I. In his march to Italy, Theodoric the Ostrogoth had trampled on the

arms of the Bulgarians. After this defeat, the name and the nation are

lost during a century and a half; and it may be suspected that the

same or a similar appellation was revived by strange colonies from the

Borysthenes, the Tanais, or the Volga. A king of the ancient Bulgaria

bequeathed to his five sons a last lesson of moderation and concord.

It was received as youth has ever received the counsels of age and

experience: the five princes buried their father; divided his subjects

and cattle; forgot his advice; separated from each other; and wandered

in quest of fortune till we find the most adventurous in the heart of

Italy, under the protection of the exarch of Ravenna. But the stream

of emigration was directed or impelled towards the capital. The modern

Bulgaria, along the southern banks of the Danube, was stamped with

the name and image which it has retained to the present hour: the new

conquerors successively acquired, by war or treaty, the Roman provinces

of Dardania, Thessaly, and the two Epirus; the ecclesiastical supremacy

was translated from the native city of Justinian; and, in their

prosperous age, the obscure town of Lychnidus, or Achrida, was honored

with the throne of a king and a patriarch. The unquestionable evidence

of language attests the descent of the Bulgarians from the original

stock of the Sclavonian, or more properly Slavonian, race; and the

kindred bands of Servians, Bosnians, Rascians, Croatians, Walachians,

&c., followed either the standard or the example of the leading tribe.

From the Euxine to the Adriatic, in the state of captives, or subjects,

or allies, or enemies, of the Greek empire, they overspread the land;

and the national appellation of the slaves has been degraded by chance

or malice from the signification of glory to that of servitude. Among

these colonies, the Chrobatians, or Croats, who now attend the motions

of an Austrian army, are the descendants of a mighty people, the

conquerors and sovereigns of Dalmatia. The maritime cities, and of these

the infant republic of Ragusa, implored the aid and instructions of the

Byzantine court: they were advised by the magnanimous Basil to reserve

a small acknowledgment of their fidelity to the Roman empire, and

to appease, by an annual tribute, the wrath of these irresistible

Barbarians. The kingdom of Croatia was shared by eleven _Zoupans_, or

feudatory lords; and their united forces were numbered at sixty thousand

horse and one hundred thousand foot. A long sea-coast, indented with

capacious harbors, covered with a string of islands, and almost in sight

of the Italian shores, disposed both the natives and strangers to the

practice of navigation. The boats or brigantines of the Croats were

constructed after the fashion of the old Liburnians: one hundred and

eighty vessels may excite the idea of a respectable navy; but our seamen

will smile at the allowance of ten, or twenty, or forty, men for each of

these ships of war. They were gradually converted to the more honorable

service of commerce; yet the Sclavonian pirates were still frequent and

dangerous; and it was not before the close of the tenth century that the

freedom and sovereignty of the Gulf were effectually vindicated by the

Venetian republic. The ancestors of these Dalmatian kings were equally

removed from the use and abuse of navigation: they dwelt in the White

Croatia, in the inland regions of Silesia and Little Poland, thirty

days' journey, according to the Greek computation, from the sea of

darkness.

The glory of the Bulgarians was confined to a narrow scope both of time

and place. In the ninth and tenth centuries, they reigned to the south

of the Danube; but the more powerful nations that had followed their

emigration repelled all return to the north and all progress to the

west. Yet in the obscure catalogue of their exploits, they might boast

an honor which had hitherto been appropriated to the Goths: that of

slaying in battle one of the successors of Augustus and Constantine. The

emperor Nicephorus had lost his fame in the Arabian, he lost his life in

the Sclavonian, war. In his first operations he advanced with boldness

and success into the centre of Bulgaria, and burnt the _royal court_,

which was probably no more than an edifice and village of timber.

But while he searched the spoil and refused all offers of treaty, his

enemies collected their spirits and their forces: the passes of retreat

were insuperably barred; and the trembling Nicephorus was heard to

exclaim, "Alas, alas! unless we could assume the wings of birds, we

cannot hope to escape." Two days he waited his fate in the inactivity of

despair; but, on the morning of the third, the Bulgarians surprised the

camp, and the Roman prince, with the great officers of the empire,

were slaughtered in their tents. The body of Valens had been saved

from insult; but the head of Nicephorus was exposed on a spear, and

his skull, enchased with gold, was often replenished in the feasts

of victory. The Greeks bewailed the dishonor of the throne; but they

acknowledged the just punishment of avarice and cruelty. This savage cup

was deeply tinctured with the manners of the Scythian wilderness; but

they were softened before the end of the same century by a peaceful

intercourse with the Greeks, the possession of a cultivated region, and

the introduction of the Christian worship. The nobles of Bulgaria were

educated in the schools and palace of Constantinople; and Simeon, a

youth of the royal line, was instructed in the rhetoric of Demosthenes

and the logic of Aristotle. He relinquished the profession of a monk for

that of a king and warrior; and in his reign of more than forty years,

Bulgaria assumed a rank among the civilized powers of the earth. The

Greeks, whom he repeatedly attacked, derived a faint consolation from

indulging themselves in the reproaches of perfidy and sacrilege. They

purchased the aid of the Pagan Turks; but Simeon, in a second battle,

redeemed the loss of the first, at a time when it was esteemed a

victory to elude the arms of that formidable nation. The Servians

were overthrown, made captive and dispersed; and those who visited

the country before their restoration could discover no more than

fifty vagrants, without women or children, who extorted a precarious

subsistence from the chase. On classic ground, on the banks of Achelˆus,

the Greeks were defeated; their horn was broken by the strength of the

Barbaric Hercules. He formed the siege of Constantinople; and, in a

personal conference with the emperor, Simeon imposed the conditions of

peace. They met with the most jealous precautions: the royal gallery

was drawn close to an artificial and well-fortified platform; and the

majesty of the purple was emulated by the pomp of the Bulgarian. "Are

you a Christian?" said the humble Romanus: "it is your duty to abstain

from the blood of your fellow-Christians. Has the thirst of riches

seduced you from the blessings of peace? Sheathe your sword, open

your hand, and I will satiate the utmost measure of your desires." The

reconciliation was sealed by a domestic alliance; the freedom of trade

was granted or restored; the first honors of the court were secured to

the friends of Bulgaria, above the ambassadors of enemies or strangers;

and her princes were dignified with the high and invidious title of

_Basileus_, or emperor. But this friendship was soon disturbed:

after the death of Simeon, the nations were again in arms; his feeble

successors were divided and extinguished; and, in the beginning of the

eleventh century, the second Basil, who was born in the purple, deserved

the appellation of conqueror of the Bulgarians. His avarice was in

some measure gratified by a treasure of four hundred thousand pounds

sterling, (ten thousand pounds' weight of gold,) which he found in

the palace of Lychnidus. His cruelty inflicted a cool and exquisite

vengeance on fifteen thousand captives who had been guilty of the

defence of their country. They were deprived of sight; but to one of

each hundred a single eye was left, that he might conduct his blind

century to the presence of their king. Their king is said to have

expired of grief and horror; the nation was awed by this terrible

example; the Bulgarians were swept away from their settlements, and

circumscribed within a narrow province; the surviving chiefs bequeathed

to their children the advice of patience and the duty of revenge.

II. When the black swarm of Hungarians first hung over Europe, above

nine hundred years after the Christian Êra, they were mistaken by fear

and superstition for the Gog and Magog of the Scriptures, the signs and

forerunners of the end of the world. Since the introduction of letters,

they have explored their own antiquities with a strong and laudable

impulse of patriotic curiosity. Their rational criticism can no longer

be amused with a vain pedigree of Attila and the Huns; but they complain

that their primitive records have perished in the Tartar war; that the

truth or fiction of their rustic songs is long since forgotten; and that

the fragments of a rude chronicle must be painfully reconciled with the

contemporary though foreign intelligence of the imperial geographer.

_Magiar_ is the national and oriental denomination of the Hungarians;

but, among the tribes of Scythia, they are distinguished by the Greeks

under the proper and peculiar name of _Turks_, as the descendants of

that mighty people who had conquered and reigned from China to the

Volga. The Pannonian colony preserved a correspondence of trade and

amity with the eastern Turks on the confines of Persia and after a

separation of three hundred and fifty years, the missionaries of the

king of Hungary discovered and visited their ancient country near the

banks of the Volga. They were hospitably entertained by a people of

Pagans and Savages who still bore the name of Hungarians; conversed

in their native tongue, recollected a tradition of their long-lost

brethren, and listened with amazement to the marvellous tale of their

new kingdom and religion. The zeal of conversion was animated by the

interest of consanguinity; and one of the greatest of their princes

had formed the generous, though fruitless, design of replenishing the

solitude of Pannonia by this domestic colony from the heart of Tartary.

From this primitive country they were driven to the West by the tide of

war and emigration, by the weight of the more distant tribes, who at the

same time were fugitives and conquerors. Reason or fortune directed

their course towards the frontiers of the Roman empire: they halted

in the usual stations along the banks of the great rivers; and in the

territories of Moscow, Kiow, and Moldavia, some vestiges have been

discovered of their temporary residence. In this long and various

peregrination, they could not always escape the dominion of the

stronger; and the purity of their blood was improved or sullied by

the mixture of a foreign race: from a motive of compulsion, or choice,

several tribes of the Chazars were associated to the standard of their

ancient vassals; introduced the use of a second language; and obtained

by their superior renown the most honorable place in the front of

battle. The military force of the Turks and their allies marched in

seven equal and artificial divisions; each division was formed of thirty

thousand eight hundred and fifty-seven warriors, and the proportion of

women, children, and servants, supposes and requires at least a million

of emigrants. Their public counsels were directed by seven _vayvods_,

or hereditary chiefs; but the experience of discord and weakness

recommended the more simple and vigorous administration of a single

person. The sceptre, which had been declined by the modest Lebedias,

was granted to the birth or merit of Almus and his son Arpad, and the

authority of the supreme khan of the Chazars confirmed the engagement of

the prince and people; of the people to obey his commands, of the prince

to consult their happiness and glory.

With this narrative we might be reasonably content, if the penetration

of modern learning had not opened a new and larger prospect of the

antiquities of nations. The Hungarian language stands alone, and as it

were insulated, among the Sclavonian dialects; but it bears a close

and clear affinity to the idioms of the Fennic race, of an obsolete and

savage race, which formerly occupied the northern regions of Asia and

Europe. The genuine appellation of _Ugri_ or _Igours_ is found on the

western confines of China; their migration to the banks of the Irtish is

attested by Tartar evidence; a similar name and language are detected in

the southern parts of Siberia; and the remains of the Fennic tribes

are widely, though thinly scattered from the sources of the Oby to the

shores of Lapland. The consanguinity of the Hungarians and Laplanders

would display the powerful energy of climate on the children of a

common parent; the lively contrast between the bold adventurers who are

intoxicated with the wines of the Danube, and the wretched fugitives

who are immersed beneath the snows of the polar circle. Arms and freedom

have ever been the ruling, though too often the unsuccessful, passion of

the Hungarians, who are endowed by nature with a vigorous constitution

of soul and body. Extreme cold has diminished the stature and congealed

the faculties of the Laplanders; and the arctic tribes, alone among

the sons of men, are ignorant of war, and unconscious of human blood; a

happy ignorance, if reason and virtue were the guardians of their peace!

Chapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians.--Part II.

It is the observation of the Imperial author of the Tactics, that all

the Scythian hordes resembled each other in their pastoral and military

life, that they all practised the same means of subsistence, and

employed the same instruments of destruction. But he adds, that the two

nations of Bulgarians and Hungarians were superior to their brethren,

and similar to each other in the improvements, however rude, of their

discipline and government: their visible likeness determines Leo to

confound his friends and enemies in one common description; and the

picture may be heightened by some strokes from their contemporaries of

the tenth century. Except the merit and fame of military prowess,

all that is valued by mankind appeared vile and contemptible to these

Barbarians, whose native fierceness was stimulated by the consciousness

of numbers and freedom. The tents of the Hungarians were of leather,

their garments of fur; they shaved their hair, and scarified their

faces: in speech they were slow, in action prompt, in treaty perfidious;

and they shared the common reproach of Barbarians, too ignorant to

conceive the importance of truth, too proud to deny or palliate the

breach of their most solemn engagements. Their simplicity has been

praised; yet they abstained only from the luxury they had never known;

whatever they saw they coveted; their desires were insatiate, and their

sole industry was the hand of violence and rapine. By the definition of

a pastoral nation, I have recalled a long description of the economy,

the warfare, and the government that prevail in that state of society;

I may add, that to fishing, as well as to the chase, the Hungarians

were indebted for a part of their subsistence; and since they _seldom_

cultivated the ground, they must, at least in their new settlements,

have sometimes practised a slight and unskilful husbandry. In their

emigrations, perhaps in their expeditions, the host was accompanied

by thousands of sheep and oxen which increased the cloud of formidable

dust, and afforded a constant and wholesale supply of milk and animal

food. A plentiful command of forage was the first care of the general,

and if the flocks and herds were secure of their pastures, the hardy

warrior was alike insensible of danger and fatigue. The confusion of men

and cattle that overspread the country exposed their camp to a nocturnal

surprise, had not a still wider circuit been occupied by their light

cavalry, perpetually in motion to discover and delay the approach of the

enemy. After some experience of the Roman tactics, they adopted the

use of the sword and spear, the helmet of the soldier, and the iron

breastplate of his steed: but their native and deadly weapon was the

Tartar bow: from the earliest infancy their children and servants were

exercised in the double science of archery and horsemanship; their arm

was strong; their aim was sure; and in the most rapid career, they were

taught to throw themselves backwards, and to shoot a volley of arrows

into the air. In open combat, in secret ambush, in flight, or pursuit,

they were equally formidable; an appearance of order was maintained

in the foremost ranks, but their charge was driven forwards by the

impatient pressure of succeeding crowds. They pursued, headlong and

rash, with loosened reins and horrific outcries; but, if they fled, with

real or dissembled fear, the ardor of a pursuing foe was checked and

chastised by the same habits of irregular speed and sudden evolution.

In the abuse of victory, they astonished Europe, yet smarting from the

wounds of the Saracen and the Dane: mercy they rarely asked, and more

rarely bestowed: both sexes were accused is equally inaccessible to

pity, and their appetite for raw flesh might countenance the popular

tale, that they drank the blood, and feasted on the hearts of the slain.

Yet the Hungarians were not devoid of those principles of justice and

humanity, which nature has implanted in every bosom. The license of

public and private injuries was restrained by laws and punishments; and

in the security of an open camp, theft is the most tempting and

most dangerous offence. Among the Barbarians there were many, whose

spontaneous virtue supplied their laws and corrected their manners, who

performed the duties, and sympathized with the affections, of social

life.

After a long pilgrimage of flight or victory, the Turkish hordes

approached the common limits of the French and Byzantine empires. Their

first conquests and final settlements extended on either side of the

Danube above Vienna, below Belgrade, and beyond the measure of the Roman

province of Pannonia, or the modern kingdom of Hungary. That ample and

fertile land was loosely occupied by the Moravians, a Sclavonian name

and tribe, which were driven by the invaders into the compass of a

narrow province. Charlemagne had stretched a vague and nominal empire

as far as the edge of Transylvania; but, after the failure of his

legitimate line, the dukes of Moravia forgot their obedience and tribute

to the monarchs of Oriental France. The bastard Arnulph was provoked to

invite the arms of the Turks: they rushed through the real or figurative

wall, which his indiscretion had thrown open; and the king of Germany

has been justly reproached as a traitor to the civil and ecclesiastical

society of the Christians. During the life of Arnulph, the Hungarians

were checked by gratitude or fear; but in the infancy of his son Lewis

they discovered and invaded Bavaria; and such was their Scythian speed,

that in a single day a circuit of fifty miles was stripped and consumed.

In the battle of Augsburgh the Christians maintained their advantage

till the seventh hour of the day, they were deceived and vanquished by

the flying stratagems of the Turkish cavalry. The conflagration spread

over the provinces of Bavaria, Swabia, and Franconia; and the Hungarians

promoted the reign of anarchy, by forcing the stoutest barons to

discipline their vassals and fortify their castles. The origin of walled

towns is ascribed to this calamitous period; nor could any distance be

secure against an enemy, who, almost at the same instant, laid in ashes

the Helvetian monastery of St. Gall, and the city of Bremen, on the

shores of the northern ocean. Above thirty years the Germanic empire,

or kingdom, was subject to the ignominy of tribute; and resistance was

disarmed by the menace, the serious and effectual menace of dragging the

women and children into captivity, and of slaughtering the males above

the age of ten years. I have neither power nor inclination to follow the

Hungarians beyond the Rhine; but I must observe with surprise, that

the southern provinces of France were blasted by the tempest, and that

Spain, behind her Pyrenees, was astonished at the approach of these

formidable strangers. The vicinity of Italy had tempted their early

inroads; but from their camp on the Brenta, they beheld with some terror

the apparent strength and populousness of the new discovered country.

They requested leave to retire; their request was proudly rejected by

the Italian king; and the lives of twenty thousand Christians paid the

forfeit of his obstinacy and rashness. Among the cities of the West, the

royal Pavia was conspicuous in fame and splendor; and the preÎminence

of Rome itself was only derived from the relics of the apostles. The

Hungarians appeared; Pavia was in flames; forty-three churches were

consumed; and, after the massacre of the people, they spared about two

hundred wretches who had gathered some bushels of gold and silver (a

vague exaggeration) from the smoking ruins of their country. In these

annual excursions from the Alps to the neighborhood of Rome and Capua,

the churches, that yet escaped, resounded with a fearful litany: "O,

save and deliver us from the arrows of the Hungarians!" But the saints

were deaf or inexorable; and the torrent rolled forwards, till it was

stopped by the extreme land of Calabria. A composition was offered and

accepted for the head of each Italian subject; and ten bushels of silver

were poured forth in the Turkish camp. But falsehood is the natural

antagonist of violence; and the robbers were defrauded both in the

numbers of the assessment and the standard of the metal. On the side of

the East, the Hungarians were opposed in doubtful conflict by the equal

arms of the Bulgarians, whose faith forbade an alliance with the Pagans,

and whose situation formed the barrier of the Byzantine empire. The

barrier was overturned; the emperor of Constantinople beheld the waving

banners of the Turks; and one of their boldest warriors presumed to

strike a battle-axe into the golden gate. The arts and treasures of the

Greeks diverted the assault; but the Hungarians might boast, in their

retreat, that they had imposed a tribute on the spirit of Bulgaria and

the majesty of the CÊsars. The remote and rapid operations of the same

campaign appear to magnify the power and numbers of the Turks; but their

courage is most deserving of praise, since a light troop of three or

four hundred horse would often attempt and execute the most daring

inroads to the gates of Thessalonica and Constantinople. At this

disastrous Êra of the ninth and tenth centuries, Europe was afflicted

by a triple scourge from the North, the East, and the South: the Norman,

the Hungarian, and the Saracen, sometimes trod the same ground of

desolation; and these savage foes might have been compared by Homer to

the two lions growling over the carcass of a mangled stag.

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