CHAPTER XIV.

SOLOMON MELCHIZEDEK.

It is possible that the genealogies of Jesus started from no other

basis than Hebrews vii. 14: "It is clear beforehand that our Lord

hath arisen out of Judah." [35] Yet nothing could be more subversive

of the Epistle than a claim of any hereditary authority or advantage

for Jesus.

The author of the Epistle, if he ever heard the phrase "Son of David,"

avoided it, for David is here in the background, and in a quotation

from one of his Psalms his name is passed over, with the vague words,

"one hath testified somewhere, saying," etc. It is an essential part

of the writer's argument that Christ is "without genealogy" of that

kind. To some it was no doubt grateful to be told that Jesus was not

of the priestly tribe, not of that "apostolic succession," so to say;

but it was more important to convince the conservative that their

sacred history sanctioned faith in a high priest approved as such not

by carnal descent, but by his sinlessness and by his resurrection. But

it was not agreeable to any Jewish party to suppose that the new

dominion was to be altogether in the heavens, or detached from the

Solomonic Golden Age for whose return they were hoping. The writer

therefore connects Jesus with a "first-born" forerunner, namely, with

Melchizedek, concerning whom he "has many things to say, and hard

of interpretation." So Christian commentators have to this day found

what he does say, and Melchizedek is not surrounded by any dogmatic

fence that can turn a new hypothesis into a trespass.

The Epistle applies to Jesus lines from Psalm cx.:

Thou art a priest for ever,

After the order of Melchizedek.

But in this anonymous Psalm there is reason to believe that Melchizedek

is not a proper name at all. It is admittedly a combination of

malki'-tzedek, "king of justice," and in the Jewish Family Bible

(Deusch) the above lines are translated, "Thou art my priest for ever,

my king in righteousness, by my word." The Septuagint, regularly

followed by the Epistle to the Hebrews, has Melchizedek in this Psalm

cx., which was also messianized by the LXX. in its very first line,

"The Lord said unto my Lord," Kyrios being the word for Lord in

both cases, whereas in the original the words are different ("Jahveh

declared to my Adonai"). And it is notable that Matthew xxii. whose

Hebraic character is so marked, and Mark xii., both make Jesus follow

the Septuagint in quoting these words.

In both of these Gospels the incident is evidently, in Mark clumsily,

interpolated, and it would appear to have belonged to some legend

of the Infancy, such as that of the Arabic Gospel of the Infancy,

where it occurs naturally:

"And when he was twelve years old they took him to Jerusalem

to the feast. But when the feast was over they indeed returned,

but the Lord Jesus remained in the temple among the doctors and

elders and learned men of Jerusalem, and he asked them sundry

questions about the sciences and they answered him in turn. Now

he said to them, Whose son is Messiah? They answered him, The son

of David. Wherefore, then, said he, Doth he in spirit call him

Lord, when he saith the Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou on my

right hand, that I may bring down thy enemies to the footprints

of thy feet?"

It is probable that this anecdote had floated down from an early

period when the notion of a royal descent of Jesus had not arisen.

Obviously a tremendous question arises here as to how a story should

be found in Genesis xiv. about Melchizedek, which as a proper name

really occurs nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible, [36] and the mystery

is increased by the absence of any allusion to such a personage

in Jesus Ben Sira's enumeration of "famous men" (Ecclus. xliv.),

or elsewhere. It almost looks as if Jesus Ben Sira had not read, or

else had cancelled as spurious, the strange passage in Genesis--which

is as follows:

"And Melchizedek, King of Salem, brought forth bread and wine;

and he was priest of El-Elyôn. And he blessed him and said,

Blessed be Abram of El-Elyôn, purchaser of heaven and earth;

and blessed be El-Elyôn, which hath delivered thine enemies into

thy hand. And he (Abram) gave him a tenth of all."

Professor Max Müller, in his third lecture on the "Science of

Religion," gives some useful information concerning this peculiar

name, "El-Elyôn," after consulting his contemporaries at Oxford and

in Germany:

"One of the oldest names of the deity among the ancestors of the

Semitic nations was El. It meant Strong. It occurs in the Babylonian

inscriptions as Ilu, God, and in the very name of Bab-il, the gate

or temple of Il.... The same El was worshipped at Byblus by the

Phoenicians, and he was called there the Son of Heaven and Earth. His

father was the son of Eliun, the most high God, who had been killed

by wild animals. The Son of Eliun, who succeeded him, was dethroned,

and at last slain by his own son, El, whom Philo identifies with the

Greek Kronos, and represents as the presiding deity of the planet

Saturn.... Elyôn, which, in Hebrew, means the Highest is used in the

Old Testament as a predicate of God.... It occurs in the Phoenician

cosmogony as Eliun, the highest God, the Father of Heaven, who was

the father of El."

According to Sanchunvaton (Euseb. Proep. i. 10) the Phoenicians called

God Elioun.

The combination El Elyôn occurs in but two chapters in the

Bible,--Genesis xiv. and Psalm lxxviii. (The Revisers translate it

in Genesis, "God Most High," but in the Psalm (verse 35), "Most High

God.") That the name was imported from the earlier into the later

chapter is suggested by a similar association of each with the idea of

purchase or redemption: "God Most High, purchaser of heaven and earth"

(Genesis), "God Most High, their redeemer" (Psalm). But which is the

earlier? Probably the Psalm; for it is a long résumé of the traditional

history of Israel, but contains no allusion to Abraham. Had its unique

name, "El Elyôn," been derived from any such traditional source surely

some mention of Abraham would have been made.

The Psalm is Elohistic. Possibly the Phoenician name for God, Elioun,

was used in order to set "El" above it. Or it may be that as Solomon

had been declared "Elyôn of Kings" (Psalm lxxxix. 27) it was important

to recall that he at the same time said, "My Elohim," and to place "El"

before his title. This conjecture is warranted by the fact that in

both of the Psalms, and in the corresponding passages, God is spoken

of as a "Rock." There are other resemblances between the two Psalms,

one very striking:

Psalm lxxviii. 70--"He chose David also, his servant, and took him

from the sheepfolds."

Psalm lxxxix. 19, 20--"I have raised one elected out of the people;

I have discovered David, my servant."

The Psalm in which the Septuagint personalises malki'-tzedek (cx.) into

"Melchizedek" is a fragmentary little piece, with two incomprehensible

verses at the end which seem to allude to some legend or folklore

now lost. These verses (6 and 7) are incongruous with the preceding

ones and must be detached, and perhaps verse 5 also, as this seems an

anti-climax. These closing verses look as if they may have been added

by some admirer of Joshua's slaughter of kings, and it is probable

that the legend of Joshua's making his captains tread on the necks

of the five kings (Joshua x.) was developed out of the opening verse

of this Psalm:

"Jahveh said to my lord [Adonai], Sit thou at my right hand,

Until I make thine enemies thy footstool."

The leader of these kings was Adonai-Zedek, who, like Melchizedek, was

King of Jerusalem; they are certainly mythical relatives, their names

meaning "Lord of Justice" and "King of Justice." It is philologically

impossible that any persons with those proper names could have existed

in Jerusalem before the invasion of the Hebrews. And "Adonai-bezek,"

the "radiant lord," whose thumbs and toes Joshua cut off when he

captured Jerusalem, is a transparent variant of Adonai-zedek.

When the city, originally named Jebus, began to be called Salem (see

Psalm lxxvi. 2), the aboriginal people who continued to dwell there

might naturally dream of their ancient kings, as the Welch and Bretons

so long did of Arthur, "flower of kings," and perhaps similarly expect

their return to restore their ancient freedom; and it may have become

a useful political device to find beyond the ugly legends of Joshua's

cruelty to their "just" and "shining" lords a prettier one, made out

of an old song, of an earlier "King of Justice," whose bread and wine

Abraham had eaten, to whom he had paid tithes, whose deity, El Elyôn,

the father of Israel had recognized as his own, and with whom he had

made a treaty of salem, or peace,--Jebus thus becoming Jebus-Salem

(Jerusalem).

Josephus records the legend as it was no doubt generally accepted among

the Jews in the first century of our era: "Now, the King of Sodom met

him (Abram) at a certain place which they called the King's Dale,

where Melchizedek, King of the City of Salem, received him. That

name signifies the righteous king, and such he was without dispute,

insomuch that on that account he was made the priest of God. However,

they afterward called Salem Jerusalem." (Antiq. Bk. i. ch. 10.)

Josephus is careful to identify Salem as Jerusalem, and in vi. ch. 10

of the same work states that the King's Dale (identified as the Shaveh

where Abraham met Melchizedek, Genesis xiv.) is "two furlongs distant

from Jerusalem." This carefulness may have been intended to distinguish

Melchizedek's Salem from the northern Shalem (Genesis xxxiii. 18), a

place associated with Jacob, and apparently representing an attempt to

set up a rival temple to that in Jerusalem. It was an old competition

about tithes. Abraham paid tithes to Melchizedek, King of Salem,

but Jacob, after his vision at Bethel, recognized that as the "house

of God," and vowed to give to God a tenth of all that was given him

(Genesis xxviii). [37] This quarrel between rival towns and temples,

trying each to draw all tithes to themselves, harmonized in the later

legends of the Bible, need not detain us, but it is of importance

to remark that the story of Abram meeting the King of Justice and

Peace near Jerusalem, and establishing the sanctity of that city,

corresponds with, and is counterbalanced by, Jacob's meeting with

angels, and wrestling with a mysterious "man," who, it is hinted, was

some form of God himself. This reply to the story of Abram suggests

that at the time of that tithe controversy between Bethel and Sion

Melchizedek was not thought of as a flesh-and-blood king or a mere

man, but as a shadowy shape, evoked from actual conditions for certain

purposes, and named in accordance with the history or traditions out

of which the conditions and the aims were evolved.

In investigations of this kind, concerned with ages really prehistoric,

it is necessary to remember at every step that our search is amid eras

when words and names were at once counters of actual forces and factors

of history. How serious a play on words may be even in historic times

is illustrated by a Papacy founded on the double meaning of Peter--a

man's name and a rock,--and as we approach earlier epochs, whose

issues and struggles have long passed away, and their once antagonistic

leaders harmonised by pious legends, it is largely by the aid of words

and names that we are enabled to reach even historic probabilities.

As to Melchizedek, my inference above stated, derived from the two

tithe legends, that his supernatural character is reflected in that

of the corresponding phantoms met by Jacob may not be generally

accepted, but that he (Melchizedek) was so understood by the writer

to the Hebrews can hardly be disputed. Melchizedek is there (Hebrews

vii.) declared to have been "without father, without mother, without

genealogy, having neither beginning of days nor end of life, being

assimilated unto the Son of God."

In the third century the Melchizedekian sect maintained that

Melchizedek was not a man but a heavenly power superior to Jesus,

and the Hieracites held similar views. Some eminent theologians have

believed that Melchizedek was Christ himself. Most of the Christian

theories concerning the mysterious king are virtual admissions that

only the eye of faith can see in him any actual being at all. How

then was this mythical being formed? [38]

1. A suitable nest for the Melchizedek Saga existed near Jerusalem,

in a vale called the King's Dale. It seems to have been a royal

racing ground (Targum of Onkelos, Gen. xiv. 17) or hippodrome

(lxx. xlviii. 7), and its name in Hebrew was Emek-ham-Melech.

2. In the ancient Psalm cx. 1 we have Adonai (Lord), and in verse 4

Melchi-Melech (or Moloch) king, combined with tsedek, justice.

3. Tzedek (Tsaydoc or Zadok), the priest who anointed Solomon to

be king. Tsaydoc supplanted the legitimate High Priest Abiathar

who had taken the side of the legitimate heir to David's throne,

Adonijah, supplanted by Solomon. The deprivation of Abiathar, and

exaltation of Tsaydoc to be High Priest is said (1 Kings ii. 27)

to have been in fulfillment of "the word of Jahveh, which he spake

concerning the house of Eli in Shiloh." The reference is to the

sentence passed on Eli and his house, to which Abiathar belonged,

when Jahveh said, "And I will raise me up a faithful priest, etc.,"

(1 Sam. ii. 35). Faithful priests were called "sons of Zadok," the

phrase having apparently become proverbial (Ezek. xliv. 15).

4. In 1 Chron. iii. there appear, among the descendants of Solomon,

"Amaziah, Azariah his son, Jotham his son." In 1 Chron. vi. we

find among descendants of Zadok, Ahimaaz, Azariah his son, Johanan

his son. Johanan is also among Solomon's descendants, and among the

descendants of both Solomon and Zadok is Shallum,--written by Josephus

Salloumos (Bk. x. ch. 8). Josephus also says that Zadok was the first

High Priest of Solomon's Temple. But Solomon himself, without the

assistance of any priest, dedicated the Temple, offered the sacrifices

on that occasion, and so continued: "three times in a year did Solomon

offer burnt offerings and peace offerings upon the altar which he built

to Jahveh." (1 Kings ix. 25). These statements establish a probability

that no such person as Zadok existed at all, and that the development

of this personification of justice (zedek) into a priestly personage

was due to an ecclesiastical necessity of introducing a priest among

the provisions of Solomon for the temple. Zadok is thus a detachment

from King Solomon of the priestly functions he had discharged in the

temple, according to the book of Kings; and in 1 Chron. vi., where this

personification is completed, the Solomonic family names are found,

as above, recurring as descendants of the personification,--Zadok.

These names are the fossil remains of controversies with Shilonite

and Samaritan pretensions, which ended in consecrating the throne and

altar at Jerusalem, and they prove that the consecration was that of

justice and peace. Of these the Wise Man was typical. Solomon was the

model from whom all of these ideals were painted. His title, Adonai,

and his equity (Psalm xlv. 7, 11) are combined in Adonizedek, his glory

(Psalm xlv. 3, 4) is in Adonibezek; his high priesthood is allegorized

in Zadok; and in "Melchizedek, King of Salem," his supreme characters

are summed up, "King of Justice, Prince of Peace."

In a warlike age this peacefulness of a monarch was the great and

supernatural phenomenon. It is the very central idea of the whole

Solomonic legend. Solomon got his name from it, even the name with

Jahveh in it (Jedediah) being set aside; he was preferred above David

to build the temple, because David was a warrior; in building the

temple the peace was not broken even by the noise of a hammer, the

stones being all in shape, it seems by supernatural power, when taken

from the quarry, so as to be noiselessly fitted together; he would not

fight even those who were rending parts of his kingdom away. He was

the hero of the Beatitudes,--the gentle one who inherited the earth,

the one who hungered and thirsted for justice and was filled, the

peacemaker called the Son of God. It was he who first said, If thine

enemy hunger give him food, if he thirst give him drink. And all this

was allegorized in Melchizedek, who, when his country was invaded,

instead of joining the five kings who resisted, loved his enemy,

gave the invader food and drink.

We thus find Solomon,--the glorious cosmopolitan and secularist,

whose name Jahvism could not utter without a shudder,--distributed in

fable, legend, psalm, through Hexateuch and Hagiographa, and finally

transfigured into a type of divine and eternal Sonship. Thus he

appears in the Epistle to the Hebrews, to which we now return.

In the Epistle to the Hebrews Christ is invested with the mystical

robes of Solomon. To Christ are applied the words, "I will be to him

a Father, and he shall be to me a Son," quoted from Jahveh's promise

to David concerning Solomon (2 Sam. vii. 14). To Christ are twice

applied the words, "Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten thee,"

quoted from Psalm ii. 7, admittedly Solomonic. From Psalm xlv.,

verses 6 and 7, ascriptions to Solomon, are applied to Christ in

this Epistle. And Melchizedek is here declared to be "a great man,"

"assimilated unto the Son of God."

We may here recall the words of Josephus, a contemporary of our

writer, who says that Melchizedek was made the priest of God on

account of his righteousness (Ant., Bk. i. ch. 10). It may have

been that there was a popular belief in the time of Josephus that

Melchizedek received his ordination from Abram himself, but there is

no doubt that the mysterious king's priesthood was believed to rest

upon his righteousness and above all his peacefulness.

With these preliminaries we may find the Epistle's argument about

Melchizedek less "hard of interpretation" than the writer says it

is. After speaking of Abraham as having "obtained" the promise,

not merely because it was God's promise, but because he "patiently

endured," having argued that Christ, "though he was a Son, yet learned

obedience by the things that he suffered", this Epistle maintains

(vi. 20) that this is the believer's hope, whereby he enters within

the veil, "whither as a forerunner Jesus entered for us, having

become a high priest forever after the manner of Melchizedek." (The

sense of this is lost in the E. V. by rendering genomenos "made":

the argument is that though he was a Son of God even that could not

make him a high priest; this he had to "become" by his own merits,

uninheritable even from God, as was the case with Melchizedek.) "For

this Melchizedek, being of Salem, priest of God Most High, who met

Abraham returning from the slaughter of the kings, and blessed him,

to whom also Abraham divided a tenth part of all (being first by

interpretation King of Righteousness, and next also King of Salem,

that is Prince of Peace; being without father, without mother,

without genealogy, having neither beginning of days nor end of life,

but assimilated (echôn aphômoiômenos) unto the Son of God), abideth

a priest perpetually" (vii. 1-3).

The mystical clauses of verse 3 have for centuries been an unsolved

enigma to exegetists; and Alford, after summing up the many conjectures

as to their meaning, expresses his feeling that the writer had

a thought which he did not intend us to comprehend! Probably,

however, the writer was using language understood in his time, and

which may be interpreted by comparison with expressions familiar

in Jewish folklore. Some of these are preserved in the apocryphal

gospels. Thus, in the Pseudo-Matthew, Levi, the teacher of Jesus,

astounded by the Child's learning, says, "I think he was born before

the flood." In the gospel of Thomas, the teacher Zacchæus says,

"This child is not of earthly parents, he is able to subdue even

fire. Perhaps he was begotten before the world was made." These

ideas, which correspond somewhat to the Teutonic superstition of

the "changeling," are traceable in the Fourth Gospel (viii. 56-59),

where Jesus is stoned for saying, "Before Abraham was I am."

It will be seen that by this early writer "to the Hebrews" Jesus was

not thought of in connection with David, but bore Solomon's preëminent

title, King of Peace, and that conferred on him by the Queen of

Sheba, King of Justice. In the "Wisdom of Solomon" the Prince of the

Golden Age, historically associated with idolatrous shrines, had been

rehabilitated, even apotheosized; he was now a sort of rival of Jesus

in divine sonship. The writer of our Epistle therefore artistically,

not to say artfully, utilizes a composite word made into a proper name

under which Solomon's combined royalty and priesthood, his peace and

justice, had been detached from his personality and personified. The

new exaltation of Solomon personally was thus ignored, while his

essential glories, his wisdom, and his reclaimed virtues, were woven

into the celestial mantle of mysterious Melchizedek, and through him

passed to the shoulders of the risen Christ.

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