Forty-six years after the flight of Mahomet from Mecca, his disciples

appeared in arms under the walls of Constantinople. They were animated

by a genuine or fictitious saying of the prophet, that, to the first

army which besieged the city of the CÊsars, their sins were forgiven:

the long series of Roman triumphs would be meritoriously transferred to

the conquerors of New Rome; and the wealth of nations was deposited in

this well-chosen seat of royalty and commerce. No sooner had the caliph

Moawiyah suppressed his rivals and established his throne, than he

aspired to expiate the guilt of civil blood, by the success and glory of

this holy expedition; his preparations by sea and land were adequate to

the importance of the object; his standard was intrusted to Sophian,

a veteran warrior, but the troops were encouraged by the example and

presence of Yezid, the son and presumptive heir of the commander of

the faithful. The Greeks had little to hope, nor had their enemies any

reason of fear, from the courage and vigilance of the reigning emperor,

who disgraced the name of Constantine, and imitated only the inglorious

years of his grandfather Heraclius. Without delay or opposition, the

naval forces of the Saracens passed through the unguarded channel of the

Hellespont, which even now, under the feeble and disorderly government

of the Turks, is maintained as the natural bulwark of the capital. The

Arabian fleet cast anchor, and the troops were disembarked near the

palace of Hebdomon, seven miles from the city. During many days, from

the dawn of light to the evening, the line of assault was extended from

the golden gate to the eastern promontory and the foremost warriors were

impelled by the weight and effort of the succeeding columns. But the

besiegers had formed an insufficient estimate of the strength and

resources of Constantinople. The solid and lofty walls were guarded by

numbers and discipline: the spirit of the Romans was rekindled by

the last danger of their religion and empire: the fugitives from the

conquered provinces more successfully renewed the defence of Damascus

and Alexandria; and the Saracens were dismayed by the strange and

prodigious effects of artificial fire. This firm and effectual

resistance diverted their arms to the more easy attempt of plundering

the European and Asiatic coasts of the Propontis; and, after keeping

the sea from the month of April to that of September, on the approach of

winter they retreated fourscore miles from the capital, to the Isle

of Cyzicus, in which they had established their magazine of spoil and

provisions. So patient was their perseverance, or so languid were their

operations, that they repeated in the six following summers the same

attack and retreat, with a gradual abatement of hope and vigor, till the

mischances of shipwreck and disease, of the sword and of fire, compelled

them to relinquish the fruitless enterprise. They might bewail the loss,

or commemorate the martyrdom, of thirty thousand Moslems, who fell in

the siege of Constantinople; and the solemn funeral of Abu Ayub, or Job,

excited the curiosity of the Christians themselves. That venerable Arab,

one of the last of the companions of Mahomet, was numbered among the

_ansars_, or auxiliaries, of Medina, who sheltered the head of the

flying prophet. In his youth he fought, at Beder and Ohud, under the

holy standard: in his mature age he was the friend and follower of Ali;

and the last remnant of his strength and life was consumed in a distant

and dangerous war against the enemies of the Koran. His memory was

revered; but the place of his burial was neglected and unknown, during

a period of seven hundred and eighty years, till the conquest of

Constantinople by Mahomet the Second. A seasonable vision (for such are

the manufacture of every religion) revealed the holy spot at the foot of

the walls and the bottom of the harbor; and the mosch of Ayub has been

deservedly chosen for the simple and martial inauguration of the Turkish

sultans.

The event of the siege revived, both in the East and West, the

reputation of the Roman arms, and cast a momentary shade over the

glories of the Saracens. The Greek ambassador was favorably received at

Damascus, a general council of the emirs or Koreish: a peace, or

truce, of thirty years was ratified between the two empires; and the

stipulation of an annual tribute, fifty horses of a noble breed, fifty

slaves, and three thousand pieces of gold, degraded the majesty of the

commander of the faithful. The aged caliph was desirous of possessing

his dominions, and ending his days in tranquillity and repose: while the

Moors and Indians trembled at his name, his palace and city of Damascus

was insulted by the Mardaites, or Maronites, of Mount Libanus, the

firmest barrier of the empire, till they were disarmed and transplanted

by the suspicious policy of the Greeks. After the revolt of Arabia and

Persia, the house of Ommiyah was reduced to the kingdoms of Syria

and Egypt: their distress and fear enforced their compliance with the

pressing demands of the Christians; and the tribute was increased to

a slave, a horse, and a thousand pieces of gold, for each of the three

hundred and sixty-five days of the solar year. But as soon as the empire

was again united by the arms and policy of Abdalmalek, he disclaimed

a badge of servitude not less injurious to his conscience than to his

pride; he discontinued the payment of the tribute; and the resentment

of the Greeks was disabled from action by the mad tyranny of the second

Justinian, the just rebellion of his subjects, and the frequent change

of his antagonists and successors. Till the reign of Abdalmalek, the

Saracens had been content with the free possession of the Persian and

Roman treasures, in the coins of Chosroes and CÊsar. By the command of

that caliph, a national mint was established, both for silver and gold,

and the inscription of the Dinar, though it might be censured by some

timorous casuists, proclaimed the unity of the God of Mahomet. Under

the reign of the caliph Walid, the Greek language and characters were

excluded from the accounts of the public revenue. If this change was

productive of the invention or familiar use of our present numerals, the

Arabic or Indian ciphers, as they are commonly styled, a regulation

of office has promoted the most important discoveries of arithmetic,

algebra, and the mathematical sciences.

Whilst the caliph Walid sat idle on the throne of Damascus, whilst his

lieutenants achieved the conquest of Transoxiana and Spain, a third army

of Saracens overspread the provinces of Asia Minor, and approached the

borders of the Byzantine capital. But the attempt and disgrace of

the second siege was reserved for his brother Soliman, whose ambition

appears to have been quickened by a more active and martial spirit. In

the revolutions of the Greek empire, after the tyrant Justinian had been

punished and avenged, an humble secretary, Anastasius or Artemius, was

promoted by chance or merit to the vacant purple. He was alarmed by

the sound of war; and his ambassador returned from Damascus with the

tremendous news, that the Saracens were preparing an armament by sea and

land, such as would transcend the experience of the past, or the belief

of the present age. The precautions of Anastasius were not unworthy of

his station, or of the impending danger. He issued a peremptory mandate,

that all persons who were not provided with the means of subsistence for

a three years' siege should evacuate the city: the public granaries

and arsenals were abundantly replenished; the walls were restored and

strengthened; and the engines for casting stones, or darts, or fire,

were stationed along the ramparts, or in the brigantines of war, of

which an additional number was hastily constructed. To prevent is safer,

as well as more honorable, than to repel, an attack; and a design was

meditated, above the usual spirit of the Greeks, of burning the naval

stores of the enemy, the cypress timber that had been hewn in Mount

Libanus, and was piled along the sea-shore of Phnicia, for the service

of the Egyptian fleet. This generous enterprise was defeated by the

cowardice or treachery of the troops, who, in the new language of the

empire, were styled of the _Obsequian Theme_. They murdered their chief,

deserted their standard in the Isle of Rhodes, dispersed themselves over

the adjacent continent, and deserved pardon or reward by investing with

the purple a simple officer of the revenue. The name of Theodosius might

recommend him to the senate and people; but, after some months, he sunk

into a cloister, and resigned, to the firmer hand of Leo the Isaurian,

the urgent defence of the capital and empire. The most formidable of the

Saracens, Moslemah, the brother of the caliph, was advancing at the head

of one hundred and twenty thousand Arabs and Persians, the greater

part mounted on horses or camels; and the successful sieges of Tyana,

Amorium, and Pergamus, were of sufficient duration to exercise their

skill and to elevate their hopes. At the well-known passage of Abydus,

on the Hellespont, the Mahometan arms were transported, for the first

time, from Asia to Europe. From thence, wheeling round the Thracian

cities of the Propontis, Moslemah invested Constantinople on the land

side, surrounded his camp with a ditch and rampart, prepared and planted

his engines of assault, and declared, by words and actions, a patient

resolution of expecting the return of seed-time and harvest, should

the obstinacy of the besieged prove equal to his own. The Greeks would

gladly have ransomed their religion and empire, by a fine or assessment

of a piece of gold on the head of each inhabitant of the city; but the

liberal offer was rejected with disdain, and the presumption of Moslemah

was exalted by the speedy approach and invincible force of the natives

of Egypt and Syria. They are said to have amounted to eighteen hundred

ships: the number betrays their inconsiderable size; and of the twenty

stout and capacious vessels, whose magnitude impeded their progress,

each was manned with no more than one hundred heavy-armed soldiers. This

huge armada proceeded on a smooth sea, and with a gentle gale, towards

the mouth of the Bosphorus; the surface of the strait was overshadowed,

in the language of the Greeks, with a moving forest, and the same fatal

night had been fixed by the Saracen chief for a general assault by sea

and land. To allure the confidence of the enemy, the emperor had thrown

aside the chain that usually guarded the entrance of the harbor; but

while they hesitated whether they should seize the opportunity, or

apprehend the snare, the ministers of destruction were at hand. The

fire-ships of the Greeks were launched against them; the Arabs, their

arms, and vessels, were involved in the same flames; the disorderly

fugitives were dashed against each other or overwhelmed in the waves;

and I no longer find a vestige of the fleet, that had threatened to

extirpate the Roman name. A still more fatal and irreparable loss was

that of the caliph Soliman, who died of an indigestion, in his camp

near Kinnisrin or Chalcis in Syria, as he was preparing to lead against

Constantinople the remaining forces of the East. The brother of Moslemah

was succeeded by a kinsman and an enemy; and the throne of an active

and able prince was degraded by the useless and pernicious virtues of

a bigot. While he started and satisfied the scruples of a blind

conscience, the siege was continued through the winter by the neglect,

rather than by the resolution of the caliph Omar. The winter proved

uncommonly rigorous: above a hundred days the ground was covered with

deep snow, and the natives of the sultry climes of Egypt and Arabia lay

torpid and almost lifeless in their frozen camp. They revived on the

return of spring; a second effort had been made in their favor; and

their distress was relieved by the arrival of two numerous fleets, laden

with corn, and arms, and soldiers; the first from Alexandria, of four

hundred transports and galleys; the second of three hundred and sixty

vessels from the ports of Africa. But the Greek fires were again

kindled; and if the destruction was less complete, it was owing to the

experience which had taught the Moslems to remain at a safe distance, or

to the perfidy of the Egyptian mariners, who deserted with their ships

to the emperor of the Christians. The trade and navigation of the

capital were restored; and the produce of the fisheries supplied the

wants, and even the luxury, of the inhabitants. But the calamities of

famine and disease were soon felt by the troops of Moslemah, and as the

former was miserably assuaged, so the latter was dreadfully propagated,

by the pernicious nutriment which hunger compelled them to extract from

the most unclean or unnatural food. The spirit of conquest, and even of

enthusiasm, was extinct: the Saracens could no longer struggle, beyond

their lines, either single or in small parties, without exposing

themselves to the merciless retaliation of the Thracian peasants.

An army of Bulgarians was attracted from the Danube by the gifts and

promises of Leo; and these savage auxiliaries made some atonement for

the evils which they had inflicted on the empire, by the defeat and

slaughter of twenty-two thousand Asiatics. A report was dexterously

scattered, that the Franks, the unknown nations of the Latin world, were

arming by sea and land in the defence of the Christian cause, and their

formidable aid was expected with far different sensations in the camp

and city. At length, after a siege of thirteen months, the hopeless

Moslemah received from the caliph the welcome permission of retreat.

* The march of the Arabian cavalry over the Hellespont and through the

provinces of Asia, was executed without delay or molestation; but an

army of their brethren had been cut in pieces on the side of Bithynia,

and the remains of the fleet were so repeatedly damaged by tempest and

fire, that only five galleys entered the port of Alexandria to relate

the tale of their various and almost incredible disasters.

In the two sieges, the deliverance of Constantinople may be chiefly

ascribed to the novelty, the terrors, and the real efficacy of the

_Greek fire_. The important secret of compounding and directing this

artificial flame was imparted by Callinicus, a native of Heliopolis

in Syria, who deserted from the service of the caliph to that of the

emperor. The skill of a chemist and engineer was equivalent to the

succor of fleets and armies; and this discovery or improvement of the

military art was fortunately reserved for the distressful period, when

the degenerate Romans of the East were incapable of contending with the

warlike enthusiasm and youthful vigor of the Saracens. The historian who

presumes to analyze this extraordinary composition should suspect

his own ignorance and that of his Byzantine guides, so prone to the

marvellous, so careless, and, in this instance, so jealous of the truth.

From their obscure, and perhaps fallacious, hints it should seem that

the principal ingredient of the Greek fire was the _naphtha_, or liquid

bitumen, a light, tenacious, and inflammable oil, which springs from the

earth, and catches fire as soon as it comes in contact with the air. The

naphtha was mingled, I know not by what methods or in what proportions,

with sulphur and with the pitch that is extracted from evergreen firs.

From this mixture, which produced a thick smoke and a loud explosion,

proceeded a fierce and obstinate flame, which not only rose in

perpendicular ascent, but likewise burnt with equal vehemence in descent

or lateral progress; instead of being extinguished, it was nourished and

quickened by the element of water; and sand, urine, or vinegar, were the

only remedies that could damp the fury of this powerful agent, which was

justly denominated by the Greeks the _liquid_, or the _maritime_, fire.

For the annoyance of the enemy, it was employed with equal effect, by

sea and land, in battles or in sieges. It was either poured from the

rampart in large boilers, or launched in red-hot balls of stone and

iron, or darted in arrows and javelins, twisted round with flax and tow,

which had deeply imbibed the inflammable oil; sometimes it was deposited

in fire-ships, the victims and instruments of a more ample revenge, and

was most commonly blown through long tubes of copper which were planted

on the prow of a galley, and fancifully shaped into the mouths of savage

monsters, that seemed to vomit a stream of liquid and consuming fire.

This important art was preserved at Constantinople, as the palladium of

the state: the galleys and _artillery_ might occasionally be lent to the

allies of Rome; but the composition of the Greek fire was concealed with

the most jealous scruple, and the terror of the enemies was increased

and prolonged by their ignorance and surprise. In the treaties of the

administration of the empire, the royal author suggests the answers and

excuses that might best elude the indiscreet curiosity and importunate

demands of the Barbarians. They should be told that the mystery of the

Greek fire had been revealed by an angel to the first and greatest of

the Constantines, with a sacred injunction, that this gift of Heaven,

this peculiar blessing of the Romans, should never be communicated to

any foreign nation; that the prince and the subject were alike bound to

religious silence under the temporal and spiritual penalties of treason

and sacrilege; and that the impious attempt would provoke the sudden

and supernatural vengeance of the God of the Christians. By these

precautions, the secret was confined, above four hundred years, to the

Romans of the East; and at the end of the eleventh century, the Pisans,

to whom every sea and every art were familiar, suffered the effects,

without understanding the composition, of the Greek fire. It was at

length either discovered or stolen by the Mahometans; and, in the holy

wars of Syria and Egypt, they retorted an invention, contrived against

themselves, on the heads of the Christians. A knight, who despised the

swords and lances of the Saracens, relates, with heartfelt sincerity,

his own fears, and those of his companions, at the sight and sound of

the mischievous engine that discharged a torrent of the Greek fire, the

_feu Gregeois_, as it is styled by the more early of the French

writers. It came flying through the air, says Joinville, like a winged

long-tailed dragon, about the thickness of a hogshead, with the report

of thunder and the velocity of lightning; and the darkness of the night

was dispelled by this deadly illumination. The use of the Greek, or, as

it might now be called, of the Saracen fire, was continued to the middle

of the fourteenth century, when the scientific or casual compound of

nitre, sulphur, and charcoal, effected a new revolution in the art of

war and the history of mankind.

Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.--Part II.

Constantinople and the Greek fire might exclude the Arabs from the

eastern entrance of Europe; but in the West, on the side of the

Pyrenees, the provinces of Gaul were threatened and invaded by the

conquerors of Spain. The decline of the French monarchy invited the

attack of these insatiate fanatics. The descendants of Clovis had

lost the inheritance of his martial and ferocious spirit; and their

misfortune or demerit has affixed the epithet of _lazy_ to the last

kings of the Merovingian race. They ascended the throne without power,

and sunk into the grave without a name. A country palace, in the

neighborhood of Compiegne was allotted for their residence or prison:

but each year, in the month of March or May, they were conducted in a

wagon drawn by oxen to the assembly of the Franks, to give audience to

foreign ambassadors, and to ratify the acts of the mayor of the palace.

That domestic officer was become the minister of the nation and the

master of the prince. A public employment was converted into the

patrimony of a private family: the elder Pepin left a king of mature

years under the guardianship of his own widow and her child; and these

feeble regents were forcibly dispossessed by the most active of his

bastards. A government, half savage and half corrupt, was almost

dissolved; and the tributary dukes, and provincial counts, and the

territorial lords, were tempted to despise the weakness of the monarch,

and to imitate the ambition of the mayor. Among these independent

chiefs, one of the boldest and most successful was Eudes, duke of

Aquitain, who in the southern provinces of Gaul usurped the authority,

and even the title of king. The Goths, the Gascons, and the Franks,

assembled under the standard of this Christian hero: he repelled the

first invasion of the Saracens; and Zama, lieutenant of the caliph, lost

his army and his life under the walls of Thoulouse. The ambition of his

successors was stimulated by revenge; they repassed the Pyrenees with

the means and the resolution of conquest. The advantageous situation

which had recommended Narbonne as the first Roman colony, was again

chosen by the Moslems: they claimed the province of Septimania or

Languedoc as a just dependence of the Spanish monarchy: the vineyards

of Gascony and the city of Bourdeaux were possessed by the sovereign of

Damascus and Samarcand; and the south of France, from the mouth of

the Garonne to that of the Rhone, assumed the manners and religion of

Arabia.

But these narrow limits were scorned by the spirit of Abdalraman, or

Abderame, who had been restored by the caliph Hashem to the wishes of

the soldiers and people of Spain. That veteran and daring commander

adjudged to the obedience of the prophet whatever yet remained of France

or of Europe; and prepared to execute the sentence, at the head of a

formidable host, in the full confidence of surmounting all opposition

either of nature or of man. His first care was to suppress a domestic

rebel, who commanded the most important passes of the Pyrenees: Manuza,

a Moorish chief, had accepted the alliance of the duke of Aquitain;

and Eudes, from a motive of private or public interest, devoted his

beauteous daughter to the embraces of the African misbeliever. But the

strongest fortresses of Cerdagne were invested by a superior force; the

rebel was overtaken and slain in the mountains; and his widow was sent

a captive to Damascus, to gratify the desires, or more probably the

vanity, of the commander of the faithful. From the Pyrenees, Abderame

proceeded without delay to the passage of the Rhone and the siege of

Arles. An army of Christians attempted the relief of the city: the tombs

of their leaders were yet visible in the thirteenth century; and many

thousands of their dead bodies were carried down the rapid stream into

the Mediterranean Sea. The arms of Abderame were not less successful

on the side of the ocean. He passed without opposition the Garonne and

Dordogne, which unite their waters in the Gulf of Bourdeaux; but he

found, beyond those rivers, the camp of the intrepid Eudes, who had

formed a second army and sustained a second defeat, so fatal to the

Christians, that, according to their sad confession, God alone could

reckon the number of the slain. The victorious Saracen overran the

provinces of Aquitain, whose Gallic names are disguised, rather than

lost, in the modern appellations of Perigord, Saintonge, and Poitou: his

standards were planted on the walls, or at least before the gates,

of Tours and of Sens; and his detachments overspread the kingdom of

Burgundy as far as the well-known cities of Lyons and Besancon. The

memory of these devastations (for Abderame did not spare the country or

the people) was long preserved by tradition; and the invasion of France

by the Moors or Mahometans affords the groundwork of those fables,

which have been so wildly disfigured in the romances of chivalry, and

so elegantly adorned by the Italian muse. In the decline of society and

art, the deserted cities could supply a slender booty to the Saracens;

their richest spoil was found in the churches and monasteries, which

they stripped of their ornaments and delivered to the flames: and the

tutelar saints, both Hilary of Poitiers and Martin of Tours, forgot

their miraculous powers in the defence of their own sepulchres. A

victorious line of march had been prolonged above a thousand miles from

the rock of Gibraltar to the banks of the Loire; the repetition of an

equal space would have carried the Saracens to the confines of Poland

and the Highlands of Scotland; the Rhine is not more impassable than

the Nile or Euphrates, and the Arabian fleet might have sailed without a

naval combat into the mouth of the Thames. Perhaps the interpretation of

the Koran would now be taught in the schools of Oxford, and her pulpits

might demonstrate to a circumcised people the sanctity and truth of the

revelation of Mahomet.

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