CHAPTER X.

THIRTY YEARS WAR.

[Sidenote: Political Troubles after the Death of Luther.]

The contests which arose from the discussion of religious ideas did

not close with the sixteenth century. They were, on the other hand,

continued with still greater acrimony. Protestantism had been

suppressed in France, but not in Holland or Germany. In England, the

struggle was to continue, not between the Catholics and Protestants,

but between different parties among the Protestants themselves. In

Germany, a long and devastating war of thirty years was to be carried

on before even religious liberty could be guaranteed.

This struggle is the most prominent event of the seventeenth century

before the English Revolution, and was attended with the most

important religious and political consequences. The event itself was

one of the chief political consequences of the Reformation. Indeed,

all the events of this period either originated in, or became mixed up

with, questions of religion.

From the very first agitation of the reform doctrines, the house of

Austria devoted against their adherents the whole of its immense

political power. Charles V. resolved to suppress Protestantism, and

would have perhaps succeeded, had it not been for the various wars

which distracted his attention, and for the decided stand which the

Protestant princes of Germany took respecting Luther and his

doctrines. As early as 1530, was formed the league of Smalcalde,

headed by the elector of Saxony, the most powerful of the German

princes, next to the archduke of Austria. The princes who formed this

league, resolved to secure to their subjects the free exercise of

their religion, in spite of all opposition from the Catholic powers.

But hostilities did not commence until after Luther had breathed his

last. The Catholics gained a great victory at the battle of Mühlberg,

when the Elector of Saxony was taken prisoner. With the treaty of

Smalcalde, the freedom of Germany seemed prostrate forever, and the

power of Austria reached its meridian. But the cause of liberty

revived under Maurice of Saxony, once its formidable enemy. All the

fruits of victory were lost again in the congress of Passau, and the

diet of Augsburg, when an equitable peace seemed guaranteed to the

Protestants.

[Sidenote: Diet of Augsburg.]

The diet of Augsburg, 1555, the year of the resignation of Charles V.,

divided Germany into two great political and religious parties, and

recognized the independence of each. The Protestants were no longer

looked upon as rebels, but as men who had a right to worship God as

they pleased. Still, in reality, all that the Lutherans gained was

toleration, not equality. The concessions of the Catholics were made

to necessity, not to justice. Hence, the treaty of Augsburg proved

only a truce, not a lasting peace. The boundaries of both parties were

marked out by the sword, and by the sword only were they to be

preserved.

For a while, however, peace was preserved, and might have continued

longer, had it not been for the dissensions of Protestants among

themselves, caused by the followers of Calvin and Luther. The

Lutherans would not include the Calvinists in their communion, and the

Calvinists would not accede to the Lutheran church. During these

dissensions, the Jesuits sowed tares, and the Protestants lost the

chance of establishing their perfect equality with the Catholics.

Notwithstanding all the bitterness and jealousy which existed between

sects and parties, still the peace of Germany, in a political sense,

was preserved during the reign of Ferdinand, the founder of the German

branch of the house of Austria, and who succeeded his brother

Charles V. On his death, in 1564, his son Maximilian II., was chosen

emperor, and during his reign, and until his death, in 1576, Germany

enjoyed tranquillity. His successor was his son Rodolph, a weak

prince, and incapable of uniting the various territories which were

hereditary in his family--Austria, Hungary, Transylvania, Bohemia,

Moravia, and Styria. There were troubles in each of these provinces,

and one after another revolted, until Rodolph was left with but the

empty title of emperor. But these provinces acknowledged the sway of

his brother Matthias, who had delivered them from the Turks, and had

granted the Protestants liberty of conscience. The emperor was weak

enough to confirm his brother in his usurpation. In 1612, he died, and

Matthias mounted the imperial throne.

[Sidenote: Commencement of the Thirty Years War.]

It was during the reign of this prince, that the Thirty Years' War

commenced. In proportion as the reformed religion gained ground in

Hungary and Bohemia,--two provinces very difficult to rule,--the

Protestant princes of the empire became desirous of securing and

extending their privileges. Their demands were refused, and they

entered into a new confederacy, called the _Evangelical Union_. This

association was opposed by another, called the _Catholic League_. The

former was supported by Holland, England, and Henry IV., of France.

The humiliation of Austria was the great object of Henry in supporting

the Protestant princes of Germany, and he assembled an army of forty

thousand men, which he designed to head himself. But, just as his

preparations were completed, he was assassinated, and his death and

the dissensions in the Austrian family prevented the war breaking out

with the fury which afterwards characterized it.

The Emperor Matthias died in 1618, and was succeeded by his cousin

Ferdinand, Duke of Styria, who was an inveterate enemy to the

Protestant cause. His first care was to suppress the insurrection of

the Protestants, which, just before his accession had broken out in

Bohemia, under the celebrated Count Mansfeldt. The Bohemians renounced

allegiance to Ferdinand II., and chose Frederic V., elector palatine,

for their king. Frederic unwisely accepted the crown, which confirmed

the quarrel between Ferdinand and the Bohemians. Frederic was seconded

by all the Protestant princes, except the Elector of Saxony, by two

thousand four hundred English volunteers, and by eight thousand troops

from the United Provinces. But Ferdinand, assisted by the king of

Spain and all the Catholic princes, was more than a match for

Frederic, who wasted his time and strength in vain displays of

sovereignty. Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, commanded the forces of the

Catholics, who, with twenty-five thousand troops from the Low

Countries, invaded Bohemia. The Bohemian forces did not amount to

thirty thousand, but they intrenched themselves near Prague, where

they were attacked (1620) and routed, with immense slaughter. The

battle of Prague decided the fate of Bohemia, put Frederic in

possession of all his dominions, and invested him with an authority

equal to what any of his predecessors had enjoyed. All his wishes were

gratified, and, had he been wise, he might have maintained his

ascendency in Germany. But he was blinded by his success, and, from a

rebellion in Bohemia, the war extended through Germany, and afterwards

throughout Europe.

[Sidenote: The Emperor Frederic.]

The emperor had regained his dominions by the victorious arms of

Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria. To compensate him, without detriment to

himself, he resolved to bestow upon him the dominions of the Count

Palatine of the Rhine, who had injudiciously accepted the crown of

Bohemia. Frederic must be totally ruined. He was put under the ban of

the empire, and his territories were devastated by the Spanish general

Spinola, with an army of twenty-five thousand men.

Apparently there was no hope for Frederic, or the Protestant cause.

The only Protestant princes capable of arresting the Austrian

encroachments were the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg. But the

former, John George, preferred the aggrandizement of his house to the

emancipation of his country, and tamely witnessed the victories of the

emperor, without raising an arm for the relief of the Protestants, of

whom he was the acknowledged head. George William of Brandenburg was

still more shamefully fettered by the fear of Austria, and of losing

his dominions; and he, too, cautiously avoided committing himself to

either party.

But while these two great princes ingloriously abandoned Frederic to

his fate, a single soldier of fortune, whose only treasure was his

sword, Ernest Count Mansfield, dared, in the Bohemian town of Pilsen,

to defy the whole power of Austria. Undismayed by the reverses of the

elector palatine, he succeeded in enlisting an army of twenty thousand

men. With such an army, the cause of Frederic was not irretrievably

lost. New prospects began to open, and his misfortunes raised up

unexpected friends. James of England opened his treasures, and

Christian of Denmark offered his powerful support. Mansfeldt was also

joined by the Margrave of Baden. The courage of the count palatine

revived, and he labored assiduously to arouse his Protestant brethren.

Meanwhile, the generals of the emperor were on the alert, and the

rising hopes of Frederic were dissipated by the victories of Tilly.

The count palatine was again driven from his hereditary dominions, and

sought refuge in Holland.

[Sidenote: Count Wallenstein.]

But, though the emperor was successful, his finances were exhausted,

and he was disagreeably dependent on Bavaria. Under his circumstances,

nothing was more welcome than the proposal of Wallenstein, an

experienced officer, and the richest nobleman in Bohemia.

[Sidenote: Character of Wallenstein.]

He offered, at his own expense, and that of his friends, to raise,

clothe, and maintain an army for the emperor, if he were allowed to

augment it to fifty thousand men. His project was ridiculed as

visionary; but the offer was too valuable to be rejected. In a few

months, he had collected an army of thirty thousand. His reputation,

the prospect of promotion, and the hope of plunder, attracted

adventurers from all parts of Germany. Knowing that so large a body

could not be held together without great resources, and having none of

his own, he marched his troops into the most fertile territories,

which had not yet suffered from the war, where they subsisted by

contributions and plunder, as obnoxious to their friends as they were

to their enemies. Nothing shows the weakness of the imperial power,

with all its apparent strength, and the barbarous notions and customs

of the country, more than this grant to Wallenstein. And, with all his

heroism and success, he cannot now be viewed in any other light than

as a licensed robber. He was virtually at the head of a troop of

banditti, who fought for the sake of plunder, and who would join any

side which would present the greatest hopes of gain. The genius of

Schiller, both in his dramas and histories, has immortalized the name

of this unprincipled hero, and has excited a strange interest in his

person, his family, and his fortunes. He is represented as "born to

command. His acute eye distinguished at a glance, from among the

multitude, such as were competent, and he assigned to each his proper

place. His praise, from being rarely bestowed, animated and brought

into full operation every faculty; while his steady, reserved, and

earnest demeanor secured obedience and discipline. His very appearance

excited awe and reverence; his figure was proud, lofty, and warlike,

while his bright, piercing eye expressed profundity of thought,

combined with gravity and mystery. His favorite study was that of the

stars, and his most intimate friend was an Italian astrologer. He had

a fondness for pomp and extravagance. He maintained sixty pages; his

ante-chamber was guarded by fifty life-guards, and his table never

consisted of less than one hundred covers. Six barons and as many

knights were in constant attendance on his person. He never smiled,

and the coldness of his temperament was proof against sensual

seductions. Ever occupied with grand schemes, he despised those

amusements in which so many waste their lives. Terror was the talisman

with which he worked: extreme in his punishments as in his rewards, he

knew how to keep alive the zeal of his followers, while no general of

ancient or modern times could boast of being obeyed with equal

alacrity. Submission to his will was more prized by him than bravery,

and he kept up the obedience of his troops by capricious orders. He

was a man of large stature, thin, of a sallow complexion, with short,

red hair, and small, sparkling eyes. A gloomy and forbidding

seriousness sat upon his brow, and his munificent presents alone

retained the trembling crowd of his dependants."

Such was this enterprising nobleman, to whom the emperor Ferdinand

committed so great authority. And the success of Wallenstein

apparently justified the course of the emperor. The greater his

extortions, and the greater his rewards, the greater was the concourse

to his standard. Such is human nature. It is said that, in seven

years, Wallenstein exacted not less than sixty millions of dollars

from one half of Germany--an incredible sum, when the expenditure of

the government of England, at this time, was less than two million

pounds a year. His armies flourished, while the states through which

they passed were ruined. What cared he for the curses of the people,

or the complaints of princes, so long as his army adored him? It was

his object to humble all the princes of the empire, and make himself

so necessary to the emperor that he would gradually sink to become his

tool. He already was created Duke of Friedland, and generalissimo of

the imperial armies. Nor had his victorious career met with any severe

check, but uninterrupted success seemed to promise the realization of

his vast ambition. Germany lay bleeding at his feet, helpless and

indignant.

But the greatness and the insolence of Wallenstein raised up enemies

against him in all parts of the empire. Fear and jealousy increased

the opposition, even in the ranks of the Catholics. His dismissal was

demanded by the whole college of electors, and even by Spain.

Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, felt himself eclipsed by the successful

general, and was at the head of the cabals against him.

The emperor felt, at this crisis, as Ganganelli did when compelled to

disband the Jesuits, that he was parting with the man to whom he owed

all his supremacy. Long was he undecided whether or not he would make

the sacrifice. But all Germany was clamorous, and the disgrace of

Wallenstein was ordained.

Would the ambitious chieftain, at the head of one hundred thousand

devoted soldiers, regard the commands of the emperor? He made up his

mind to obey, looking to the future for revenge, and feeling that he

could afford to wait for it. Seni had read in the stars that glorious

prospects still awaited him. Wallenstein retired to his estates in

Bohemia, but maintained the pomp and splendor of a prince of the

empire.

[Sidenote: Gustavus Adolphus.]

Scarcely had he retired from the command of the army before his

services were again demanded. One hero produces another. A Wellington

is ever found to oppose a Napoleon. Providence raised up a friend to

Germany, in its distress, in the person of Gustavus Adolphus, King of

Sweden. It was not for personal aggrandizement that he lent his

powerful arm to the Protestant princes, who, thus far, had vainly

struggled against Maximilian, Tilly, and Wallenstein. Zeal for

Protestantism, added to strong provocations, induced him to land in

Germany with fifteen thousand men--a small body to oppose the

victorious troops of the emperor, but they were brave and highly

disciplined, and devoted to their royal master. He himself was

indisputably the greatest general of the age, and had the full

confidence of the Protestant princes, who were ready to rally the

moment he obtained any signal advantage. Henceforth, Gustavus Adolphus

was the hero of the war. He was more than a hero; he was a Christian,

regardful of the morals of his soldiers, and devoted to the interests

of spiritual religion. He was frugal, yet generous, serene in the

greatest danger; and magnanimous beyond all precedent in the history

of kings. On the 20th of May, 1630, taking his daughter Christiana in

his arms, then only four years of age, he presented her to the states

as their future sovereign, and made his farewell address. "Not

lightly, not wantonly," said he, "am I about to involve myself and you

in this new and dangerous war. God is my witness that I do not fight

to gratify my own ambition; but the emperor has wronged me, has

supported my enemies, persecuted my friends, trampled my religion in

the dust, and even stretched forth his revengeful arm against my

crown. The oppressed states of Germany call loudly for aid, which, by

God's help, we will give them.

"I am fully sensible of the dangers to which my life will be exposed.

I have never yet shrunk from them, nor is it likely that I shall

always escape them. Hitherto, Providence has protected me; but I shall

at last fall in defence of my country and my faith. I commend you to

the protection of Heaven. Be just, conscientious, and upright, and we

shall meet again in eternity. For the prosperity of all my subjects, I

offer my warmest prayer to Heaven; and bid you all a sincere--it may

be an eternal--farewell."

He had scarcely landed in Germany before his victorious career began.

France concluded a treaty with him, and he advanced against Tilly, who

now headed the imperial armies.

[Sidenote: Loss of Magdeburg.]

The tardiness of the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg in rendering

assistance caused the loss of Magdeburg, the most important fortress

of the Protestants. It was taken by assault, even while Gustavus was

advancing to its relief. No pen can paint, and no imagination can

conceive, the horrors which were perpetrated by the imperial soldiers

in the sack of that unfortunate place. Neither childhood nor helpless

age--neither youth, beauty, sex, nor rank could disarm the fury of the

conquerors. No situation or retreat was sacred. In a single church

fifty-three women were beheaded. The Croats amused themselves with

throwing children into the flames. Pappenheim's Walloons stabbed

infants at the breast. The city was reduced to ashes, and thirty

thousand of the inhabitants were slain.

But the loss of this important city was soon compensated by the battle

of Leipsic, 1630, which the King of Sweden gained over the imperial

forces, and in which the Elector of Saxony at last rendered valuable

aid. The rout of Tilly, hitherto victorious, was complete, and he

himself escaped only by chance. Saxony was freed from the enemy, while

Bohemia, Moravia, Austria, and Hungary, were stripped of their

defenders. Ferdinand was no longer secure in his capital; the freedom

of Germany was secured. Gustavus was every where hailed as a

deliverer, and admiration for his genius was only equalled by the

admiration of his virtues. He rapidly regained all that the

Protestants had lost, and the fruits of twelve years of war were

snatched away from the emperor. Tilly was soon after killed, and all

things indicated the complete triumph of the Protestants.

It was now the turn of Ferdinand to tremble. The only person who could

save him was dismissed and disgraced. Tilly was dead. Munich and

Prague were in the hands of the Protestants, while the king of Sweden

traversed Germany as a conqueror, law giver, and judge. No fortress

was inaccessible; no river checked his victorious career. The Swedish

standards were planted in Bavaria, Bohemia, the Palatinate, Saxony,

and along the banks of the Rhine. Meanwhile the Turks were preparing

to attack Hungary, and a dangerous insurrection threatened his own

capital. None came to his assistance in the hour of peril. On all

sides, he was surrounded by hostile armies, while his own forces were

dispirited and treacherous.

[Sidenote: Wallenstein Reinstated in Power.]

From such a hopeless state he was rescued by the man whom he had

injured, but not until he had himself to beg his assistance.

Wallenstein was in retirement, and secretly rejoiced in the victories

of the Swedish king, knowing full well that the emperor would soon be

compelled to summon him again to command his armies. Now he could

dictate his terms. Now he could humiliate his sovereign, and at the

same time obtain all the power his ambition craved. He declined

entering his service unless he had the unlimited command of all the

armies of Austria and Spain. No commission in the army was to be

granted by the emperor, without his own approval. He demanded the

ordinary pay, and an imperial hereditary estate. In short, he demanded

sovereign authority; and with such humiliating terms the emperor, in

his necessities, was obliged to comply.

[Sidenote: Death of Gustavus Adolphus.]

No sooner did he raise his standard, than it was resorted to by the

unprincipled, the rapacious, and the needy from all parts of the

empire. But Wallenstein now resolved to pursue, exclusively, his own

selfish interests, and directed all his aims to independent

sovereignty. When his forces were united with those of Maximilian, he

found himself at the head of sixty thousand men. Then really commenced

the severity of the contest, for Wallenstein was now stronger than

Gustavus. Nevertheless, the heroic Swede offered to give his rival

battle at Nuremburg, which was declined. He then attacked his camp,

but was repulsed with loss. At last, the two generals met on the

plains of Lutzen, in Saxony, 1632. During the whole course of the war,

two such generals had not been pitted against each other, nor had so

much been staked on the chance of a battle. Victory declared for the

troops of Gustavus, but the heroic leader himself was killed, in the

fulness of his glory. It was his fortune to die with an untarnished

fame. "By an untimely death," says Schiller, "his protecting genius

rescued him from the inevitable fate of man--that of forgetting

moderation in the intoxication of success, and justice in the

plenitude of power. It may be doubted whether, had he lived longer, he

would still have deserved the tears which Germany shed over his grave,

or maintained his title to the admiration with which posterity regards

him,--as the first and only just conqueror that the world has

produced. But it was no longer the benefactor of Germany who fell at

Lutzen; the beneficent part of his career Gustavus Adolphus had

already terminated; and now the greatest service which he could render

to the liberties of Germany was--to die. The all-engrossing power of

an individual was at an end; the equivocal assistance of an

over-powerful protector gave place to a more noble self-exertion on

the part of the estates; and those who formerly were the mere

instruments of his aggrandizement, now began to work for themselves.

The ambition of the Swedish monarch aspired, unquestionably, to

establish a power within Germany inconsistent with the liberties of

the estates. His aim was the imperial crown; and this dignity,

supported by his power, would be liable to more abuse than had ever

been feared from the house of Austria. His sudden disappearance

secured the liberties of Germany, and saved his own reputation, while

it probably spared him the mortification of seeing his own allies in

arms against him, and all the fruits of his victories torn from him by

a disadvantageous peace."

After the battle of Lutzen we almost lose sight of Wallenstein, and no

victories were commensurate with his reputation and abilities. He

continued inactive in Bohemia, while all Europe was awaiting the

exploits which should efface the remembrance of his defeat. He

exhausted the imperial provinces by enormous contributions, and his

whole conduct seems singular and treacherous. His enemies at the

imperial court now renewed their intrigues, and his conduct was

reviewed with the most malicious criticism. But he possessed too great

power to be openly assailed by the emperor, and measures were

concerted to remove him by treachery. Wallenstein obtained notice of

the designs against him, and now, too late, resolved on an open

revolt. But he was betrayed, and his own generals, on whom he counted,

deserted him, so soon as the emperor dared to deprive him of his

command. But he was only removed by assassination, and just at the

moment when he deemed himself secure against the whole power of the

emperor. No man, however great, can stand before an authority which is

universally deemed legitimate, however reduced and weakened that

authority may be. In times of anarchy and revolution, there is

confusion in men's minds respecting the persons in whom legitimate

authority should be lodged, and this is the only reason why rebellion

is ever successful.

[Sidenote: Assassination of Wallenstein.]

[Sidenote: Treaty of Westphalia.]

The death of Wallenstein, in 1634, did not terminate the war. It raged

eleven years longer, with various success, and involved the other

European powers. France was then governed by Cardinal Richelieu, who,

notwithstanding his Catholicism, lent assistance to the Protestants,

with a view of reducing the power of Austria. Indeed, the war had

destroyed the sentiments which produced it, and political motives

became stronger than religious. Oxenstiern and Richelieu became the

master spirits of the contest, and, in the recesses of their cabinets,

regulated the campaigns of their generals. Battles were lost and won

on both sides, and innumerable intrigues were plotted by interested

statesmen. After all parties had exhausted their resources, and

Germany was deluged with the blood of Spaniards, Hollanders,

Frenchmen, Swedes, besides that of her own sons, the peace of

Westphalia was concluded, (1648,)--the most important treaty in the

history of Europe. All the princes and states of the empire were

reëstablished in the lands, rights, and prerogatives which they

enjoyed before the troubles in Bohemia, in 1619. The religious

liberties of the Lutherans and Calvinists were guaranteed, and it was

stipulated that the Imperial Chamber should consist of twenty-four

Protestant members and twenty-six Catholic, and that the emperor

should receive six Protestants into the Aulic Council, the highest

judicial tribunal in the empire. This peace is the foundation of the

whole system of modern European politics, of all modern treaties, of

that which is called the freedom of Germany, and of a sort of balance

of power among all the countries of Western Europe. Dearly was it

purchased, by the perfect exhaustion of national energies, and the

demoralizing sentiments which one of the longest and bloodiest wars in

human history inevitably introduced.

* * * * *

REFERENCES.--Schiller's History of the Thirty Years' War.

Russell's Modern Europe. Coleridge's Translation of

Wallenstein. Kohlrausch's History of Germany. See also a

history of Germany in Dr. Lardner's Cyclopedia. History of

Sweden. Plank on the Political Consequences of the

Reformation. The History of Schiller, however is a classic,

and is exceedingly interesting and beautiful.

A Modern History, From the Time of Luther to the Fall of Napoleon For the Use of Schools and Colleges · 第 10 / 32 章