The next point which I shall mention in illustration of the

extremely close resemblance between certain twins is the similarity

in the association of their ideas. No less than eleven out of the

thirty-five cases testify to this. They make the same remarks on the

same occasion, begin singing the same song at the same moment, and

so on; or one would commence a sentence, and the other would finish

it. An observant friend graphically described to me the effect

produced on her by two such twins whom she had met casually. She said:

"Their teeth grew alike, they spoke alike and together, and said the

same things, and seemed just like one person." One of the most

curious anecdotes that I have received concerning this similarity of

ideas was that one twin, A, who happened to be at a town in Scotland,

bought a set of champagne glasses which caught his attention, as a

surprise for his brother B; while, at the same time, B, being in

England, bought a similar set of precisely the same pattern as a

surprise for A. Other anecdotes of a like kind have reached me about

these twins.

The last point to which I shall allude regards the tastes and

dispositions of the thirty-five pairs of twins. In sixteen

cases--that is, in nearly one-half of them--these were described as

closely similar; in the remaining nineteen they were much alike, but

subject to certain named differences. These differences belonged

almost wholly to such groups of qualities as these: The one was the

more vigorous, fearless, energetic; the other was gentle, clinging,

and timid; or the one was more ardent, the other more calm and placid;

or again, the one was the more independent, original, and

self-contained; the other the more generous, hasty, and vivacious.

In short, the difference was that of intensity or energy in one or

other of its protean forms; it did not extend more deeply into the

structure of the characters. The more vivacious might be subdued by

ill health, until he assumed the character of the other; or the

latter might be raised by excellent health to that of the former.

The difference was in the key-note, not in the melody.

It follows from what has been said concerning the similar

dispositions of the twins, the similarity in the associations of

their ideas, of their special ailments, and of their illnesses

generally, that the resemblances are not superficial, but extremely

intimate. I have only two cases of a strong bodily resemblance being

accompanied by mental diversity, and one case only of the converse

kind. It must be remembered that the conditions which govern extreme

likeness between twins are not the same as those between ordinary

brothers and sisters, and that it would be incorrect to conclude

from what has just been said about the twins that mental and bodily

likeness are invariably co-ordinate, such being by no means the case.

We are now in a position to understand that the phrase "close

similarity" is no exaggeration, and to realise the value of the

evidence I am about to adduce. Here are thirty-five cases of twins

who were "closely alike" in body and mind when they were young, and

who have been reared exactly alike up to their early manhood and

womanhood. Since then the conditions of their lives have changed;

what change of Nurture has produced the most variation?

It was with no little interest that I searched the records of the

thirty-five cases for an answer; and they gave an answer that was

not altogether direct, but it was distinct, and not at all what I

had expected. They showed me that in some cases the resemblance of

body and mind had continued unaltered up to old age, notwithstanding

very different conditions of life; and they showed in the other

cases that the parents ascribed such dissimilarity as there was,

wholly or almost wholly to some form of illness. In four cases it

was scarlet fever; in a fifth, typhus; in a sixth, a slight effect

was ascribed to a nervous fever; in a seventh it was the effect of

an Indian climate; in an eighth, an illness (unnamed) of nine

months' duration; in a ninth, varicose veins; in a tenth, a bad

fracture of the leg, which prevented all active exercise afterwards;

and there were three additional instances of undefined forms of ill

health. It will be sufficient to quote one of the returns; in this

the father writes:

"At birth they were _exactly_ alike, except that one was born with a

bad varicose affection, the effect of which had been to prevent any

violent exercise, such as dancing or running, and, as she has grown

older, to make her more serious and thoughtful. Had it not been for

this infirmity, I think the two would have been as exactly alike as

it is possible for two women to be, both mentally and physically;

even now they are constantly mistaken for one another."

In only a very few cases is some allusion made to the dissimilarity

being partly due to the combined action of many small influences,

and in none of the thirty-five cases is it largely, much less wholly,

ascribed to that cause. In not a single instance have I met with a

word about the growing dissimilarity being due to the action of the

firm free-will of one or both of the twins, which had triumphed over

natural tendencies; and yet a large proportion of my correspondents

happen to be clergymen, whose bent of mind is opposed, as I feel

assured from the tone of their letters, to a necessitarian view of

life.

It has been remarked that a growing diversity between twins may be

ascribed to the tardy development of naturally diverse qualities;

but we have a right, upon the evidence I have received, to go

farther than this. We have seen that a few twins retain their close

resemblance through life; in other words, instances do exist of an

apparently thorough similarity of nature, in which such difference

of external circumstances as may be consistent with the ordinary

conditions of the same social rank and country do not create

dissimilarity. Positive evidence, such as this, cannot be outweighed

by any amount of negative evidence. Therefore, in those cases where

there is a growing diversity, and where no external cause can be

assigned either by the twins themselves or by their family for it,

we may feel sure that it must be chiefly or altogether due to a want

of thorough similarity in their nature. Nay, further, in some cases

it is distinctly affirmed that the growing dissimilarity can be

accounted for in no other way. We may, therefore, broadly conclude

that the only circumstance, within the range of those by which

persons of similar conditions of life are affected, that is capable

of producing a marked effect on the character of adults, is illness

or some accident which causes physical infirmity. The twins who

closely resembled each other in childhood and early youth, and were

reared under not very dissimilar conditions, either grow unlike

through the development of natural characteristics which had lain

dormant at first, or else they continue their lives, keeping time

like two watches, hardly to be thrown out of accord except by some

physical jar. Nature is far stronger than Nurture within the limited

range that I have been careful to assign to the latter.

The effect of illness, as shown by these replies, is great, and well

deserves further consideration. It appears that the constitution of

youth is not so elastic as we are apt to think, but that an attack,

say of scarlet fever, leaves a permanent mark, easily to be measured

by the present method of comparison. This recalls an impression made

strongly on my mind several years ago, by the sight of some curves

drawn by a mathematical friend. He took monthly measurements of the

circumference of his children's heads during the first few years of

their lives, and he laid down the successive measurements on the

successive lines of a piece of ruled paper, by taking the edge of

the paper as a base. He then joined the free ends of the lines, and

so obtained a curve of growth. These curves had, on the whole, that

regularity of sweep that might have been expected, but each of them

showed occasional halts, like the landing-places on a long flight of

stairs. The development had been arrested by something, and was not

made up for by after growth. Now, on the same piece of paper my

friend had also registered the various infantile illnesses of the

children, and corresponding to each illness was one of these halts.

There remained no doubt in my mind that, if these illnesses had been

warded off, the development of the children would have been

increased by almost the precise amount lost in these halts. In other

words, the disease had drawn largely upon the capital, and not only

on the income, of their constitutions. I hope these remarks may

induce some men of science to repeat similar experiments on their

children of the future. They may compress two years of a child's

history on one side of a ruled half-sheet of foolscap paper, if they

cause each successive line to stand for a successive month,

beginning from the birth of the child; and if they economise space

by laying, not the 0-inch division of the tape against the edge of

the pages, but, say, the 10-inch division.

The steady and pitiless march of the hidden weaknesses in our

constitutions, through illness to death, is painfully revealed by

these histories of twins. We are too apt to look upon illness and

death as capricious events, and there are some who ascribe them to

the direct effect of supernatural interference, whereas the fact of

the maladies of two twins being continually alike shows that illness

and death are necessary incidents in a regular sequence of

constitutional changes beginning at birth, and upon which external

circumstances have, on the whole, very small effect. In cases where

the maladies of the twins are continually alike, the clocks of their

two lives move regularly on at the same rate, governed by their

internal mechanism. When the hands approach the hour, there are

sudden clicks, followed by a whirring of wheels; the moment that

they touch it, the strokes fall. Necessitarians may derive new

arguments from the life-histories of twins.

We will now consider the converse side of our subject, which appears

to me even the more important of the two. Hitherto we have

investigated cases where the similarity at first was close, but

afterwards became less; now we will examine those in which there was

great dissimilarity at first, and will see how far an identity of

nurture in childhood and youth tended to assimilate them. As has

been already mentioned, there is a large proportion of cases of

sharply-contrasted characteristics, both of body and mind, among

twins. I have twenty such cases, given with much detail. It is a

fact that extreme dissimilarity, such as existed between Esau and

Jacob, is a no less marked peculiarity in twins of the same sex than

extreme similarity. On this curious point, and on much else in the

history of twins, I have many remarks to make, but this is not the

place to make them.

The evidence given by the twenty cases above mentioned is absolutely

accordant, so that the character of the whole may be exactly

conveyed by a few quotations.

(1.) One parent says:--"They have had _exactly the same nurture_

from their birth up to the present time; they are both perfectly

healthy and strong, yet they are otherwise as dissimilar as two boys

could be, physically, mentally, and in their emotional nature."

(2.) "I can answer most decidedly that the twins have been perfectly

dissimilar in character, habits, and likeness from the moment of

their birth to the present time, though they were nursed by the same

woman, went to school together, and were never separated till the

age of fifteen."

(3.) "They have never been separated, never the least differently

treated in food, clothing, or education; both teethed at the same

time, both had measles, whooping-cough, and scarlatina at the same

time, and neither had had any other serious illness. Both are and

have been exceedingly healthy, and have good abilities, yet they

differ as much from each other in mental cast as any one of my

family differs from another."

(4.) "Very dissimilar in body and mind: the one is quiet, retiring,

and slow but sure; good-tempered, but disposed to be sulky when

provoked;--the other is quick, vivacious, forward, acquiring easily

and forgetting soon; quick-tempered and choleric, but quickly

forgiving and forgetting. They have been educated together and never

separated."

(5.) "They were never alike either in body or mind, and their

dissimilarity increases daily. The external influences have been

identical; they have never been separated."

(6.) "The two sisters are very different in ability and disposition.

The one is retiring, but firm and determined; she has no taste for

music or drawing. The other is of an active, excitable temperament:

she displays an unusual amount of quickness and talent, and is

passionately fond of music and drawing. From infancy, they have been

rarely separated even at school, and as children visiting their

friends, they always went together."

(7.) "They have been treated exactly alike both were brought up by

hand; they have been under the same nurse and governess from their

birth, and they are very fond of each other. Their increasing

dissimilarity must be ascribed to a natural difference of mind and

character, as there has been nothing in their treatment to account

for it."

(8.) "They are as different as possible. [A minute and unsparing

analysis of the characters of the two twins is given by their father,

most instructive to read, but impossible to publish without the

certainty of wounding the feelings of one of the twins, if these

pages should chance to fall under his eyes.] They were brought up

entirely by hand, that is, on cow's milk, and treated by one nurse

in precisely the same manner."

(9.) "The home-training and influence were precisely the same, and

therefore I consider the dissimilarity to be accounted for almost

entirely by innate disposition and by causes over which we have no

control."

(10.) "This case is, I should think, somewhat remarkable for

dissimilarity in physique as well as for strong contrast in character.

They have been unlike in body and mind throughout their lives. Both

were reared in a country house, and both were at the same schools

till _aet._ 16."

(11.) "Singularly unlike in body and mind from babyhood; in looks,

dispositions, and tastes they are quite different. I think I may

say the dissimilarity was innate, and developed more by time than

circumstance."

(12.) "We were never in the least degree alike. I should say my

sister's and my own character are diametrically opposed, and have

been utterly different from our birth, though a very strong

affection subsists between us."

(13.) The father remarks:--"They were curiously different in body

and mind from their birth."

The surviving twin (a senior wrangler of Cambridge) adds:--"A fact

struck all our school contemporaries, that my brother and I were

complementary, so to speak, in point of ability and disposition. He

was contemplative, poetical, and literary to a remarkable degree,

showing great power in that line. I was practical, mathematical, and

linguistic. Between us we should have made a very decent sort of a

man."

I could quote others just as strong as these, in some of which the

above phrase "complementary" also appears, while I have not a single

case in which my correspondents speak of originally dissimilar

characters having become assimilated through identity of nurture.

However, a somewhat exaggerated estimate of dissimilarity may be due

to the tendency of relatives to dwell unconsciously on distinctive

peculiarities, and to disregard the far more numerous points of

likeness that would first attract the notice of a stranger. Thus in

case 11 I find the remark, "Strangers see a strong likeness between

them, but none who knows them well can perceive it." Instances are

common of slight acquaintances mistaking members, and especially

daughters of a family, for one another, between whom intimate

friends can barely discover a resemblance. Still, making reasonable

allowance for unintentional exaggeration, the impression that all

this evidence leaves on the mind is one of some wonder whether

nurture can do anything at all, beyond giving instruction and

professional training. It emphatically corroborates and goes far

beyond the conclusions to which we had already been driven by the

cases of similarity. In those, the causes of divergence began to act

about the period of adult life, when the characters had become

somewhat fixed; but here the causes conducive to assimilation began

to act from the earliest moment of the existence of the twins, when

the disposition was most pliant, and they were continuous until the

period of adult life. There is no escape from the conclusion that

nature prevails enormously over nurture when the differences of

nurture do not exceed what is commonly to be found among persons of

the same rank of society and in the same country. My fear is, that

my evidence may seem to prove too much, and be discredited on that

account, as it appears contrary to all experience that nurture

should go for so little. But experience is often fallacious in

ascribing great effects to trifling circumstances. Many a person has

amused himself with throwing bits of stick into a tiny brook and

watching their progress; how they are arrested, first by one chance

obstacle, then by another; and again, how their onward course is

facilitated by a combination of circumstances. He might ascribe much

importance to each of these events, and think how largely the

destiny of the stick had been governed by a series of trifling

accidents. Nevertheless all the sticks succeed in passing down the

current, and in the long-run, they travel at nearly the same rate. So

it is with life, in respect to the several accidents which seem to

have had a great effect upon our careers. The one element, that

varies in different individuals, but is constant in each of them, is

the natural tendency; it corresponds to the current in the stream,

and inevitably asserts itself.

Much stress is laid on the persistence of moral impressions made in

childhood, and the conclusion is drawn, that the effects of early

teaching must be important in a corresponding degree. I acknowledge

the fact, so far as has been explained in the chapter on Early

Sentiments, but there is a considerable set-off on the other side.

Those teachings that conform to the natural aptitudes of the child

leave much more enduring marks than others. Now both the teachings

and the natural aptitudes of the child are usually derived from its

parents. They are able to understand the ways of one another more

intimately than is possible to persons not of the same blood, and

the child instinctively assimilates the habits and ways of thought

of its parents. Its disposition is "educated" by them, in the true

sense of the word; that is to say, it is evoked, not formed by them.

On these grounds I ascribe the persistence of many habits that date

from early home education, to the peculiarities of the instructors

rather than to the period when the instruction was given. The marks

left on the memory by the instructions of a foster-mother are soon

sponged clean away. Consider the history of the cuckoo, which is

reared exclusively by foster-mothers. It is probable that nearly

every young cuckoo, during a series of many hundred generations, has

been brought up in a family whose language is a chirp and a twitter.

But the cuckoo cannot or will not adopt that language, or any other

of the habits of its foster-parents. It leaves its birthplace as

soon as it is able, and finds out its own kith and kin, and

identifies itself henceforth with them. So utterly are its earliest

instructions in an alien bird-language neglected, and so completely

is its new education successful, that the note of the cuckoo tribe

is singularly correct.

DOMESTICATION OF ANIMALS.[14]

[Footnote 14: This memoir is reprinted from the _Transactions of

the Ethnological Society_]

Before leaving the subject of Nature and Nurture, I would direct

attention to evidence bearing on the conditions under which animals

appear first to have been domesticated. It clearly shows the small

power of nurture against adverse natural tendencies.

The few animals that we now possess in a state of domestication were

first reclaimed from wildness in prehistoric times. Our remote

barbarian ancestors must be credited with having accomplished a very

remarkable feat, which no subsequent generation has rivalled. The

utmost that we of modern times have succeeded in doing, is to

improve the races of those animals that we received from our

forefathers in an already domesticated condition.

There are only two reasonable solutions of this exceedingly curious

fact. The one is, that men of highly original ideas, like the

mythical Prometheus, arose from time to time in the dawn of human

progress, and left their respective marks on the world by being the

first to subjugate the camel, the llama, the reindeer, the horse,

the ox, the sheep, the hog, the dog, or some other animal to the

service of man. The other hypothesis is that only a few species of

animals are fitted by their nature to become domestic, and that

these were discovered long ago through the exercise of no higher

intelligence than is to be found among barbarous tribes of the

present day. The failure of civilised man to add to the number of

domesticated species would on this supposition be due to the fact

that all the suitable material whence domestic animals could be

derived has been long since worked out.

I submit that the latter hypothesis is the true one for the reasons

about to be given; and if so, the finality of the process of

domestication must be accepted as one of the most striking instances

of the inflexibility of natural disposition, and of the limitations

thereby imposed upon the [15] choice of careers for animals, and by

analogy for those of men.

[Footnote 15: _Transactionsof the Ethnological Society_, 1865,

with an alteration in the opening and concluding paragraphs, and

with a few verbal emendations. If I had discussed the subject now

for the first time I should have given extracts from the and with a

few verbal emendations. If I had discussed the subject now for the

first time I should have given extracts from the works of the

travellers of the day, but it seemed needless to reopen the inquiry

merely to give it a more modern air. I have also preferred to let

the chapter stand as it was written, because considerable portions of

it have been quoted by various authors (_e.g._ Bagehot, _Economic

Studies_, pp. 161 to 166: Longman, 1880), and the original memoir is

not easily accessible.]

My argument will be this:--All savages maintain pet animals, many

tribes have sacred ones, and kings of ancient states have imported

captive animals on a vast scale, for purposes of show, from

neighbouring countries. I infer that every animal, of any pretensions,

has been tamed over and over again, and has had numerous

opportunities of becoming domesticated. But the cases are rare in

which these opportunities have led to any result. No animal is

fitted for domestication unless it fulfils certain stringent

conditions, which I will endeavour to state and to discuss. My

conclusion is, that all domesticable animals of any note have long

ago fallen under the yoke of man. In short, that the animal creation

has been pretty thoroughly, though half unconsciously, explored, by

the every-day habits of rude races and simple civilisations.

It is a fact familiar to all travellers, that savages frequently

capture young animals of various kinds, and rear them as favourites,

and sell or present them as curiosities. Human nature is generally

akin: savages may be brutal, but they are not on that account devoid

of our taste for taming and caressing young animals; nay, it is not

improbable that some races may possess it in a more marked degree

than ourselves, because it is a childish taste with us; and the

motives of an adult barbarian are very similar to those of a

civilised child.

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