.

When the second Solomon was born in Bethlehem, as the Gospel carols

tell, Wise Men came to worship him, but Jahveh had already fixed

his own star above the cradle, and his angels contended for the

great man, as for centuries the wisdom of the first Solomon had been

jahvized. It was, however, the opinion of some ancient commentators

that the cry of the angels, "Glory to God in the highest" meant that

the birth of Jesus was to operate in the heavenly heights, and work

changes there also. One may indeed dream of a deity longing for a human

love,--grieving at being through ages an object of fear, personified as

Wrath,--rejoicing in the birth of any new interpreter who should free

him from the despot glory, "I create evil," and reconcile the human

heart to him as eternal love--love ever burdened with the griefs of

humanity, ever seeking to be born of woman, and to struggle against the

dark and evil forces of nature. So one may dream, and it is a pathetic

fact that the contention between humanity and heaven for the new-born

Saviour is traceable in varying versions of the Angels' song. While

half of Christendom sing "On earth peace, good will toward men," the

other half sing, "On earth peace to men of good will." Our Revisers

find the balance of authorities on the side of authority, and translate

Glory to God in the highest,

And on earth peace among men in whom he is well pleased.

Although the "higher criticism" appears to treat with a certain

contempt the birth-legends and carols in Matthew and Luke, and

the genealogies, beyond the letter of these is visible more of the

vanishing Jesus "after the flesh," the real and great man, than of

the risen Christ in whom his humanity was lost. The "shepherd of my

people," he who is to absolve them from their nightmare "sins," make

crooked ways straight, rough places smooth, and free them from fear,

is remembered in these rhapsodies of the Infancy, in the terrors of

Herod, and gifts of the Wise. They have a certain evolution in the

benevolent teachings and healing miracles of the Synoptics, easily

discriminated from the competing Jahveh-Christ. (Think of a teacher

urging his friends to forgive offenders seventy times seven and then

promising them a "Comforter" who will never forgive the slightest

offence, though merely verbal, either in this world or in the next!)

The extent to which the man was lowered and lost in the risen Lord is

especially revealed in the fourth Gospel. Except for the story of the

woman taken in adultery, admittedly interpolated from another Gospel,

the fourth Gospel may be regarded as perhaps the only book in the

Bible without recognition of humanity. "I pray not for the world,

but for those whom thou hast given me," is the keynote. In this work

there is no text for the reformer and the philanthropist, unless

perhaps the retreat of Jesus from a prospect of being made king. What

inferences of benevolence might be made even from the miracles related

have to be strained through the arrogance, self-aggrandizement,

attitudinizing, as of a showman, with which they are wrought. [48] A

rudeness to his mother precedes the turning of water to wine (ii. 4);

the nobleman's son is healed because the aristocrat will not believe

without a miracle (iv. 48); the infirm man at Bethesda is healed only

after a sham question, "Wouldest thou be made whole?" and threatened

afterwards (v. 6, 14); feeding the multitude is attended with another

sham question (vi. 5), and a parade of the fragments (13); the man

born blind is declared to have been so born solely for the sign and

wonder manifested in his cure (ix. 3).

But the supremacy of a new Jahveh over all moral obligations and all

truthfulness is especially displayed in the resurrection of Lazarus

(xi.). Here Jesus is represented as staying away from the sick man, in

order that he may die; he affects to believe Lazarus is only asleep,

but finding his disciples pleased with the prospect of recovery, in

which case there would be no miracle, he becomes frank (parrhêsia)

and assures them Lazarus is dead; he tells his disciples privately he

is glad Lazarus is dead; he tells Martha, when she comes out to him

alone, that her brother shall rise; but when her sister Mary comes out,

accompanied by her Jewish consolers, Jesus breaks out into vehement

groans and lamentations, lashing himself (etaraxen eauton) into this

sham grief over a man at whose death he has connived and who would

presently be alive! Even in his prayer over Lazarus the pretence is

kept up, and his Father is informed, in an aside, "I know that thou

hearest me always, but because of the multitude around I said it,

that they may believe that thou didst send me." Thus does the fourth

Gospel sink Jesus morally into the grave of Lazarus, leaving in his

place an embodiment of the Jahveh who had lying spirits to send out

into his prophets on occasion.

The resurrection of Lazarus is a transparent fabrication out of

the parable of the rich man and Lazarus. Abraham's words to the rich

man,--"neither will they be persuaded if one rose from the dead,"--were

not adapted to a faith built on a resurrection, so that parable is

suppressed in the fourth Gospel. The resurrection of a supernatural

man is not quite sufficient for people not supernatural. Those who

had been looking for a returning Christ had died, just like the

unbelievers. There was a tremendous necessity for an example of the

resurrection of an ordinary man. Shocking as are the immoral details

of the story, there is audible in it the pathetic cry of the suffering

human heart, and the demand that must be met by any Gospel claiming

the faith of humanity. "Lord, if thou hadst been here my brother had

not died!" Through what ages has that declaration, not to be denied,

ascended to cold and cruel skies? It is found in the Vedas, in Job,

in the Psalms. If there is a Heart up there why are we tortured? To the

many apologies and explanations and pretences which imperilled systems

had given, Christianity had to support itself by something more than

Egyptian dreams and Platonic speculations. A dead man must arise;

it must be done dramatically, amid domestic grief and neighbourly

sympathy; it must be done doctrinally, with funeral sermon turned to

rejoicings. And this was all done in the story of Lazarus in such a way

that it might surround every grave with illusions for centuries. For

who, while tears are falling, will pause to handle the wreaths, and

find whether they are genuine? Who, while the service is proceeding,

will analyze the details, and ask whether it is possible that the good

Jesus could have practiced such deception and assumed such theatrical

attitudes? [49]

The indifference of the fourth Gospel to such moral considerations as

those found in the Synoptics is so apostolic that I am inclined

to place much of it nearer to the first century than I once

supposed. Paul's rage against the "wisdom of this world," and his

fulminations against the learned because they are not "called,"

are fully adopted by the Johannine Christ, who says to the blind man

whose eyes he had opened, and who was worshipping him: "For judgment

came I into this world, that they that see not may see, and they that

see may become blind." And these ideas are represented in a legend

related in the book of Acts which is really allegorical, though our

translators have manipulated it into serious history.

A persecutor of Christians, on whom the spirit "came mightily," as

on King Saul, so that he was a new "Saul among the prophets," sought

to convert to his new faith a Roman Proconsul, Sergius Paul. But

with this Consul was a learned man of the Jewish Wisdom School,

Bar-Jesus Elymas,--i. e., Dr. Anti-Jesus Wise Man. Like Michael and

Satan contending for the body of Moses, Prophet Saul and Anti-Jesus

Wise Man contended for the Roman Paul's soul. Prophet Saul prevailed

by calling Anti-Jesus Wise Man a child of the devil, and striking

him blind. Thereupon Consul Paul believed, being "astonished at the

teaching of the Lord." Whereupon Prophet Saul triumphantly carries

off the Roman's name as a trophy. [50]

Beginning in this conclusive way, by striking human Wisdom sightless

("that they that see may become blind," John ix. 39), the Anti-Wisdom

propaganda, which began with identifying Wisdom with the serpent

in Eden, passed on to inspire the Church Fathers who gloated over

the eternal tortures of the poets and philosophers of Greece and

Rome. Alas for the philosophers not in their graves, but in their

cradles, or in the womb of the future! For torments are nearest

"eternal" when they begin at once on earth.

One may readily understand how it was that personal traditions of Jesus

and his teachings remained unwritten until his contemporaries were

dead (although this may not have been the case with the suppressed

"Gospel according to the Hebrews"); the hourly expected return of

Christ rendered such memoirs unimportant until it became clear that

the expectation was erroneous. The age of John, of whom Jesus was

rumoured to have predicted survival till his return (John xxi. 22),

was stretched out to a mythical extent; he became an undying sleeper

at Ephesus, and finally a pious "Wandering Jew"; but when at length

such fables lost their strength, some imaginative impersonator brought

forth an apocalyptic bequest of John postponing the second advent

a thousand years. The conventicles had thus no resource but to turn

into orthodoxy the heresy of Hymenoeus and Alexander, for which Paul

delivered them over to Satan, that the resurrection occurs at death;

to collect the traditional sayings of Jesus; and to adapt these to the

new situation. A thousand years later, when the expected catastrophe

did not occur, the substantial churches and cathedrals were built,

as the Gospels had been built after the first-century disappointment.

These Gospels contain things from which some of the real teachings

of the wise man of Nazareth may be fairly conjectured. That the

synoptical records are palimpsests, though denied by the prudent, is

a truth felt by the unsophisticated who, in their use of such words

as "Christian" and "a Christian spirit," quite ignore the fearful

anathemas and damnatory language ascribed to Jesus.

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