THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
[Sidenote: The American Revolution.]
The American Revolution, if contemplated in view of its ultimate as
well as immediate consequences, is doubtless the greatest event of
modern times. Its importance was not fully appreciated when it took
place, but still excited a great interest throughout the civilized
world. It was the main subject which engrossed the attention and
called out the energies of British statesmen, during the
administration of Lord North. In America, of course, all other
subjects were trivial in comparison with it. The contest is memorable
for the struggles of heroes, for the development of unknown energies,
for the establishment of a new western empire, for the triumph of the
cause of liberty, and for the moral effects which resulted, even in
other countries, from the examples of patriots who preferred the glory
and honor of their country to their own aggrandizement.
The causes of the struggle have been already alluded to in the
selfishness and folly of British statesmen, who sought to relieve the
burdens of the English people by taxing the colonies. The colonies
were doubtless regarded by the British parliament without proper
affection or consideration; somewhat in the light of a conquered
nation, from which England might derive mercantile advantage. The
colonies were not ruled in a spirit of conciliation, nor were the
American people fully appreciated. Some, perhaps, like Chatham and
Burke, may have known the virtues and the power of the colonial
population, and may have had some glimpse of the glory and greatness
to which America was destined. But they composed but a small minority
of the nation, and their advice and remonstrances were generally
disregarded.
[Sidenote: Causes of the Revolution.]
Serious disturbances did not take place until Lord North commenced his
unfortunate administration, (1770.) Although the colonies were then
resolved not to submit to unlawful taxation, and to an oppressive
government, independence was not contemplated. Conciliatory measures,
if they had been at that time adopted, probably would have deferred
the Revolution. But the contest must have occurred, at a later date;
for nothing, in the ordinary course of events, could have prevented
the ultimate independence of the colonies. Their rapid growth, the
extent of the country in which settlements were made, its distance
from England, the spirit of liberty which animated the people, their
general impatience under foreign restraint, and the splendid prospects
of future greatness which were open to their eyes, must have led to a
rupture with the mother country at no distant time.
The colonies, at the commencement of their difficulties, may have
exaggerated their means of resistance, but not their future greatness.
All of them, from New Hampshire to Georgia, were animated by a spirit
of liberty which no misfortunes could crush. A large majority of the
people were willing to incur the dangers incident to revolution, not
for themselves merely, but for the sake of their posterity, and for
the sacred cause of liberty. They felt that their cause was just, and
that Providence would protect and aid them in their defence.
A minute detail of the events of the American Revolution, of course,
cannot be expected in a history like this. Only the more prominent
events can be alluded to. The student is supposed to be familiar with
the details of the conflict, which are to be read in the works of
numerous American authors.
Lord North, at the commencement of his administration, repealed the
obnoxious duties which had been imposed in 1767, but still retained
the duty on tea, with a view chiefly to assert the supremacy of Great
Britain, and her right to tax the colonies. This course of the
minister cannot be regarded in any other light than that of the
blindest infatuation.
The imposition of the port duties, by Grenville, had fomented
innumerable disturbances, and had led to universal discussion as to
the nature and extent of parliamentary power. A distinction, at first,
had been admitted between internal and external taxes; but it was soon
asserted that Great Britain had no right to tax the colonies, either
internally or externally. It was stated that the colonies had received
charters, under the great seal, which had given them all the rights
and privileges of Englishmen at home and therefore that they could not
be taxed, except by their own consent; that this consent had never
been asked or granted; that they were unrepresented in the imperial
parliament; and that the taxes which had been imposed by their own
respective legislatures were, in many instances, greater than what
were paid by the people of England--taxes too, incurred, to a great
degree, to preserve the jurisdiction of Great Britain on the American
continent. The colonies were every where exceedingly indignant with
the course the mother country had pursued with reference to them.
Patrick Henry, a Virginian, supported the cause of liberty with
unrivalled eloquence and power, as did John Adams, Josiah Quincy, Jr.,
James Otis, and other patriots in Massachusetts. Riots took place in
Boston, Newport, and New York, and assemblies of citizens in various
parts expressed an indignant and revolutionary spirit.
[Sidenote: Riots and Disturbances.]
The residence of the military at Boston was, moreover, the occasion of
perpetual tumult. The people abused the soldiers, vilified them in
newspapers, and insulted them in the street. Mutual animosity was the
result. Rancor and insults produced riot, and the troops fired upon
the people. So great was the disturbances, that the governor was
reluctantly obliged to remove the military from the town. The General
Court was then removed to Cambridge, but refused to enter upon
business unless it were convened in Boston. Fresh disturbances
followed. The governor quarrelled with the legislature, and a complete
anarchy began to prevail. The public mind was inflamed by effigies,
paintings, and incendiary articles in the newspapers. The parliament
was represented as corrupt, the ministry as venal, the king as a
tyrant, and England itself as a rotten, old, aristocratic structure,
crumbling to pieces. The tide was so overwhelming in favor of
resistance, that even moderate men were borne along in the current;
and those who kept aloof from the excitement were stigmatized as timid
and selfish, and the enemies of their country. The courts of justice
were virtually silenced, since juries disregarded the charges of the
judges. Libels were unnoticed, and the rioters were unpunished.
Smuggling was carried on to a great extent, and revenue officers were
insulted in the discharge of their duties. Obnoxious persons were
tarred and feathered, and exposed to public derision and scorn. In
Providence, they burnt the revenue cutter, and committees were formed
in the principal towns who fanned the flame of sedition. The committee
in Boston, in 1773, framed a celebrated document, called the _Bill of
Rights_, in which the authority of parliament to legislate for the
colonies, in any respect, was denied, and in which the salaries
decreed by the crown to the governor and judges were considered as a
systematic attempt to enslave the land.
The public discontents were further inflamed by the information which
Dr. Franklin, then in London, afforded the colonies, and the advice he
gave them to persevere, assuring them that, if they were firm, they
had nothing to apprehend. Moreover, he got into his possession a copy
of the letters of Governor Hutchinson to the ministry, which he
transmitted to the colonies, and which by them were made public. These
letters were considered by the legislature of Massachusetts as unjust
and libellous, and his recall was demanded. Resolutions, of an
offensive character to the English, were every where passed, and all
things indicated an approaching storm. The crisis was at hand. The
outrage, in Boston harbor, of throwing overboard three hundred and
forty-two chests of tea, which the East India Company had sent to
America, consummated the difficulties, and induced the government to
resort to more coercive measures.
[Sidenote: Duty on Tea.]
It was in the power of Lord North to terminate the difficulties with
the colonies when the East India Company urged him to repeal the duty
of threepence per pound on tea, and offered to pay sixpence per pound
in lieu of it, as export duty, if permitted to import it into the
colonies duty free. The company was induced to make this proposition
in view of the great accumulation of tea in England; but the
government, more solicitous about the right than the revenue, would
not consent. The colonists were equally determined to resist taxation,
not on account of immediate burdens, but upon principle, and therefore
resolved to prevent the landing of the tea. A multitude rushed to the
wharf, and twenty persons, disguised as Indians, went on board the
ships laden with it, staved the chests, and threw their contents into
the sea. In New York and Philadelphia, as no persons could be found
who would venture to receive the tea sent to those ports, the ships
laden with it returned to England.
[Sidenote: Port of Boston Closed.]
The ministers of the crown were especially indignant with the province
of Massachusetts, which had always been foremost in resistance, and
the scene of the greatest disorders, and therefore resolved to block
up the port of Boston. Accordingly, in 1774 they introduced a bill to
discontinue the lading and shipping of goods, wares, and merchandise
at Boston, and to remove the custom-house to Salem. The bill received
the general approbation of the House, and passed by a great majority.
No measure could possibly have been more impolitic. A large force
should have been immediately sent to the colonies, to coerce them,
before they had time to organize sufficient force to resist the mother
country, or conciliatory measures should have been adopted. But the
House was angry and infatuated, and the voice of wisdom was
disregarded.
Soon after, Lord North introduced another bill for the better
government of the provinces, which went to subvert the charter of the
colony, and to violate all the principles of liberty and justice. By
this bill, the nomination of counsellors, judges, sheriffs, and
magistrates of all kinds, was vested in the crown; and these were also
removable at pleasure. The ministers, in advocating the bill, urged
the ground of necessity, the universal spirit of disaffection, which
bordered on actual rebellion. The bill was carried, by a majority of
two hundred and thirty-nine against sixty-four voices, May 2, 1774.
The next step of the minister was to bring in a bill which provided
that, in case any person was indicted in Massachusetts for a capital
offence, and that, if it should appear that a fair trial could not be
had in the province, the prisoner might be sent to any other colony,
or even to Great Britain itself, to be tried. This was insult added to
injury, and met with vigorous resistance even in parliament itself.
But it nevertheless passed through both Houses.
When intelligence arrived concerning it, and of the other bills, a
fire was kindled in the colonies not easily to be extinguished. There
was scarcely a place which did not convene its assembly. Popular
orators, in the public halls and in the churches, every where inflamed
the people by incendiary discourses; organizations were made to
abstain from all commerce with the mother country; and measures were
adopted to assemble a General Congress, to take into consideration the
state of the country. People began to talk of defending their rights
by the sword. Every where was heard the sound of the drum and the
fife. All were fired by the spirit of liberty. Associations were
formed for the purchase of arms and ammunition. Addresses were printed
and circulated calling on the people to arm themselves, and resist
unlawful encroachment. All proceedings in the courts of justice were
suspended. Jurors refused to take their oaths; the reign of law
ceased, and that of violence commenced. Governor Gage, who had
succeeded Hutchinson, fortified Boston Neck, and cut off the
communication of the town with the country.
[Sidenote: Meeting of Congress.]
In the mean time, the Continental Congress met at Philadelphia, in
which all the colonies were represented but Georgia. Congress passed
resolutions approving the course of Massachusetts, and also a bill
called a _Declaration of Rights_. It sent an address to the king,
framed with great ability, in which it discussed the rights of the
colonies, complained of the mismanagement of ministers, and besought a
redress of the public evils.
[Sidenote: Speech of Burke.]
But this congress was considered by the government of Great Britain as
an illegal body, and its petition was disregarded. But the ministers
no longer regarded the difficulties as trifling, and sought to remedy
them, though not in the right way. The more profound of the English
statesmen fully perceived the danger and importance of the crisis, and
many of them took the side of liberty. Dean Tucker, who foresaw a long
war, with all its expenses, urged, in a masterly treatise, the
necessity of giving the Americans, at once, the liberty they sought.
Others, who overrated the importance of the colonies in a mercantile
view, wished to retain them, but to adopt conciliatory measures. Lord
Chatham put forth all the eloquence of which he was such a master, to
arouse the ministers. He besought them to withdraw the troops from
Boston. He showed the folly of metaphysical refinements about the
right of taxation when a continent was in arms. He spoke of the means
of enforcing thraldom as inefficient and ridiculous. Lord Camden
sustained Chatham in the House of Lords, and declared, not as a
philosopher, but as a constitutional lawyer, that England had no right
to tax America. Mr. Burke moved a conciliatory measure in the House of
Commons, fraught with wisdom and knowledge. "My hold of the colonies,"
said this great oracle of moral wisdom, "is the close affection which
grows from the common names, from the kindred blood, from similar
privileges, and from equal protection. These are the ties which,
though light as air, are as strong as links of iron. Let the colonies
always keep the idea of their civil rights associated with your
government; they will cling and grapple with you, and no power under
heaven will be able to tear them from their allegiance. But let it
once be understood that your government may be one thing, and their
privileges another, then the cement is gone, and every thing hastens
to dissolution. It is the love of the people, it is their attachment
to your government from the sense in the deep stake they have in such
glorious institutions, which gives you your army and navy, and infuses
into both that liberal obedience without which your army would be but
a base rabble, and your navy nothing but rotten timber." But this
elevated and sublime wisdom was regarded as a philosophical
abstraction, as a vain and impractical view of political affairs, well
enough for a writer on the "sublime and beautiful," but absurd in a
British statesman. Colonel Barré and Fox supported Burke; but their
eloquence had not much effect on the Commons, and the ministry was
supported in their measures. The colonies were declared to be in a
state of rebellion, and measures were adopted to crush them.
To declare the colonies in a state of rebellion was, in fact, to
declare war. And this was perfectly understood by the popular leaders
who fanned the spirit of resistance. All ideas of reconciliation now
became chimerical. Necessity stimulated the timid, and vengeance
excited the bold. It was felt that the people were now to choose
between liberty and slavery, and slavery was, of course, regarded as
worse than death. "We must look back," said the popular orators, "no
more! We must conquer or die! We are placed between altars smoking
with the most grateful incense of glory and gratitude on the one part,
and blocks and dungeons on the other. Let each, then, rise and gird
himself for the conflict. The dearest interests of the world command
it; our most holy religion requires it. Let us banish fear, and
remember that fortune smiles only on the brave."
Such was the general state of feeling; and there only needed a spark
to kindle a conflagration. That spark was kindled at Lexington.
General Gage, the governor, having learned that military stores and
arms were deposited at Concord, resolved to seize them. His design was
suspected, and the people prepared to resist his orders. The alarm
bells were rung, and the cannons were fired. The provincial militia
assembled, and the English retreated to Lexington. That village
witnessed the commencement of a long and sanguinary war. The tide of
revolution could no longer be repressed. The colonies were now
resolved to achieve their independence.
The Continental Congress met on the 10th of May, 1775, shortly after
the first blood had been shed at Lexington, and immediately proceeded
to raise an army, establish a paper currency, and to dissolve the
compact between Great Britain and the Massachusetts colony. John
Hancock was chosen president of the assembly, and George Washington
commander-in-chief of the continental army. He accepted the
appointment with a modesty only equalled by his merit, and soon after
departed for the seat of war. For his associates, Congress appointed
Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, Philip Schuyler, and Israel Putnam as
major-generals, and Seth Pomeroy, Richard Montgomery, David Wooster,
William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Thomas, John Sullivan, and
Nathanael Greene as brigadiers. Horatio Gates received the appointment
of adjutant-general, with the rank of brigadier.
[Sidenote: Battle of Bunker Hill.]
On the 17th of June was fought the battle of Bunker Hill, which proved
the bravery of the Americans, and which was followed by great moral
results. But the Americans unfortunately lost, in this battle, Dr.
Warren, who had espoused the cause of revolution with the same spirit
that Hampden did in England, and whom he resembled in genius,
patriotism, and character. He had been chosen major-general four days
before his death, but fought at Bunker Hill as a simple volunteer. On
the 2d of July, Washington took command of the army, and established
his head-quarters at Cambridge. The American army amounted to
seventeen thousand men, of whom twenty-five hundred were unfit for
duty. They were assembled on the spur of the occasion, and had but few
tents and stores, no clothing, no military chest and no general
organization. They were collected from the various provinces and were
governed by their own militia laws. Of this material he constructed
the first continental army, and under innumerable vexations and
difficulties. No man was ever placed in a more embarrassing situation.
His troops were raw and undisciplined; and the members of the
Continental Congress, from whom he received his commission, were not
united among themselves. He had all the responsibility of the war, and
yet had not sufficient means to prosecute it with the vigor which the
colonies probably anticipated. His success, in the end, _was_ glorious
and unequivocal; but none other than he could have secured it, and not
he, even, unless he had been sustained by a loftiness of character
almost preternatural.
The English forces, at this time, were centred in Boston under the
command of General Gage, and were greatly inferior in point of numbers
to the American troops who surrounded them. But the troops of Gage
were regulars and veterans, and were among the best in the English
army. He was recalled in order to give information to the government
in reference to the battle of Bunker Hill, and was succeeded in
October by General Howe.
[Sidenote: Death of Montgomery.]
The first campaign of the war was signalized by the invasion of Canada
by the American troops, with the hope of wresting that province from
the English, which was not only disaffected, but which was defended by
an inconsiderable force. General Montgomery, with an army of three
thousand, advanced to Montreal, which surrendered. The fortresses of
Crown Point and Ticonderoga had already been taken by Colonel Ethan
Allen. But the person who most distinguished himself in this
unfortunate expedition was Colonel Benedict Arnold, who, with a
detachment of one thousand men, penetrated through the forests,
swamps, and mountains of Maine, beyond the sources of the Kennebec
and, in six weeks from his departure at Boston, arrived on the plains
of Canada, opposite Quebec. He there effected a junction with the
troops of Montgomery, and made an assault on the strongest fortress in
America, defended by sixteen hundred men. The attack was unsuccessful,
and Montgomery was killed. Arnold did not retire from the province,
but remained encamped upon the Heights of Abraham. This enterprise,
though a failure, was not without great moral results, since it showed
to the English government the singular bravery and intrepidity of the
nation it had undertaken to coerce.
The ministry then resolved upon vigorous measures, and, finding a
difficulty in raising men, applied to the Landgrave of Hesse for
seventeen thousand mercenaries. These, added to twenty-five thousand
men enlisted in England, and the troops already sent to America,
constituted a force of fifty-five thousand men--deemed amply
sufficient to reduce the rebellious colonies. But these were not sent
to America until the next year.
In the mean time, General Howe was encamped in Boston with a force,
including seamen, of eleven thousand men, and General Washington, with
an army of twenty-eight thousand, including militia, was determined to
attack him. In February, 1776, he took possession of Dorchester
Heights, which command the harbor. General Howe found it expedient to
evacuate Boston, and sailed for Halifax with his army, and Washington
repaired to Philadelphia to deliberate with Congress.
But Howe retired from Boston only to occupy New York; and when his
arrangements were completed, he landed at Staten Island, waiting for
the arrival of his brother, Lord Howe, with the expected
reinforcements. By the middle of August they had all arrived, and his
united forces amounted to twenty-four thousand men. Washington's army,
though it nominally numbered twenty thousand five hundred, still was
composed of only about eleven thousand effective men, and these
imperfectly provided with arms and ammunition. Nevertheless,
Washington gave battle to the English; but the result was disastrous
to the Americans, owing to the disproportion of the forces engaged.
General Howe took possession of Long Island, the Americans evacuated
New York, and, shortly after, the city fell into the hands of the
English. Washington, with his diminished army, posted himself at
Haerlem Heights.
[Sidenote: Declaration of American Independence.]
But before the victory of Howe on Long Island was obtained, Congress
had declared the Independence of the American States, (4th July,
1776.) This Declaration of Independence took the English nation by
surprise, and firmly united it against the colonies. It was received
by the Americans, in every section of the country, with unbounded
enthusiasm. Reconciliation was now impossible, and both countries were
arrayed against each other in fierce antagonism.
The remainder of the campaign of 1776 was occupied by the belligerents
in skirmishing, engagements, marchings and countermarchings, in the
states of New York and New Jersey. The latter state was overrun by the
English army, and success, on either side, was indecisive. Forts
Washington and Lee were captured. General Lee was taken prisoner. The
capture of Lee, however, was not so great a calamity as it, at first,
seemed; for, though a man of genius and military experience, his
ambition, vanity, and love of glory would probably have led to an
opposition to his superior officer, and to Congress itself. To
compensate for the disasters in New Jersey, Washington, invested with
new and extraordinary power by Congress, gained the battles of
Princeton and Trenton, which were not only brilliant victories, but
were attended by great moral effects, and showed the difficulty of
subduing a people determined to be free. "Every one applauded the
firmness, the prudence, and the bravery of Washington. All declared
him to be the savior of his country; all proclaimed him equal to the
most renowned commanders of antiquity, and especially distinguished
him by the name of the _American Fabius_."
The greatness of Washington was seen, not so much by his victories at
Princeton and Trenton, or by his masterly retreat before superior
forces, as by his admirable prudence and patience during the
succeeding winter. He had, for several months, a force which scarcely
exceeded fifteen hundred men, and these suffered all manner of
hardships and privations. After the first gush of enthusiasm had
passed, it was found exceedingly difficult to enlist men, and still
more difficult to pay those who had enlisted. Congress, composed of
great men, and of undoubted patriotism, on the whole, harmonized with
the commander-in-chief, whom, for six months, it invested with almost
dictatorial power; still there were some of its members who did not
fully appreciate the character or condition of Washington, and threw
great difficulties in his way.
[Sidenote: Commissioners Sent to France.]
Congress about this time sent commissioners to France to solicit money
and arms. These commissioners were Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, and
Arthur Lee. They were not immediately successful; for the French king,
doubtful of the result of the struggle, did not wish to incur
prematurely the hostility of Great Britain; but they induced many to
join the American cause, and among others, the young Marquis de La
Fayette, who arrived in America in the spring of 1777, and proved a
most efficient general, and secured the confidence and love of the
nation he assisted.
[Sidenote: Capture of Burgoyne.]
The campaign of 1777 was marked by the evacuation of the Jerseys by
the English, by the battles of Bennington and Brandywine, by the
capture of Philadelphia, and the surrender of Burgoyne. Success, on
the whole, was in favor of the Americans. They suffered a check at
Brandywine, and lost the most considerable city in the Union at that
time. But these disasters were more than compensated by the victory at
Bennington and the capture of Burgoyne.
[Sidenote: Moral Effects of Burgoyne's Capture.]
This indeed was the great event of the campaign. Burgoyne was a member
of parliament, and superseded General Carleton in the command of the
northern army--an injudicious appointment, but made by the minister in
order to carry his measures more easily through the House of Commons.
The troops under his command amounted to over seven thousand veterans,
besides a corps of artillery. He set out from St. John's, the 16th of
June, and advanced to Ticonderoga, which he invested. The American
forces, under General Schuyler, destined to oppose this royal army,
and to defend Ticonderoga, were altogether insufficient, being not
over five thousand men. The fortress was therefore abandoned, and the
British general advanced to the Hudson, hoping to open a communication
between it and Lake Champlain, and thus completely surround New
England, and isolate it from the rest of the country. But the delays
attending the march of the English army through the forests enabled
the Americans to rally. The defeat of Colonel Baum at Bennington, by
Colonel Stark, added to the embarrassments of Burgoyne, who now was
straitened for provisions; nevertheless, he continued his march,
hoping to reach Albany unmolested. But the Americans, commanded by
General Gates, who had superseded Schuyler, were strongly intrenched
at the principal passes on his route, and had fortified the high
grounds. The army of Burgoyne was moreover attacked by the Americans
at Stillwater, and he was forced to retreat to Saratoga. His army was
now reduced to five thousand men; he had only three days' provisions;
all the passes were filled by the enemy, and he was completely
surrounded by fifteen thousand men. Under these circumstances, he was
forced to surrender. His troops laid down their arms, but were allowed
to embark at Boston for Europe. The Americans, by this victory,
acquired forty-two pieces of brass artillery, four thousand six
hundred muskets, and an immense quantity of military stores. This
surrender of Burgoyne was the greatest disaster which the British
troops had thus far experienced, and raised the spirits of the
Americans to the highest pitch. Indeed, this surrender decided the
fate of the war, for it proved the impossibility of conquering the
Americans. It showed that they fought under infinitely greater
advantages, since it was in their power always to decline a battle,
and to choose their ground. It showed that the country presented
difficulties which were insurmountable. It mattered but little that
cities were taken, when the great body of the people resided in the
country, and were willing to make sacrifices, and were commanded by
such generals as Washington, Gates, Greene, Putnam, and Lee. The
English ministry ought to have seen the nature of the contest; but a
strange infatuation blinded the nation. There were some, however, whom
no national pride could blind. Lord Chatham was one of these men. "No
man," said this veteran statesman, "thinks more highly of the virtues
and valor of British troops than I do. I know that they can achieve
any thing except impossibilities. But the conquest of America is an
impossibility."
There was one nation in Europe who viewed the contest with different
eyes. This nation was France, then on the eve of revolution itself,
and burning with enthusiastic love of the principles on which American
independence was declared. The French government may not have admired
the American cause, but it hated England so intensely, that it was
resolved to acknowledge the independence of America, and aid the
country with its forces.
[Sidenote: Arrival of La Fayette.]
In the early part of the war, the American Congress had sent
commissioners to France, in order to obtain assistance. In consequence
of their representations, La Fayette, then a young man of nineteen
years of age, freighted a ship at his own expense, and joined the
American standard. Congress, in consideration of his illustrious rank
and singular enthusiasm, gave him a commission of major-general. And
gloriously did he fulfil the great expectations which were formed of
him; richly did he deserve the gratitude and praise of all the friends
of liberty.
La Fayette embarked in the American cause as a volunteer. The court of
France, in the early period of the contest, did not think it expedient
openly to countenance the revolution. But, after the surrender of
Burgoyne, and it was evident that the United States would succeed in
securing their independence, then it was acknowledged, and substantial
aid was rendered.
The winter which succeeded the surrender of Burgoyne is memorable for
the sufferings of the American army encamped at Valley Forge, about
twenty miles from Philadelphia. The army was miserably supplied with
provisions and clothing, and strong discontent appeared in various
quarters. Out of eleven thousand eight hundred men, nearly three
thousand were barefooted and otherwise naked. But the sufferings
of the army were not the only causes of solicitude to the
commander-in-chief, on whom chiefly rested the responsibility of the
war. The officers were discontented, and were not prepared, any more
than the privates, to make permanent sacrifices. They were obliged to
break in upon their private property, and were without any prospect of
future relief. Washington was willing to make any sacrifices himself,
and refused any payment for his own expenses; but, while he exhibited
the rarest magnanimity, he did not expect it from others, and urged
Congress to provide for the future pay of the officers, when the war
should close. He looked upon human nature as it was, not as he wished
it to be, and recognized the principles of self-interest as well as
those of patriotism. It was his firm conviction that a long and
lasting war could not, even in those times, be sustained by the
principle of patriotism alone, but required, in addition, the prospect
of interest, or some reward. The members of Congress did not all agree
with him in his views, and expected that officers would make greater
sacrifices than private citizens, but, after a while, the plan of
half-pay for life, as Washington proposed, was adopted by a small
majority, though afterwards changed to half-pay for seven years. There
was also a prejudice in many minds against a standing army, besides
the jealousies and antipathies which existed between different
sections of the Union. But Washington, with his rare practical good
sense, combated these, as well as the fears of the timid and the
schemes of the selfish. The history of the Revolution impresses us
with the greatness and bravery of the American nation; and every
American should feel proud of his ancestors for the efforts they made,
under so many discouragements, to secure their liberties; but it would
be a mistake to suppose that nothing but exalted heroism was
exhibited. Human nature showed its degeneracy in the camp and on the
field of battle, among heroes and among patriots. The perfection of
character, so far as man is ever perfect, was exhibited indeed, by
Washington, but by Washington alone.
The army remained at Valley Forge till June, 1778. In the mean time,
Lord North made another ineffectual effort to procure reconciliation.
But he was too late. His offers might have been accepted at the
commencement of the contest; but nothing short of complete
independence would now satisfy the Americans, and this North was not
willing to concede. Accordingly, new measures of coercion were
resorted to by the minister, although the British forces in America
were upwards of thirty-three thousand.
[Sidenote: Evacuation of Philadelphia.]
On the 18th of June, Sir Henry Clinton, who had succeeded Sir William
Howe in command of the British forces, evacuated Philadelphia, the
possession of which had proved of no service to the English, except as
winter quarters for the troops. It was his object to proceed to New
York, for which place he marched with his army, having sent his heavy
baggage by water. The Americans, with superior forces, hung upon his
rear, and sought an engagement. An indecisive one occurred at
Monmouth, during which General Lee disregarded the orders of his
superior in command, and was suspended for twelve months. There never
was perfect harmony between Washington and Lee; and the aid of the
latter, though a brave and experienced officer, was easily dispensed
with.
No action of importance occurred during this campaign, and it was
chiefly signalized by the arrival of the Count d'Estaing, with twelve
ships of the line and four frigates, to assist the Americans. But, in
consequence of disagreements and mistakes, this large armament failed
to engage the English naval forces.
The campaign of 1779 was not more decisive than that of the preceding
year. Military operations were chiefly confined to the southern
sections of the country, in which the English generally gained the
advantage, having superior forces. They overran the country, inflamed
the hostility of the Indians, and destroyed considerable property. But
they gained no important victory, and it was obvious to all parties
that conquest was impossible.
[Sidenote: The Treason of Arnold.]
The campaign of 1780 is memorable for the desertion of General Arnold.
Though not attended by important political results, it produced an
intense excitement. He was intrusted with the care of the fortress of
West Point, which commanded the Hudson River; but, dissatisfied,
extravagant, and unprincipled, he thought to mend his broken fortunes
by surrendering it to the British, who occupied New York. His treason
was discovered when his schemes were on the point of being
accomplished; but he contrived to escape, and was made a
brigadier-general in the service of the enemy. Public execration
loaded his name with ignominy, and posterity has not reversed the
verdict of his indignant countrymen. His disgrace and ruin were
primarily caused by his extravagance and his mortified pride.
Washington fully understood his want of moral principle, but continued
to intrust him with power, in view of the great services he had
rendered his country, and his unquestioned bravery and military
talents. After his defection, the American commander-in-chief was
never known to intrust an important office to a man in whose virtue he
had not implicit faith. The fate of Major André, who negotiated the
treason with Arnold, and who was taken as a spy, was much lamented by
the English Neither his family, nor rank, nor accomplishments, nor
virtues nor the intercession of Sir Henry Clinton, could save him from
military execution, according to the established laws of war.
Washington has been blamed for not exercising more forbearance in the
case of so illustrious a prisoner; but the American general never
departed from the rigid justice which he deemed it his duty to pursue.
During this year, the American currency had singularly depreciated, so
that forty dollars were worth only one in specie--a fact which shows
the embarrassments of the country, and the difficulty of supporting
the army. But the prospects of ultimate success enabled Congress, at
length, to negotiate loans, and the army was kept together.
[Sidenote: Surrender of Lord Cornwallis.]
The great event in the campaign of 1781 was the surrender of Lord
Cornwallis, at Yorktown, which decided the fate of the war. Lord
Cornwallis, who was an able commander, had been successful at the
south, although vigorously and skilfully opposed by General La
Fayette. But he had at last to contend with the main body of the
American army, and French forces in addition, so that the combined
armies amounted to over twelve thousand men. He was compelled to
surrender to superior forces; and seven thousand prisoners, with all
their baggage and stores, fell into the hands of the victors, 19th of
October, 1781. This great event diffused universal joy throughout
America, and a corresponding depression among the English people.
After this capitulation, the conviction was general that the war would
soon be terminated. General La Fayette obtained leave to return to
France, and the recruiting service languished. The war nevertheless,
was continued until 1783; without, however, being signalized by any
great events. On the 30th of November, 1782, preliminary articles of
peace were signed at Paris, by which Great Britain acknowledged the
independence of the United States, and by which the whole country
south of the lakes and east of the Mississippi was ceded to them, and
the right of fishing on the Banks of Newfoundland.
On the 25th of November, 1783, the British troops evacuated New York;
and, shortly after, the American army was disbanded. The 4th of
December, Washington made his farewell address to his officers; and,
on the 23d of December, he resigned his commission into the hands of
the body from which he received it, and retired to private life;
having discharged the great trust reposed in him in a manner which
secured the gratitude of his country and which will probably win the
plaudits of all future generations.
The results of the Revolutionary War can only be described by
enumerating the progressive steps of American aggrandizement from that
time to this, and by speculating on the future destinies of the
Anglo-Saxon race on the American continent. The success which attended
this long war is in part to be traced to the talents and matchless
wisdom and integrity of the commander-in-chief; to the intrepid
courage and virtues of the armies he directed; to the self-confidence
and inexperience of the English generals; to the difficulties
necessarily attending the conquest of forests, and swamps, and
scattered towns; to the assistance of the French nation; and, above
all, to the superintending providence of God, who designed to rescue
the sons of the Pilgrims from foreign oppression, and, in spite of
their many faults, to make them a great and glorious nation, in which
religious and civil liberty should be perpetuated, and all men left
free to pursue their own means of happiness, and develop the
inexhaustible resources of a great and boundless empire.
[Sidenote: Resignation of Lord North.]
The English nation acquiesced in an event which all felt to be
inevitable; but Lord North was compelled to resign, and a change of
measures was pursued. It is now time to contemplate English affairs,
until the French Revolution.
* * * * *
REFERENCES.--The books written on the American Revolution
are very numerous, an index to which may be seen in Botta's
History, as well as in the writings of those who have
treated of this great event. Sparks's Life and
Correspondence of Washington is doubtless the most valuable
work which has yet appeared since Marshall wrote the Life of
Washington. Guizot's Essay on Washington is exceedingly
able; nor do I know any author who has so profoundly
analyzed the character and greatness of the American hero.
Botta's History of the Revolution is a popular but
superficial and overlauded book. Mr. Hale's History of the
United States is admirably adapted to the purpose for which
it is designed, and is the best compendium of American
history. Stedman is the standard authority in England.
Belsham, in his History of George III., has written candidly
and with spirit. Smyth, in his lectures on Modern History,
has discussed the Revolution with great ability. See also
the works of Ramsay, Winterbotham, Allen, and Gordon. The
lives of the prominent American generals, statesmen, and
orators, should also be read in connection; especially of
Lee, Greene, Franklin, Adams, and Henry, which are best
described in Sparks's American Biography.