After the final division between the sons of Theodosius, the swarms

of Barbarians from Scythia and Germany over-spread the provinces and

extinguished the empire of ancient Rome. The weakness of Constantinople

was concealed by extent of dominion: her limits were inviolate, or at

least entire; and the kingdom of Justinian was enlarged by the splendid

acquisition of Africa and Italy. But the possession of these new

conquests was transient and precarious; and almost a moiety of the

Eastern empire was torn away by the arms of the Saracens. Syria and

Egypt were oppressed by the Arabian caliphs; and, after the reduction of

Africa, their lieutenants invaded and subdued the Roman province which

had been changed into the Gothic monarchy of Spain. The islands of the

Mediterranean were not inaccessible to their naval powers; and it was

from their extreme stations, the harbors of Crete and the fortresses of

Cilicia, that the faithful or rebel emirs insulted the majesty of the

throne and capital. The remaining provinces, under the obedience of

the emperors, were cast into a new mould; and the jurisdiction of

the presidents, the consulars, and the counts were superseded by the

institution of the _themes_, or military governments, which prevailed

under the successors of Heraclius, and are described by the pen of the

royal author. Of the twenty-nine themes, twelve in Europe and seventeen

in Asia, the origin is obscure, the etymology doubtful or capricious:

the limits were arbitrary and fluctuating; but some particular names,

that sound the most strangely to our ear, were derived from the

character and attributes of the troops that were maintained at the

expense, and for the guard, of the respective divisions. The vanity of

the Greek princes most eagerly grasped the shadow of conquest and the

memory of lost dominion. A new Mesopotamia was created on the western

side of the Euphrates: the appellation and prÊtor of Sicily were

transferred to a narrow slip of Calabria; and a fragment of the duchy of

Beneventum was promoted to the style and title of the theme of Lombardy.

In the decline of the Arabian empire, the successors of Constantine

might indulge their pride in more solid advantages. The victories of

Nicephorus, John Zimisces, and Basil the Second, revived the fame, and

enlarged the boundaries, of the Roman name: the province of Cilicia, the

metropolis of Antioch, the islands of Crete and Cyprus, were restored

to the allegiance of Christ and CÊsar: one third of Italy was annexed to

the throne of Constantinople: the kingdom of Bulgaria was destroyed; and

the last sovereigns of the Macedonian dynasty extended their sway from

the sources of the Tigris to the neighborhood of Rome. In the eleventh

century, the prospect was again clouded by new enemies and new

misfortunes: the relics of Italy were swept away by the Norman

adventures; and almost all the Asiatic branches were dissevered from the

Roman trunk by the Turkish conquerors. After these losses, the

emperors of the Comnenian family continued to reign from the Danube

to Peloponnesus, and from Belgrade to Nice, Trebizond, and the winding

stream of the Meander. The spacious provinces of Thrace, Macedonia,

and Greece, were obedient to their sceptre; the possession of Cyprus,

Rhodes, and Crete, was accompanied by the fifty islands of the ∆gean or

Holy Sea; and the remnant of their empire transcends the measure of the

largest of the European kingdoms.

The same princes might assert, with dignity and truth, that of all the

monarchs of Christendom they possessed the greatest city, the most ample

revenue, the most flourishing and populous state. With the decline and

fall of the empire, the cities of the West had decayed and fallen; nor

could the ruins of Rome, or the mud walls, wooden hovels, and narrow

precincts of Paris and London, prepare the Latin stranger to contemplate

the situation and extent of Constantinople, her stately palaces

and churches, and the arts and luxury of an innumerable people. Her

treasures might attract, but her virgin strength had repelled, and still

promised to repel, the audacious invasion of the Persian and Bulgarian,

the Arab and the Russian. The provinces were less fortunate and

impregnable; and few districts, few cities, could be discovered which

had not been violated by some fierce Barbarian, impatient to despoil,

because he was hopeless to possess. From the age of Justinian the

Eastern empire was sinking below its former level; the powers of

destruction were more active than those of improvement; and the

calamities of war were imbittered by the more permanent evils of

civil and ecclesiastical tyranny. The captive who had escaped from the

Barbarians was often stripped and imprisoned by the ministers of his

sovereign: the Greek superstition relaxed the mind by prayer, and

emaciated the body by fasting; and the multitude of convents and

festivals diverted many hands and many days from the temporal service

of mankind. Yet the subjects of the Byzantine empire were still the most

dexterous and diligent of nations; their country was blessed by nature

with every advantage of soil, climate, and situation; and, in the

support and restoration of the arts, their patient and peaceful temper

was more useful than the warlike spirit and feudal anarchy of Europe.

The provinces that still adhered to the empire were repeopled and

enriched by the misfortunes of those which were irrecoverably lost.

From the yoke of the caliphs, the Catholics of Syria, Egypt, and Africa

retired to the allegiance of their prince, to the society of their

brethren: the movable wealth, which eludes the search of oppression,

accompanied and alleviated their exile, and Constantinople received

into her bosom the fugitive trade of Alexandria and Tyre. The chiefs

of Armenia and Scythia, who fled from hostile or religious persecution,

were hospitably entertained: their followers were encouraged to build

new cities and to cultivate waste lands; and many spots, both in Europe

and Asia, preserved the name, the manners, or at least the memory, of

these national colonies. Even the tribes of Barbarians, who had seated

themselves in arms on the territory of the empire, were gradually

reclaimed to the laws of the church and state; and as long as they were

separated from the Greeks, their posterity supplied a race of faithful

and obedient soldiers. Did we possess sufficient materials to survey

the twenty-nine themes of the Byzantine monarchy, our curiosity might

be satisfied with a chosen example: it is fortunate enough that the

clearest light should be thrown on the most interesting province,

and the name of Peloponnesus will awaken the attention of the classic

reader.

As early as the eighth century, in the troubled reign of the

Iconoclasts, Greece, and even Peloponnesus, were overrun by some

Sclavonian bands who outstripped the royal standard of Bulgaria. The

strangers of old, Cadmus, and Danaus, and Pelops, had planted in that

fruitful soil the seeds of policy and learning; but the savages of the

north eradicated what yet remained of their sickly and withered roots.

In this irruption, the country and the inhabitants were transformed; the

Grecian blood was contaminated; and the proudest nobles of Peloponnesus

were branded with the names of foreigners and _slaves_. By the diligence

of succeeding princes, the land was in some measure purified from the

Barbarians; and the humble remnant was bound by an oath of obedience,

tribute, and military service, which they often renewed and often

violated. The siege of Patras was formed by a singular concurrence of

the Sclavonians of Peloponnesus and the Saracens of Africa. In their

last distress, a pious fiction of the approach of the prÊtor of

Corinth revived the courage of the citizens. Their sally was bold and

successful; the strangers embarked, the rebels submitted, and the glory

of the day was ascribed to a phantom or a stranger, who fought in the

foremost ranks under the character of St. Andrew the Apostle. The shrine

which contained his relics was decorated with the trophies of victory,

and the captive race was forever devoted to the service and vassalage

of the metropolitan church of Patras. By the revolt of two Sclavonian

tribes, in the neighborhood of Helos and LacedÊmon, the peace of the

peninsula was often disturbed. They sometimes insulted the weakness, and

sometimes resisted the oppression, of the Byzantine government, till at

length the approach of their hostile brethren extorted a golden bull

to define the rites and obligations of the Ezzerites and Milengi, whose

annual tribute was defined at twelve hundred pieces of gold. From

these strangers the Imperial geographer has accurately distinguished a

domestic, and perhaps original, race, who, in some degree, might derive

their blood from the much-injured Helots. The liberality of the Romans,

and especially of Augustus, had enfranchised the maritime cities from

the dominion of Sparta; and the continuance of the same benefit ennobled

them with the title of _Eleuthero_, or Free-Laconians. In the time of

Constantine Porphyrogenitus, they had acquired the name of _Mainotes_,

under which they dishonor the claim of liberty by the inhuman pillage of

all that is shipwrecked on their rocky shores. Their territory, barren

of corn, but fruitful of olives, extended to the Cape of Malea: they

accepted a chief or prince from the Byzantine prÊtor, and a light

tribute of four hundred pieces of gold was the badge of their immunity,

rather than of their dependence. The freemen of Laconia assumed the

character of Romans, and long adhered to the religion of the Greeks.

By the zeal of the emperor Basil, they were baptized in the faith of

Christ: but the altars of Venus and Neptune had been crowned by these

rustic votaries five hundred years after they were proscribed in the

Roman world. In the theme of Peloponnesus, forty cities were still

numbered, and the declining state of Sparta, Argos, and Corinth, may be

suspended in the tenth century, at an equal distance, perhaps, between

their antique splendor and their present desolation. The duty of

military service, either in person or by substitute, was imposed on the

lands or benefices of the province; a sum of five pieces of gold was

assessed on each of the substantial tenants; and the same capitation was

shared among several heads of inferior value. On the proclamation of

an Italian war, the Peloponnesians excused themselves by a voluntary

oblation of one hundred pounds of gold, (four thousand pounds sterling,)

and a thousand horses with their arms and trappings. The churches

and monasteries furnished their contingent; a sacrilegious profit was

extorted from the sale of ecclesiastical honors; and the indigent bishop

of Leucadia was made responsible for a pension of one hundred pieces of

gold.

But the wealth of the province, and the trust of the revenue, were

founded on the fair and plentiful produce of trade and manufacturers;

and some symptoms of liberal policy may be traced in a law which exempts

from all personal taxes the mariners of Peloponnesus, and the workmen

in parchment and purple. This denomination may be fairly applied or

extended to the manufacturers of linen, woollen, and more especially of

silk: the two former of which had flourished in Greece since the days

of Homer; and the last was introduced perhaps as early as the reign

of Justinian. These arts, which were exercised at Corinth, Thebes,

and Argos, afforded food and occupation to a numerous people: the

men, women, and children were distributed according to their age and

strength; and, if many of these were domestic slaves, their masters, who

directed the work and enjoyed the profit, were of a free and honorable

condition. The gifts which a rich and generous matron of Peloponnesus

presented to the emperor Basil, her adopted son, were doubtless

fabricated in the Grecian looms. Danielis bestowed a carpet of fine

wool, of a pattern which imitated the spots of a peacock's tail, of a

magnitude to overspread the floor of a new church, erected in the triple

name of Christ, of Michael the archangel, and of the prophet Elijah.

She gave six hundred pieces of silk and linen, of various use and

denomination: the silk was painted with the Tyrian dye, and adorned by

the labors of the needle; and the linen was so exquisitely fine, that an

entire piece might be rolled in the hollow of a cane. In his description

of the Greek manufactures, an historian of Sicily discriminates their

price, according to the weight and quality of the silk, the closeness

of the texture, the beauty of the colors, and the taste and materials of

the embroidery. A single, or even a double or treble thread was thought

sufficient for ordinary sale; but the union of six threads composed

a piece of stronger and more costly workmanship. Among the colors,

he celebrates, with affectation of eloquence, the fiery blaze of the

scarlet, and the softer lustre of the green. The embroidery was raised

either in silk or gold: the more simple ornament of stripes or circles

was surpassed by the nicer imitation of flowers: the vestments that were

fabricated for the palace or the altar often glittered with precious

stones; and the figures were delineated in strings of Oriental pearls.

Till the twelfth century, Greece alone, of all the countries of

Christendom, was possessed of the insect who is taught by nature, and of

the workmen who are instructed by art, to prepare this elegant luxury.

But the secret had been stolen by the dexterity and diligence of the

Arabs: the caliphs of the East and West scorned to borrow from the

unbelievers their furniture and apparel; and two cities of Spain,

Almeria and Lisbon, were famous for the manufacture, the use, and,

perhaps, the exportation, of silk. It was first introduced into Sicily

by the Normans; and this emigration of trade distinguishes the victory

of Roger from the uniform and fruitless hostilities of every age. After

the sack of Corinth, Athens, and Thebes, his lieutenant embarked with a

captive train of weavers and artificers of both sexes, a trophy glorious

to their master, and disgraceful to the Greek emperor. The king of

Sicily was not insensible of the value of the present; and, in the

restitution of the prisoners, he excepted only the male and female

manufacturers of Thebes and Corinth, who labor, says the Byzantine

historian, under a barbarous lord, like the old Eretrians in the service

of Darius. A stately edifice, in the palace of Palermo, was erected for

the use of this industrious colony; and the art was propagated by their

children and disciples to satisfy the increasing demand of the western

world. The decay of the looms of Sicily may be ascribed to the troubles

of the island, and the competition of the Italian cities. In the year

thirteen hundred and fourteen, Lucca alone, among her sister republics,

enjoyed the lucrative monopoly. A domestic revolution dispersed

the manufacturers to Florence, Bologna, Venice, Milan, and even the

countries beyond the Alps; and thirteen years after this event the

statutes of Modena enjoin the planting of mulberry-trees, and regulate

the duties on raw silk. The northern climates are less propitious to

the education of the silkworm; but the industry of France and England is

supplied and enriched by the productions of Italy and China.

Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.--Part II.

I must repeat the complaint that the vague and scanty memorials of the

times will not afford any just estimate of the taxes, the revenue, and

the resources of the Greek empire. From every province of Europe and

Asia the rivulets of gold and silver discharged into the Imperial

reservoir a copious and perennial stream. The separation of the branches

from the trunk increased the relative magnitude of Constantinople; and

the maxims of despotism contracted the state to the capital, the capital

to the palace, and the palace to the royal person. A Jewish traveller,

who visited the East in the twelfth century, is lost in his admiration

of the Byzantine riches. "It is here," says Benjamin of Tudela, "in

the queen of cities, that the tributes of the Greek empire are annually

deposited and the lofty towers are filled with precious magazines of

silk, purple, and gold. It is said, that Constantinople pays each day

to her sovereign twenty thousand pieces of gold; which are levied on the

shops, taverns, and markets, on the merchants of Persia and Egypt, of

Russia and Hungary, of Italy and Spain, who frequent the capital by sea

and land." In all pecuniary matters, the authority of a Jew is doubtless

respectable; but as the three hundred and sixty-five days would produce

a yearly income exceeding seven millions sterling, I am tempted to

retrench at least the numerous festivals of the Greek calendar. The mass

of treasure that was saved by Theodora and Basil the Second will suggest

a splendid, though indefinite, idea of their supplies and resources. The

mother of Michael, before she retired to a cloister, attempted to check

or expose the prodigality of her ungrateful son, by a free and faithful

account of the wealth which he inherited; one hundred and nine thousand

pounds of gold, and three hundred thousand of silver, the fruits of her

own economy and that of her deceased husband. The avarice of Basil is

not less renowned than his valor and fortune: his victorious armies were

paid and rewarded without breaking into the mass of two hundred thousand

pounds of gold, (about eight millions sterling,) which he had buried in

the subterraneous vaults of the palace. Such accumulation of treasure

is rejected by the theory and practice of modern policy; and we are more

apt to compute the national riches by the use and abuse of the public

credit. Yet the maxims of antiquity are still embraced by a monarch

formidable to his enemies; by a republic respectable to her allies; and

both have attained their respective ends of military power and domestic

tranquillity.

Whatever might be consumed for the present wants, or reserved for the

future use, of the state, the first and most sacred demand was for the

pomp and pleasure of the emperor, and his discretion only could define

the measure of his private expense. The princes of Constantinople were

far removed from the simplicity of nature; yet, with the revolving

seasons, they were led by taste or fashion to withdraw to a purer air,

from the smoke and tumult of the capital. They enjoyed, or affected to

enjoy, the rustic festival of the vintage: their leisure was amused by

the exercise of the chase and the calmer occupation of fishing, and in

the summer heats, they were shaded from the sun, and refreshed by the

cooling breezes from the sea. The coasts and islands of Asia and Europe

were covered with their magnificent villas; but, instead of the modest

art which secretly strives to hide itself and to decorate the scenery of

nature, the marble structure of their gardens served only to expose

the riches of the lord, and the labors of the architect. The successive

casualties of inheritance and forfeiture had rendered the sovereign

proprietor of many stately houses in the city and suburbs, of which

twelve were appropriated to the ministers of state; but the great

palace, the centre of the Imperial residence, was fixed during eleven

centuries to the same position, between the hippodrome, the cathedral

of St. Sophia, and the gardens, which descended by many a terrace to the

shores of the Propontis. The primitive edifice of the first Constantine

was a copy, or rival, of ancient Rome; the gradual improvements of his

successors aspired to emulate the wonders of the old world, and in the

tenth century, the Byzantine palace excited the admiration, at least

of the Latins, by an unquestionable preÎminence of strength, size, and

magnificence. But the toil and treasure of so many ages had produced

a vast and irregular pile: each separate building was marked with the

character of the times and of the founder; and the want of space

might excuse the reigning monarch, who demolished, perhaps with secret

satisfaction, the works of his predecessors. The economy of the emperor

Theophilus allowed a more free and ample scope for his domestic luxury

and splendor. A favorite ambassador, who had astonished the Abbassides

themselves by his pride and liberality, presented on his return the

model of a palace, which the caliph of Bagdad had recently constructed

on the banks of the Tigris. The model was instantly copied and

surpassed: the new buildings of Theophilus were accompanied with

gardens, and with five churches, one of which was conspicuous for size

and beauty: it was crowned with three domes, the roof of gilt brass

reposed on columns of Italian marble, and the walls were incrusted with

marbles of various colors. In the face of the church, a semicircular

portico, of the figure and name of the Greek _sigma_, was supported by

fifteen columns of Phrygian marble, and the subterraneous vaults were of

a similar construction. The square before the sigma was decorated with

a fountain, and the margin of the basin was lined and encompassed with

plates of silver. In the beginning of each season, the basin, instead

of water, was replenished with the most exquisite fruits, which were

abandoned to the populace for the entertainment of the prince. He

enjoyed this tumultuous spectacle from a throne resplendent with gold

and gems, which was raised by a marble staircase to the height of a

lofty terrace. Below the throne were seated the officers of his guards,

the magistrates, the chiefs of the factions of the circus; the inferior

steps were occupied by the people, and the place below was covered with

troops of dancers, singers, and pantomimes. The square was surrounded

by the hall of justice, the arsenal, and the various offices of business

and pleasure; and the _purple_ chamber was named from the annual

distribution of robes of scarlet and purple by the hand of the empress

herself. The long series of the apartments was adapted to the seasons,

and decorated with marble and porphyry, with painting, sculpture, and

mosaics, with a profusion of gold, silver, and precious stones. His

fanciful magnificence employed the skill and patience of such artists

as the times could afford: but the taste of Athens would have despised

their frivolous and costly labors; a golden tree, with its leaves and

branches, which sheltered a multitude of birds warbling their artificial

notes, and two lions of massy gold, and of natural size, who looked and

roared like their brethren of the forest. The successors of Theophilus,

of the Basilian and Comnenian dynasties, were not less ambitious of

leaving some memorial of their residence; and the portion of the palace

most splendid and august was dignified with the title of the golden

_triclinium_. With becoming modesty, the rich and noble Greeks aspired

to imitate their sovereign, and when they passed through the streets on

horseback, in their robes of silk and embroidery, they were mistaken by

the children for kings. A matron of Peloponnesus, who had cherished the

infant fortunes of Basil the Macedonian, was excited by tenderness or

vanity to visit the greatness of her adopted son. In a journey of

five hundred miles from Patras to Constantinople, her age or indolence

declined the fatigue of a horse or carriage: the soft litter or bed of

Danielis was transported on the shoulders of ten robust slaves; and

as they were relieved at easy distances, a band of three hundred were

selected for the performance of this service. She was entertained in the

Byzantine palace with filial reverence, and the honors of a queen; and

whatever might be the origin of her wealth, her gifts were not unworthy

of the regal dignity. I have already described the fine and curious

manufactures of Peloponnesus, of linen, silk, and woollen; but the most

acceptable of her presents consisted in three hundred beautiful youths,

of whom one hundred were eunuchs; "for she was not ignorant," says

the historian, "that the air of the palace is more congenial to such

insects, than a shepherd's dairy to the flies of the summer." During her

lifetime, she bestowed the greater part of her estates in Peloponnesus,

and her testament instituted Leo, the son of Basil, her universal heir.

After the payment of the legacies, fourscore villas or farms were added

to the Imperial domain; and three thousand slaves of Danielis were

enfranchised by their new lord, and transplanted as a colony to the

Italian coast. From this example of a private matron, we may estimate

the wealth and magnificence of the emperors. Yet our enjoyments are

confined by a narrow circle; and, whatsoever may be its value, the

luxury of life is possessed with more innocence and safety by the master

of his own, than by the steward of the public, fortune.

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