CHAPTER I.

SOLOMON

AND

SOLOMONIC LITERATURE

BY

MONCURE DANIEL CONWAY

CHICAGO

THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY

London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., Ltd.

1899

INSCRIBED

TO MY BROTHER OMARIANS

OF THE

OMAR KHAYYÁM CLUB

LONDON

"Seek the circle of the wise: flee a thousand leagues from men

without wit. If a wise man give thee poison, drink it without fear;

if a fool proffer an antidote, spill it on the ground."

CONTENTS

Page

Preface v

CHAPTER I

Solomon 1

CHAPTER II

The Judgment of Solomon 12

CHAPTER III

The Wives of Solomon 24

CHAPTER IV

Solomon's Idolatry 30

CHAPTER V

Solomon and the Satans 34

CHAPTER VI

Solomon in the Hexateuch 41

CHAPTER VII

Solomonic Antijahvism 51

CHAPTER VIII

The Book of Proverbs and the Avesta 59

CHAPTER IX

The Song of Songs 89

CHAPTER X

Koheleth (Ecclesiastes) 104

CHAPTER XI

Wisdom (Ecclesiasticus) 111

CHAPTER XII

The Wisdom of Solomon 118

CHAPTER XIII

Epistle to the Hebrews (A Sequel to Sophia Solomontos) 129

CHAPTER XIV

Solomon Melchizedek 150

CHAPTER XV

The Pauline Dehumanization of Jesus 164

CHAPTER XVI

The Mythological Mantle of Solomon Fallen on Jesus 176

CHAPTER XVII

The Heir of Solomon's Godhead 194

CHAPTER XVIII

The Last Solomon 207

CHAPTER XIX

Postscripta 234

PREFACE.

An English lady of my acquaintance, sojourning at Baalbek, was

conversing with an humble stonecutter, and pointing to the grand

ruins inquired, "Why do you not occupy yourself with magnificent work

like that?" "Ah," he said, "those edifices were built by no mortal,

but by genii."

These genii now represent the demons which in ancient legends were

enslaved by the potency of Solomon's ring. Some of these folk-tales

suggest the ingenuity of a fabulist. According to one, Solomon

outwitted the devils even after his death, which occurred while he was

leaning on his staff and superintending the reluctant labors of the

demons on some sacred edifice. In that posture his form remained for

a year after his death, and it was not until a worm gnawed the end

of his staff, causing his body to fall, that the demons discovered

their freedom.

If this be a fable, a modern moral may be found by reversing the

delusion. The general world has for ages been working on under the

spell of Solomon while believing him to be dead. Solomon is very much

alive. Many witnesses of his talismanic might can be summoned from

the homes and schools wherein the rod is not spared, however much

it spoils the child, and where youth's "flower of age" bleaches in a

puritan cell because the "wisest of men" is supposed to have testified

that all earth's pleasures are vanity. And how many parents are in

their turn feeling the recoil of the rod, and live to deplore the

intemperate thirst for "vanities" stimulated in homes overshadowed by

the fear-of-God wisdom for which Solomon is also held responsible? On

the other hand, what parson has not felt the rod bequeathed to the

sceptic by the king whom Biblical authority pronounces at once the

worldliest and the wisest of mankind?

More imposing, if not more significant, are certain picturesque

phenomena which to-day represent the bifold evolution of the Solomonic

legend. While in various parts of Europe "Solomon's Seal," survival

from his magic ring, is the token of conjuring and fortune-telling

impostors, the knightly Order of Solomon's Seal in Abyssinia has been

raised to moral dignity by an emperor (Menelik) who has given European

monarchs a lesson in magnanimity and gallantry by presenting to a

"Queen of the South" (Margharita), on her birthday, release of the

captives who had invaded his country. While this is the tradition

of nobility which has accompanied that of lineal descent from the

Wise Man, his name lingers in the rest of Christendom in proverbial

connexion with any kind of sagacity, while as a Biblical personality

he is virtually suppressed.

In one line of evolution,--whose historic factors have been Jahvism,

Pharisaism, and Puritanism,--Solomon has been made the Adam of

a second fall. His Eves gave him the fruit that was pleasant and

desirable to make one wise, and he did eat. Jahveh retracts his

compliments to Solomon, and makes the naïve admission that deity

itself cannot endow a man with the wisdom that can ensure orthodoxy,

or with knowledge impregnable by feminine charms (Nehemiah xiii.);

and from that time Solomon disappears from canonical Hebrew books

except those ascribed to his own authorship.

That some writings attributed to Solomon,--especially the "Song of

Songs" and "Koheleth" (Ecclesiastes),--were included in the canon,

may be ascribed to a superstitious fear of suppressing utterances

of a supernatural wisdom, set as an oracle in the king and never

revoked. This view is confirmed and illustrated in several further

pages, but it may be added here that the very idolatries and alleged

sins of Solomon led to the detachment from his personal self of his

divinely-conferred Wisdom, and her personification as something apart

from him in various avatars (preserving his glory while disguising

his name), an evolution culminating in ideals and creeds that have

largely moulded Christendom.

The two streams of evolution here suggested, one issuing from

the wisdom books, the other from the law books, are traceable

in their collisions, their periods of parallelism, and their

convergence,--where, however, their respective inspirations continue

distinguishable, like the waters of the Missouri and the Mississippi

after they flow between the same banks.

The present essays by no means claim to have fully traced these lines

of evolution, but aim at their indication. The only critique to which

it pretends is literary. The studies and experiences of many years

have left me without any bias concerning the contents of the Bible, or

any belief, ethical or religious, that can be affected by the fate of

any scripture under the higher or other criticism. But my interest in

Biblical literature has increased with the perception of its composite

character ethnically. I believe that I have made a few discoveries in

it; and a volume adopted as an educational text-book requires every ray

of light which any man feels able to contribute to its interpretation.

SOLOMONIC LITERATURE.

CHAPTER I.

SOLOMON.

There is a vast Solomon mythology: in Palestine, Abyssinia, Arabia,

Persia, India, and Europe, the myths and legends concerning the

traditional Wisest Man are various, and merit a comparative study they

have not received. As the name Solomon seems to be allegorical, it is

not possible to discover whether he is mentioned in any contemporary

inscription by a real name, and the external and historical data

are insufficient to prove certainly that an individual Solomon ever

existed. [1] But that a great personality now known under that name did

exist, about three thousand years ago, will, I believe, be recognised

by those who study the ancient literature relating to him. The

earliest and most useful documents for such an investigation are:

the first collection of Proverbs, x-xxii. 16; the second collection,

xxv-xxix. 27; Psalms ii., xlv., lxxii., evidently Solomonic; 2 Samuel

xii. 24, 25; and 1 Kings iv. 29-34.

As, however, the object of this essay is not to prove the existence

of Solomon, but to study the evolution of the human heart and mind

under influences of which a peculiar series is historically associated

with his name, he will be spoken of as a genuine figure, the reader

being left to form his own conclusion as to whether he was such,

if that incidental point interests him.

The indirect intimations concerning Solomon in the Proverbs and

Psalms may be better understood if we first consider the historical

books which profess to give an account of his career. And the search

naturally begins with the passage in the Book of Kings just referred

to:

"And God gave Solomon wisdom and intelligence exceeding much,

and largeness of heart, even as the sand on the seashore. And

Solomon's wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the children of the

East, and all the wisdom of Egypt. For he was wiser than all men;

than Ethan the Ezrahite, and Heman, and Calcol, and Darda, the

sons of Mahol; and his fame was in all the surrounding nations. He

spake three thousand parables, and his songs were a thousand

and five. He spake of trees, from the cedar of Lebanon to the

hyssop that springeth out of the wall: he spake also of beasts,

birds, reptiles, fishes. And there came people of all countries to

hear the wisdom of Solomon, and from all the kings of the earth,

which had heard of his wisdom."

This passage is Elohist: it is the Elohim--perhaps here the gods--who

gave Solomon wisdom. The introduction of Jahveh as the giver, in

the dramatic dream of Chapter iii., alters the nature of the gift,

which from the Elohim is scientific and literary wisdom, but from

Jahveh is political, related to government and judgment.

As for Mahol and his four sons, the despair of Biblical historians,

they are now witnesses that this passage was written when those

men,--or perhaps masculine Muses,--were famous, though they are unknown

within any period that can be called historical. As intimated, they may

be figures from some vanished mythology Hebraised into Mahol (dance),

Ethan (the imperishable), Heman (faithful), Calcol (sustenance),

Darda (pearl of knowledge).

In speaking of 1 Kings iv. 29-34 as substantially historical it is not

meant, of course, that it is free from the extravagance characteristic

of ancient annals, but that it is the nearest approach to Solomon's

era in the so-called historical books, and, although the stage of

idealisation has been reached, is free from the mythology which grew

around the name of Solomon.

But while we have thus only one small scrap of even quasi-historical

writing that can be regarded as approaching Solomon's era, the

traditions concerning him preserved in the Book of Kings yield

much that is of value when comparatively studied with annals of the

chroniclers, who modify, and in some cases omit, not to say suppress,

the earlier record. Such modifications and omissions, while interesting

indications of Jahvist influences, are also testimonies to the strength

of the traditions they overlay. The pure and simple literary touchstone

can alone be trusted amid such traditions; it alone can distinguish the

narratives that have basis, that could not have been entirely invented.

In the Book of Chronicles,--for the division into two books was by

Christians, as also was the division of the Book of Kings,--we find

an ecclesiastical work written after the captivity, but at different

periods and by different hands; it is in the historic form, but really

does not aim at history. The main purpose of the first chronicler is to

establish certain genealogies and conquests related to the consecration

of the house and lineage of David. Solomon's greatness and his building

of the temple are here transferred as far as possible to David. [2]

David captures from various countries the gold, silver, and brass,

and dedicates them for use in the temple, which he plans in detail,

but which Jahveh forbade him to build himself. The reason of this

prohibition is far from clear to the first writer on the compilation,

but apparently it was because David was not sufficiently highborn and

renowned. "I took thee from the sheepcote," says Jahveh, but adds,

"I will make thee a name like unto the name of the great ones that are

in the earth;" also, says Jahveh, "I will subdue all thine enemies." So

it is written in 1 Chronicles xvii., and it could hardly have been

by the same hand that in xxii. wrote David's words to Solomon:

"It was in my heart to build an house to the name of Jahveh my

God; but the word of Jahveh came to me, saying: 'Thou shalt not

build an house unto my name, because thou hast shed much blood

upon the earth in my sight; behold a son shall be born unto thee

who shall be a man of rest, and I will give him rest from all his

enemies round about: for his name shall be Solomon [Peaceful],

and I will give peace and quietness unto Israel in his days:

he shall build an house for my name: and he shall be my son,

and I will be his father; and I will establish the throne of his

kingdom over Israel for ever.'"

In Chapter xvii. Jahveh claims that it is he who has subdued and

cut off David's enemies; his long speech is that of a war-god;

but in the xxii. it is the God of Peace who speaks; and in harmony

with this character all the bloodshed by which Solomon's succession

was accompanied, as recorded in the Book of Kings, is suppressed,

and he stands to the day of his death the Prince of Peace. To him

(1 Chron. xxviii., xxix.) from the first all the other sons of David

bow submissively, and the people by a solemn election confirm David's

appointment and make Solomon their king.

Thus, 1 Chron. xvii., which is identical with 2 Sam. vii., clearly

represents a second Chronicler. The hand of the same writer is found

in 1 Chron. xviii., xix., xx., and the chapters partly identical in 2

Samuel, namely viii., x., xi.; the offence of David then being narrated

in 2 Samuel xii. as the wrong done Uriah, whereas in 1 Chron. xxi. the

sin is numbering Israel. The Chroniclers know nothing of the Uriah

and Bathsheba story, but the onomatopoeists may take note of the fact

that David's order was to number Israel "from Beer-sheba unto Dan."

The first ten chapters of 2 Chronicles seem to represent a third

chronicler. Here we find David in the background, and Solomon

completely conventionalised, as the Peaceful Prince of the Golden

Age. All is prosperity and happiness. Solomon even anticipates

the silver millennium: "The king made silver to be in Jerusalem as

stones." It is only when the fourth chronicler begins (2 Chron. x.),

with the succession of Solomon's son Rehoboam, that we are told

anything against Solomon. Then all Israel come to the new king,

saying, "Thy father made our yoke grievous," and he answers, "My

father chastised you with whips, but I with scorpions."

All this is so inconsistent with the accounts in the earlier books

of both David and Solomon, that it is charitable to believe that the

third chronicler had never heard the ugly stories about these two

canonised kings.

In the First Book of Kings, Solomon is made king against the rightful

heir, by an ingenious conspiracy between a wily prophet, Nathan, and

a wily beauty, Bathsheba,--Solomon's mother, whom David had obtained

by murdering her husband.

It may be remembered here that David had by Bathsheba a son named

Nathan (2 Sam. v. 14; 1 Chron. iii. 5), elder brother of Solomon,

from whom Luke traces the genealogy of Joseph, father of Jesus,

while Matthew traces it from Solomon. It appears curious that the

prophet Nathan should have intrigued for the accession of the younger

brother rather than the one bearing his own name. It will be seen,

however, by reference to 2 Samuel xii. 24, that Solomon was the first

legitimate child of David and Bathsheba, the son of their adultery

having died. John Calvin having laid it down very positively that

"if Jesus was not descended from Solomon, he was not the Christ,"

some theologians have resorted to the hypothesis that Nathan married

an ancestress of the Virgin Mary, and that Luke gives her descent,

not that of Joseph; but apart from the fact that Luke (iii. 23)

begins with Joseph, it is difficult to see how the requirement of

Calvin, that Solomon should be the ancestor of Jesus, is met by his

mother's descent from Solomon's brother. It is clear, however, from

2 Sam. xii. 24, 25, that this elder brother of Solomon, Nathan, is a

myth. Otherwise he, and not Solomon, was the lawful heir to the throne

(legitimacy being confined to the sons of David born in Jerusalem),

and Jesus would not have been "born King of the Jews" (Matt, i. 2),

nor fulfilled the Messianic conditions. It is even possible that

Luke wished to escape the implication of illegitimacy by tracing

the descent of Jesus from Solomon's elder brother. But the writer

of 1 Kings i. had no knowledge of the Christian discovery that, in

the order of legal succession to the throne, the sons of David born

before he reigned in Jerusalem were excluded. Adonijah's legal right

of succession was not questioned by David (1 Kings i. 6).

When David was in his dotage and near his end this eldest son (by

Haggith), Adonijah, began to consult leading men about his accession,

but unfortunately for himself, did not summon Nathan. This slighted

"prophet" proposed to Bathsheba that she should go to David and tell

him the falsehood that he (David) had once sworn before Jahveh that

her son Solomon should reign; "and while you are talking," says

Nathan, "I will enter and fulfil" (that was his significant word)

"your declaration." The royal dotard could not gainsay two seemingly

independent witnesses, and helplessly kept the alleged oath. David

announced this oath as his reason,--apparently the only one,--for

appointing Solomon. The prince may be credited with being too young

to participate in this scheme.

Irregularity of succession and of birth in princes appeals to

popular superstition. The legal heir, regularly born, seems to

come by mere human arrangement, but the God-appointed chieftain is

expected in unexpected ways and in defiance of human laws and even

moralities. David, or some one speaking for him, said, "In sin did

my mother conceive me," and the contempt in which he was held by

his father's other children, and his father's keeping him out of

sight till the prophet demanded him (1 Sam. xvi. 11), look as if he,

also, may have been illegitimate. Solomon may have been technically

legitimate, but in any case he was the son of an immoral marriage,

sealed by a husband's blood. The populace would easily see the divine

hand in the elevation of this youth, who seems to have been himself

impressed with the like superstition.

Unfortunately, Solomon received his father's last injunctions as divine

commands. At the very time when David is pictured by the Chronicler

in such a saintly death-bed scene, parting so pathetically with his

people, and giving such unctuous and virtuous last counsels to Solomon,

he is shown by the historian of Kings pouring into his successor's ear

the most treacherous and atrocious directions for the murder of certain

persons; among others, of Shimei, whose life he had sworn should not

be taken. Shimei had once called David what Jahveh also called him,

a man of blood, but afterwards asked his forgiveness. Under a pretence

of forgiveness, David nursed his vengeance through many years, and

Shimei was now a white-haired man. David's last words addressed to

Solomon were these:

"He (Shimei) came down to meet me at Jordan, and I sware to him by

Jahveh, saying, 'I will not put thee to death with the sword.' Now

therefore hold him not guiltless, for thou art a wise man, and

wilt know what thou oughtest to do unto him; and thou shalt bring

his hoar head down to the grave in blood."

Such, according to an admiring annalist, were the last words uttered

by David on earth. He died with a lie in his mouth (for he had sworn

to Shimei, plainly, "Thy life shall not be taken"), and with murder

(personal and vindictive) in his heart. The book opens with a record

that they had tried to revive the aged king by bringing to him a

beautiful damsel; but lust was gone; the only passion that survived

even his lust, and could give one more glow to this "man of blood,"

was vengeance. Two aged men were named by him for death at the hands of

Solomon, who could not disobey, this being the last act of the forty

years of reign of King David. His dying word was "blood." One would

be glad to believe these things mythical, but they are contained in

a record which says:

"David did that which was right in the sight of Jahveh and turned

not aside from anything that he commanded him all the days of

his life, save only in the matter of Uriah the Hittite."

This traditional incident of getting Uriah slain in order to

appropriate his wife, made a deep impression on the historian of

Samuel, and suspicious pains are taken (2 Sam. xii.) to prove that the

illegitimate son of David and Bathsheba was "struck by Jahveh" for his

parents' sin, and that Solomon was born only after the marriage. Even

if the youth was legitimate, the adherents of the king's eldest son,

Adonijah, would not fail to recall the lust and murder from which

Solomon sprang, though the populace might regard these as signs of

Jahveh's favor. In the coronation ode (Psalm ii.) the young king is

represented as if answering the Legitimists who spoke of his birth

not only from an adulteress, but one with a foreign name:

"I will proclaim the decree:

The Lord said unto me, 'Thou art my son;

This day have I begotten thee.'"

(It is probable that the name Jahveh was inserted in this song in

place of Elohim, and in several other phrases there are indications

that the original has been tampered with.) The lines--

"Kiss the son lest he be angry

And ye perish straightway."

and others, may have originated the legendary particulars of plots

caused by Solomon's accession, recorded in the Book of Kings, but

at any rate the emphatic claim to his adoption by God as His son, by

the anointing received at coronation, suggests some trouble arising

out of his birth. There is also a confidence and enthusiasm in the

language of the court laureate, as the writer of Psalm ii. appears

to have been, which conveys an impression of popular sympathy.

It is not improbable that the superstition about illegitimacy, as

under some conditions a sign of a hero's heavenly origin, may have

had some foundation in the facts of heredity. In times when love or

even passion had little connexion with any marriage, and none with

royal marriages, the offspring of an amour might naturally manifest

more force of character than the legitimate, and the inherited sensual

impulses, often displayed in noble energies, might prove of enormous

importance in breaking down an old oppression continued by an automatic

legitimacy of succession.

In Talmudic books (Moed Katon, Vol. 9, col. 2, and Midrash Rabbah,

ch. 15) it is related that when Solomon was conveying the ark into the

temple, the doors shut themselves against him of their own accord. He

recited twenty-four psalms, but they opened not. In vain he cried,

"Lift up your heads, O ye gates!" But when he prayed, "O Lord God,

turn not Thy face from Thine anointed; remember the mercies of David

thy servant" (2 Chron. vi. 42), the gates flew open. "Then the enemies

of David turned black in the face, for all knew that God had pardoned

David's transgression with Bathsheba." This legend curiously ignores

1 Chron. xxii., which shows that Jahveh had prearranged Solomon's

birth and name, and had adopted him before birth. It is one of many

rabbinical intimations that David, Bathsheba, Uriah, and Solomon, had

become popular divinities,--much like Vulcan, Venus, Mars,--and as such

relieved from moral obligations. Jewish theology had to accommodate

itself ethically to this popular mythology, and did so by a theory

of divine forgiveness; but really the position of Hebrew, as well as

Christian, orthodoxy was that lustful David and Bathsheba were mere

puppets in the divine plan, and their actions quite consistent with

their being souls after Jahveh's own heart.

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