And to many it seems perfectly clear that the universal emancipation of

the negro carries with it by inevitable necessity his admission to the

full enjoyment of all equality, political and social, and his becoming

homogeneous with the mass of the American people; and the fact that they

think so is the only adequate explanation of the inflexible energy of

will with which they resist all measures which are supposed to tend in

the smallest degree toward emancipation. And they think themselves able

to give unanswerable reasons for the bitterness with which they note

everything which is expressed by the word 'abolitionism.' They assume it

for a fact, which admits no contradiction, that the natural increase of

the negro race in this country is more rapid than that of the white man.

So far as my observation extends, the great majority of the people

believe this with an undoubting faith. It is constantly asserted in

conversation, and in the most exaggerated form in newspaper paragraphs;

although (as I shall presently show) a mere glance at our census tables

disproves it. It is also assumed, with a faith equally undoubting, that

if the slaves were all emancipated, the negro race would still increase

as rapidly in freedom as in slavery. Emancipation, it is said, would at

once cast upon the country four millions and a half of free negroes; and

by the rapidity of their increase, they would, at no distant day, become

a majority of the whole population.

If then, it is further argued, you emancipate them, and yet withhold

from them a full participation in all our political privileges, they

will be hostile to our government, a great nation of aliens in the midst

of us, who would be the natural enemies of our institutions. An

internecine war of races, it is said, must follow. Even here it would be

well for persons who entertain such gloomy apprehensions, to remember

that if these assumptions were all true (though I will show in the

sequel that they are not), even then, emancipation could not make of the

negroes more dangerous enemies to our institutions than slavery has made

of the masters. It is also said that the only possible mode of escaping

all these horrible results, would be to admit the negro, if he must be

freed, to all the privileges and franchises of the Constitution, and

amalgamate him entirely with the mass of American society. Thus it is

taken for proved that emancipation would carry with it the equality of

the negro and the white man in all their relations.

I believe it to be true beyond reasonable doubt, that the great majority

of the American people do at this time accept this substantially as

their creed on the question of emancipation. They do not mean to justify

slavery; they abhor and hate it; they regard it as economically,

socially, politically, and morally wrong. But they regard emancipation

as tending directly and inevitably to incorporate the negro into the

mass of American society, and compel us to treat him as homogeneous with

it. To such a solution of the question they feel an unconquerable

aversion. It shocks their taste; it violates their notions of propriety

and fitness; they resist it by a sort of instinct, rather than from set

conviction and purpose.

Nor is there one man in a thousand of us, who is not conscious in

himself of a certain degree of sympathy with this view of the subject,

however much we may think that we morally disapprove it. With enslaving

the negro, and reducing him to an article of merchandise, or depriving

him of one of those moral rights which God has given him as a man, we

have no sympathy. But if, in full view of a proposition to break down

all the social barriers which now divide the races, so that our

descendants and those of the colored man shall form one homogeneous

people, we interrogate our own consciousness, we shall discover that

we, even those of us who have most eloquently and indignantly denounced

'prejudice against color,' are compelled to own ourselves in sympathy

with the great mass of the American people, in utter and unconquerable

aversion to such an arrangement.

It is probable that this article may fall into the hands of some friends

of mine whose judgment I greatly respect, and whose feelings I should be

most reluctant to wound, to whom these sentiments will at first view be

far from agreeable. But for many years I have entertained them with

undoubting confidence of their truth; and at this solemn crisis of our

nation's destiny it becomes us to lay aside all our prejudices, and to

endeavor to reach the truth on this momentous question. I repeat it:

this side of the subject has not been fairly met and considered in this

discussion. The time has come when we must meet it. Emancipation is an

indispensable condition of the restoration and perpetuity of the Union,

perhaps even of our continued national existence. The one great

objection to emancipation, in the minds of the people, North and South,

is the belief, so confidently and even obstinately entertained, that it

carries with it as an inevitable consequence, either an internecine war

of races, which would destroy us, or the amalgamation of our race and

blood with that of the negro. If we mean, as practical men and

statesmen, to seek our country's salvation by means of emancipation, we

must, in some way, relieve the national mind from the pressure of this

objection. Till we do so, the masses of the people will say to us: 'We

do not approve of slavery; we abhor it; but if we are to have the negro

among us, we believe in keeping him in slavery.' All of us, who are in

the habit of talking with the people on this subject, know that almost

in these very words we are met at every street corner. We must answer

it, or in some form slavery will still continue to be the curse of our

country, and to hurry it on to an untimely and ignominious end.

Let it be distinctly borne in mind that it is not the _moral_ equality

of the negro to the white man, which is under consideration. That indeed

is only indirectly assailed by the inveterate national prejudice of

which I speak. Those masses of the people who have no pecuniary interest

in slavery, trample on the moral rights of the colored man only because

they are made to believe themselves placed under the hard necessity of

doing so, in order to resist any approach toward that political and

social equality with him to which they are determined never to submit.

Show them how they can concede to him the former without conceding the

latter, and they will gladly do it. For myself, nothing can be added to

the intensity of my conviction not only that the colored man must be

protected in the full enjoyment of all the moral rights of humanity, as

a condition of our prolonged national existence; but that the masses of

the people never will consent to a political and social equality with

the negro race.

How then can the public mind be assured that to emancipate the enslaved

race, to confer on them all the moral rights of humanity, does not

involve by any necessity or even remote probability, either an

internecine war of races on our own soil, or the fusion of the two races

into one homogeneous people? One answer, which satisfies many, is, the

freedmen must be colonized in some unoccupied region of the earth, where

they may be separated from the white man, and build up for themselves an

independent and homogeneous nationality. I have no controversy with this

proposed solution of the difficulty, or with the excellent men who are

advocating and promoting it, with an earnest patriotism worthy of all

honor. But I have grave doubts of the adequacy of this solution to meet

the momentous exigencies of the present crisis. At least, I feel no

necessity of resting the whole cause upon it, when there is another

solution at hand, which certainly is adequate, furnished by the very

laws of nature which the Creator has established, and so certain in its

operation, that we have only to strike the fetters from the limbs of the

poor slave, and recognize his manhood, and God will take care of the

rest, and protect our country from the evils we have so much dreaded.

That solution is found in a great law of population. It is necessary,

therefore, that I should state this law, and prove its reality, and its

adequacy to meet all the necessities of the case in hand.

Whenever two peoples, one of which is little removed from barbarism, and

the other having the full strength of a mature civilization, are placed

in juxtaposition with each other, on terms of free labor and free

competition, the stronger will always either amalgamate itself with the

weaker, or extinguish it. In the former case, civilization undergoes an

eclipse, almost an extinction. The homogeneous people resulting from

such a union, occupies a position in the scale of civilization much

nearer to that of their barbarous than that of their civilized parents.

Numerous and conclusive examples of this have occurred in the progress

of the French, Spanish, and Portuguese colonies in proximity to the

various native tribes of this continent. They have generally amalgamated

freely with their savage neighbors; and a deep eclipse of civilization

has in every instance resulted. When that eclipse is to end, we have not

the foresight to determine.

The English colonies, on the other hand, in all parts of the world, have

steadily refused to enter into any marriage relations with their

barbarous neighbors, or to recognize as belonging to their community any

half-breeds springing from licentious and illicit connection with them.

Here, too, the results are almost entirely uniform. The extinction of

such barbarous tribes brought within the sphere of their competition has

been rapid and almost if not absolutely invariable; while the English

colonies themselves have preserved the civilization of the parent stock

in almost undiminished vigor.

A mere general view of the history of European colonization in barbarous

regions of the earth, does therefore afford a very striking proof of the

truth of my proposition. And it is much to our purpose here to remark,

that the very aversion to incorporating the negro into our nationality,

which is so firmly fixed in the minds of the masses of the people, is no

new thing in our history, and no outgrowth of slavery. It is the same

national characteristic which, in all parts of the world, has prevented

the English colonist from intermarrying with his barbarous neighbor.

Call it by what hard name you please, call it 'prejudice against color,'

and denounce it as eloquently and indignantly as you may, it is one of

the most remarkable and one of the most respectable features of the

English colonies wherever found, and one of the chief causes of their

preëminence over those of other European nations, in civilization,

wealth, and power. But what it is chiefly to our purpose to remark is,

that while it is to the colonies themselves the cause of unequalled

prosperity and rapidity of growth in all the elements of national

greatness, to their savage neighbors it is the cause of rapid and

certain extinction.

Precisely in such relations to each other will the white and colored

populations of the United States be placed by an act of universal

emancipation, the substitution of free labor and free competition for

the compulsory power of the master. And while on the one hand the

history of the colonial off-shoots of England shows that the

amalgamation of the races will not follow, it shows with equal clearness

and certainty that the rapid extinction of the colored race will

follow. Here I might rest the whole argument, with a high degree of

assurance of the soundness and certainty of my conclusion, that the

result of emancipation must be, not the amalgamation of the races, not

an internecine war between them, but the inevitable extinction of the

weaker race by the competition of the stronger. I say the _competition_

of the stronger, because, to avoid extending this article to a very

unreasonable length, I must assume that the reader is sufficiently

versed in American history to know that even the Indian perishes, for

the most part, not by the sword or the rifle of the white man, but by

the simple competition of civilization with the Indian's means of

subsistence.

I might, I say, leave my argument here; but to do so would be great

injustice to the subject. There are abundant and unquestionable facts,

which show to a demonstration, that the case of the negro in his

relations to the European population of this country is embraced in the

law just stated.

In the first place, the two races are not amalgamated. Intermarriages

between them are so rare, that few of the readers of this article can

remember ever to have known one. Such marriages are regarded as

monstrous and disgraceful, though the law should, as in some of the

States, recognize them. One sentiment in respect to them pervades the

whole community, and that a sentiment of aversion. Those half-breeds

which spring from licentiousness, or even from the very few lawful

marriages which have occurred, are not accepted as standing in any

nearer relations to the white man than the pure-blooded African. In

those States where slavery has been longest extinct, and the colored man

has been relieved from all legal disabilities, the line between the two

races is as sharply drawn to-day as it was two hundred years ago. On

such a question two hundred years and more is long enough for an

experiment. The experiment already tried does prove that the

Anglo-American and African populations of this country cannot be

amalgamated, either by freedom or slavery; and those who pretend to fear

it, are either trying to deceive others for selfish and criminal

purposes, or else they are wofully deceived themselves.

Nor are the apprehensions of those who dread the rapid increase of the

negro, at all sustained by facts. That fear of a coming internecine war

of races, in case the colored man is emancipated, which haunts some

minds, has no foundation except in ignorance of the real facts. In no

portion of our history has our colored population ever increased with a

rapidity nearly so great as the white population. From 1790 to 1860 the

colored population increased in the ratio of 1 to 5.86; and the white

population in the ratio of 1 to 8.50. If we compare them for any shorter

period, we shall always find that the white population increased the

more rapidly of the two. From 1790 to 1808, we might perhaps expect to

find it otherwise; for during that period the slave trade was in full

activity, and tens of thousands of Africans were imported as articles of

merchandise. But from 1790 to 1810, while the colored population

increased in the ratio of 1 to 1.81, the white population increased in

the ratio of 1 to 1.84, although during that period the white population

of the country was very little increased by immigration. How it has

happened that this point, which our tables of population make so

entirely plain, has been so much misapprehended, and why the prevailing

notions respecting it are so erroneous, is not easy to explain. The

above estimate also reckons all half breeds as belonging to the colored

population. (See De Bow's 'Compendium of the United States Census of

1850,' Tables 18, 42, and 71.)

But this is not all. A careful examination of Tables 42 and 71 of the

volume above referred to, will show that the increase of the colored

race in freedom is certainly not half so great as in slavery. Indeed

there is great reason to doubt whether our colored population has ever

increased at all, except in slavery. From 1790 to 1800 the free colored

population almost doubled, evidently by the emancipation of slaves; for

during that period the slave population of Connecticut, Delaware, New

Hampshire, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Vermont was greatly

diminished, while that of New Jersey and Maryland was very little

increased. In the last mentioned the increase of her slave population

was only 21/2 per cent. in ten years, while the increase of her free

colored population was 1431/2 per cent. in the same period. These

figures leave no room for doubt that the rapid increase of the free

colored population in all that decade was caused by the fact that the

great mass of the people were honestly opposed to slavery, and therefore

the work of emancipation went on with rapidity.

From 1800 to 1810 the increase of the free colored population was 72 per

cent., under the continued though somewhat slackened operation of the

same cause. From 1810 to 1820 the increase had declined from 72 to 25

per cent.; for the very obvious reason that most of the Northern States

had now no slaves to emancipate, while the Southern States were holding

to the system of slavery with increased tenacity, and emancipation was

becoming less frequent. From 1820 to 1830 the ratio of increase was

again raised to 37 per cent. in ten years. By referring again to Table

71, it will be seen that in that decade, New York and New Jersey

emancipated more than 15,000 slaves, adding them to the free colored

population. From 1830 to 1840 the rate of increase declined to 21 per

cent., and from 1840 to 1850 to only 121/4 per cent., and to 10 per

cent. from 1850 to 1860.

These figures prove that from 1790 to 1840 the increase of the free

colored population depended chiefly on the emancipation of slaves, and

leave no reason to believe that its own natural increase ever exceeded

121/4 per cent. in ten years; while the average increase of the slave

population is nearly 28 per cent. in ten years, and of the white

population 34 per cent. in ten years. Thus, beyond controversy, the

reproductive power of the colored population, always greatly inferior to

that of the white population, is yet not half so great in freedom as in

slavery. This difference is to be accounted for in great measure by the

wicked and beastly stimulus applied to the increase of slaves, that the

chattel market may be kept supplied.

There is no reason to suppose that the increase of the free colored

population would be in a greater ratio if all were emancipated; but, as

will appear from considerations yet to be presented, much for supposing

that it would be in a much smaller ratio. How then would the case stand

on that supposition? In 1860 there were about 27,000,000 of our white

population, increasing at the rate of 34 per cent. in ten years; and

less than 4,500,000 of colored population, increasing (on the

supposition of universal freedom) in a ratio not exceeding 121/4 per

cent. in ten years. Surely, that must be a very timid man who, in this

relation of the parties, fears anything from the increase of free

negroes. A war between these two races, so related to each other, is

simply absurd, and the fear of it childish and cowardly. Slavery may

multiply the colored population till its numbers shall become alarming;

but if we will give freedom to the black man, we have nothing to fear

from his increase.

But this certainly is not the full strength of the case. There is no

good reason to believe that the natural increase of the free colored

population is even 121/4 per cent. in ten years, but much for

suspecting that even this apparent increase is the result of

emancipation, either by the slave's own act, or by the consent of the

master. If we take our departure from Chicago, make the tour of the

lakes to the point where the boundary line of New York and Pennsylvania

intersects the shore of Lake Erie, thence pass along the southern

boundary of New York, till it intersects the Hudson river, thence along

that river and the Atlantic coast to the southern boundary of Virginia,

thence along the southern boundaries of Virginia and Kentucky to the

Mississippi, thence along that river to the point where the northern

boundary of Illinois intersects it, and thence along that boundary and

the shore of Lake Michigan to the place of departure, we shall have

embraced within the line described ten of the thirty-four States of the

Union. By an examination of Table 42, already referred to, it will be

seen that outside of those ten States the free colored population not

only did not increase between 1840 and 1850, but actually diminished,

and that all the increase of that decade was in those ten States.

Why then was there an increase in those ten States, while in the other

twenty-four there was an actual decrease? I think this question can only

be answered by ascribing that increase to emancipation. In Kentucky,

Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware, slavery is unprofitable and declining,

and acts of emancipation frequently occur. Pennsylvania and New Jersey,

before the passage of the fugitive slave law of 1850, were favorite

resorts of fugitives, perhaps partly on account of the known sympathies

of the Quakers. Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, were also resorted to by

fugitives, both on account of their easy accessibility from adjacent

Slave States, and their proximity to Canada, and also because such labor

as a fugitive from slavery is best able to do, is there always in

demand. These States have also received thousands of colored persons,

brought to them by humane and conscientious masters, for the very

purpose of emancipating them.

From 1850 to 1860 the facts are still more striking. The increase which

occurred was not, as would have been true of a natural increase,

scattered over our whole territory, and in some proportion to the

colored population previously existing, but almost wholly, either where

the unprofitableness and decline of slavery was leading to emancipation,

or where from any cause the fugitive slave law of 1850 was not strictly

enforced. Examples of the former are Maryland, Virginia, and Missouri,

and of the latter are Ohio, Illinois, Michigan, Iowa, and even

Massachusetts and Connecticut, in the latter of which it had been

declining for twenty years previous.

With the facts before us, then, furnished by the United States Census,

from 1790 to 1860, how is it possible to believe that the colored

population of this country has ever increased at all, except hi slavery?

How can we help seeing that it is slavery, and slavery alone, which has

swelled their numbers from a little more than half a million, as it was

in 1790, to near four and a half millions at the present time? Yet there

are millions among us that turn pale at the thought of emancipation,

lest thereby we should be overrun by the multiplication of the colored

race! There are millions who would be thought intelligent men, who think

they have propounded an unanswerable argument against emancipation When

they have asked, 'What will you do with the negro?' We may well ask what

shall we do with the negro, if we continue to multiply the race in

slavery as beasts of burden and articles of merchandise. But on the

supposition of freedom, the question has no significance. The men who

are always scaring themselves and others by such fears are either very

ignorant or very hypocritical.

But the case will be still stronger when we come to inquire, as we must

before we close, into the causes of the facts which have just been

presented. There is no reason to believe that the slower increase of the

colored race is at all due to any original inferiority in the powers of

reproduction, or that any such inferiority exists. Its causes are to be

found wholly in the different circumstances, characters, and habits of

the two peoples. The negro is, to a great extent, a barbarian in the

midst of civilization. He is destitute of those comforts of life, that

care, skill, and intelligent watchfulness, which are indispensable to

success in rearing children in the midst of the dangers, exposures, and

diseases of infancy. His dwelling does not afford the necessary

protection from the cold and storms of winter, or from the heats of

summer: it is ill warmed and ill ventilated; he has not an unfailing

supply of food and clothing suited to the wants of that most frail and

delicate of living creatures, a human infant. Hence a large portion of

his children die in infancy.

On the last page of the Appendix to the volume already referred to, is a

most instructive table, showing the truth of this operation. Thus in

1850 the white population of Alabama was 426,514; the colored

population, slave and free, was 365,109. In that year the deaths of

white children under five years of age were 1,650; of colored children,

2,463. That is, only two thirds as many white children died as colored;

and yet the white population was greater almost in the ratio of 7 to 6.

By running the eye down the table, it will be seen that similar facts

exist in every State where there is a large colored population. These

facts leave us in no doubt as to the reason why the increase of the

colored population is always slower than that of the white population.

This occurs, as the table just referred to shows, under slavery, where

the pecuniary interest of the master will secure his watchful

coöperation with the parent to preserve the life of the infant. But in

freedom the same causes act upon the colored race with vastly more

destructive effect. The preservation of infant life and health is then

left solely to the care, skill, and resources of the parent. The result

is that decay of the colored race which we have seen indicated in the

census. It is essential to our purpose that this point should be made

quite plain.

It is obvious that there is in every community a lower stratum of

population, in which wages are sufficient to support the individual

laborer in comfort, but not sufficient for the support of a family. This

not only always has been so, but it always must be, as long as

competition continues to be the test of value; and competition must

continue to be the test of value as long as the individual right of

property is protected and preserved. Nor is this, as many superficial

thinkers of our day have thought it, merely the hard and selfish rule by

which Shylock oppresses and grinds the face of his victim: it is a

necessary and beneficent law of the best forms of society which can ever

exist in this world. The welfare of society in all the future

imperatively requires that it should be propagated from the strong, the

sound, the healthy, both in body and mind, from the strongest, most

vigorous, and noblest specimens of the race; and not from the diseased,

the weak, the vicious, the degraded, the broken-down classes. Thus only

can the life and health of society be preserved age after age. This is

as necessary as it is that the farmer should propagate his domestic

animals from the finest of his stock, and not from the diminutive, the

weak, and the sickly. And it is accomplished in well ordered society by

that very law of wages just stated. As a general rule, it is the very

persons who are unfit to be the parents of the coming generation, that

are thrown into that lower stratum where wages are insufficient for the

support of a family. And just in proportion as the entire structure of

society is pervaded by intelligence and virtue, this class of persons

will abstain from marriage, by prudently considering that they have not

a satisfactory prospect of being able to support a family. It is thus

only that the horrors of extreme poverty can be avoided at the bottom of

the social pyramid. The severity of this law of wages and population can

thus be greatly mitigated and the comforts of life be universally

enjoyed; but the law itself is necessary and beneficent, and never can

be repealed till human nature and human society are constructed on other

principles than those known to us.

To apply this to the question before us: When by the act of emancipation

the negro is made a free laborer, he is brought into direct competition

with the white man; that competition he is unable to endure; and he soon

finds his place in that lower stratum, which has just been spoken of,

where he can support himself in tolerable comfort as a hired servant,

but cannot support a family. The consequence is inevitable. He will

either never marry, or he will, in the attempt to support a family,

struggle in vain against the laws of nature, and his children will, many

of them at least, die in infancy. It is not necessary to argue to

convince a candid man (and for candid men only is this article written)

that this is, as a general rule, the condition of the free negro. And it

shows, beyond the possibility of mistake, what in this country his

destiny must be. Like his brother, the Indian of the forest, he must

melt away and disappear forever from the midst of us. I do not affirm or

intimate that this must be his destiny in all countries. In the tropical

regions of the earth, where he may have little to fear from the

competition of the more civilized white man, he may preserve and

multiply his race. Let him try the experiment. It is worth trying.

Far be it from me to intimate that the negro is the only class of our

population that are in this sad condition. In our large cities and towns

there are hundreds of thousands of men who have no drop of African blood

in their veins, and who are more clamorous than any other class against

negro equality, who, through ignorance or vice, or superstition, or

inevitable calamity, are in the same hard lot; their children, if they

have any, perish in great numbers in infancy, and they will add nothing

to the future population of our country. That will be derived from a

stronger, nobler parentage. Their race will become extinct. Their case

differs from that of the colored man only in this, that they are not

distinguished by color and features from the rest of the population; so

that the decay of their race cannot be traced by the eye and the memory,

and expressed in statistical tables.

We are now prepared to see why the colored population has been, for a

considerable time, declining in New York and New England. In those

States population is dense; all occupations which afford a comfortable

living for a family are crowded and the competition of the white man is

quite too much for the negro. If emancipation were now to be made

universal, the same thing would rapidly occur in all parts of our

country. The white laborer would rush in and speedily crowd every avenue

to prosperity and wealth; and the negro, with his inferior civilization,

would be crowded everywhere into the lower stratum of the social

pyramid, and in a few generations be seen no more. The far more rapid

increase of the white race would render the competition more and more

severe to him with each successive generation, and render his decay more

rapid, and his extinction more certain.

I am well aware that this article may fall into the hands of many

excellent men who will not relish this argument, nor this conclusion.

They will say it were better then to keep the poor negro in slavery. But

they would not say so if they would consider the whole case. If slavery

were a blessing to the black man, it is so great a curse to the white

man that it should never be permitted to exist. The white man can afford

to be kind to the negro in freedom; but he cannot afford to curse

himself with being his master and owning him as his property. On this

point I need not enlarge, for I am devoutly thankful that the literature

of Christendom is full of it.

But slavery is not a blessing to the negro, even in the view of his

condition which I have presented; it is an _unmitigated curse_. To a man

of governed passions and virtuous life, it is infinitely better to be an

unmarried freeman, enjoying the comforts of this life, and the hopes of

the life to come, than to live and die a slave, and the parent of an

interminable posterity of slaves. To a being of vicious life and

ungoverned passions, all life is a curse, whether in slavery or freedom;

and it surely is not obligatory on us, or beneficial to the colored man,

to preserve the system of slavery for the sake of perpetuating a

succession of such lives down through coming generations.

Slavery, by forced and artificial means, propagates society from its

lowest and most degraded class, from a race of barbarians held within

its bosom from generation to generation, without being permitted to

share its civilizing influences. It thus propagates barbarism from age

to age, till at last it involves both master and slave in a common ruin.

Freedom recruits the ranks of a nation's population from the homes of

the industrious, the frugal, the strong, the enlightened, the virtuous,

the religious; and leaves the ignorant, the superstitious, the indolent,

the improvident, the vicious, without an offspring, and without a name

in future generations. Freedom places society, by obeying the law of

propagation which God imposed on it, upon an ascending plane of

ever-increasing civilization; slavery, by a forced and unnatural law of

propagation, places it upon a descending plane of ever-deepening vice

and barbarism.

That dread of negro equality which is perpetually haunting the

imaginations of the American people, is, therefore, wholly without

foundation in any reality. It is a delusion, which has already driven

us, in a sort of madness, far on the road to ruin. It is, I fear, a

judicial blindness, which the all-wise and righteous Ruler of the

universe has sent upon us for the punishment of our sins. The negro does

not aspire to political or social equality with the white man. He has

evidently no such destiny, no such hope, no such possibility. He is

weak, and constantly becoming weaker; and nothing can ever make him

strong but our continued injustice and oppression. He appeals not to our

fears, but to our compassion. He asks not to rule us: he only craves of

us leave to toil; to hew our wood and draw our water, for such miserable

pittance of compensation as the competition of free labor will award

him--_a grave_. If we deny him this humble boon, we may expect no end to

our national convulsions but in dissolution. If we promptly grant it,

over all our national domain, we may expect the speedy return of peace,

and such prosperity as no nation ever before enjoyed.

WAS HE SUCCESSFUL?

'Do but grasp into the thick of human life! Every one _lives_

it--to not many is it _known_; and seize it where you will, it is

interesting.'--GOETHE.

SUCCESSFUL.--Terminating in accomplishing what is wished

or intended.'--WEBSTER'S _Dictionary_.

CHAPTER IV.

We go tack to look a little at the fortunes of the Meeker family.

Twenty-three years have passed since we introduced it to the reader, on

the occasion of Hiram's birth. Time has produced his usual tokens. Mr.

Meeker is already an old man of seventy, but by no means infirm. His

days have been cheerful and serene, and his countenance exhibits that

contented expression which a happy old age produces.

A happy old age--how few of the few who reach the period enjoy _that_!

Mr. Meeker's life has been unselfish and genuine; already he reaps his

reward.

Mrs. Meeker, too, is twenty-three years older than when we first made

her acquaintance. She is now over sixty. She still possesses her fair

proportions; indeed, she has grown somewhat stouter with advancing

years. Her face is sleek and comely, but the expression has not

improved. When she wishes to appear amiable, she greets you with the

same pleasing smile as ever; but if you watch her features as they

relapse into their natural repose, you will discover a discontented,

dissatisfied air, which has become habitual. Why? Mrs. Meeker has met

with no reverses or serious disappointments in the daily routine of her

life. But, alas! its sum total presents no satisfactory consequences.

She has become, though unconscious of it, weary of the changeless

formality of her religious duties, performed as a ceaseless task,

without any real spirit or true devotion. Year after year has run its

course and carried her along, through early womanhood into mature life,

on to the confines of age. What has she for all those years? Nothing but

disquiet and solicitude, and a vague anxiety, without apparent cause or

satisfactory object.

As they advance in age, Mr. and Mrs. Meeker exhibit less sympathy in

each other's thoughts and views and feelings. By degrees and

instinctively the gulf widens between them--until it becomes impassable.

Everything goes on quietly and decorously, but there is no sense of

united destiny, no pleasurable desire for a union beyond the grave.

The children are scattered; the daughters are all married. Jane and

Laura have gone 'West,' and Mary is living in Hartford. Doctor Frank we

will give an account of presently. George is a practical engineer, and

is employed on the Erie canal. William, who was to remain at home and

manage the farm, is married, and lives in a small house not far off. His

mother would permit no 'daughter-in-law' with her. She did not like the

match. William had fallen in love with a very superior girl,

fine-looking and amiable, but not possessed of a penny. Besides, she

belonged to the Methodist church, a set who believed in falling from

grace! Mrs. Meeker had peremptorily forbid her son marrying 'the girl,'

but after a year's delay, and considerable private conversation with his

father, William _had_ married her, and a small house which stood on the

premises had been put in order for him. What was worse, William soon

joined the same church with his wife, and then the happiness of the

young couple seemed complete. Mrs. Meeker undertook, as she said, to

'make the best of a bad bargain,' so the two families were on terms of

friendly intercourse, but they continued to remain separated.

Dr. Frank, as he was called, had taken his medical degree, and, by the

indulgence of his father, whose heart yearned sympathetically toward

his firstborn, opportunity was afforded him to spend a year in Paris.

Mrs. Meeker groaned over this unnecessary expense. When she saw that on

this occasion she was not to have her own way, she insisted that the

money her husband was wasting on Frank should be charged against his

'portion.' She never for a moment forgot Hiram's interest. She had

schemed for years so to arrange affairs that the homestead proper would

fall to him, notwithstanding George was to be the farmer. Mrs. Meeker

calculated on surviving her husband for a long, indefinite period. She

was several years younger, and, as she was accustomed to remark, came of

a long-lived race. 'Mr. Meeker was failing fast' (she had said so for

the last fifteen years)--'at his age he could not be expected to hold

out long. He ought to make his will, and do justice to Hiram, poor boy.

All the rest had received more than their share. _He_ was treated like

an outcast.'

This was the burden of Mrs. Meeker's thoughts, the latter portion of

which found expression in strong and forcible language. For she

calculated, by the aid of her 'thirds' as widow, to so arrange it as to

give her favorite the most valuable part of the real estate.

There was a fixedness and a tenacity about this woman's regard for her

youngest child that was, in a certain sense, very touching. It could not

be termed parental affection--that is blind and indiscriminating; it was

rather a sympathetic feeling toward a younger second self, with which,

doubtless, was mingled the maternal interest. Whatever touched Hiram

affected her; she understood his plans without his explaining them; she

foresaw his career; she was anxious, hopeful, trembling, rejoicing, as

she thought of what he must pass through before he emerged rich and

powerful.

Hiram visited home but seldom. Even when at Burnsville, he came over

scarcely once in three months. Often, when expecting him, his mother

would sit by the window the whole afternoon, watching for her son to

arrive. Many a time was supper kept hot for him till late into the

night, while she sat up alone to greet him; but he did not come. I

hardly know how to record it, but I am forced to say that Hiram cared

very little about his mother. Could he have possibly cared much for

anybody, he would probably for her, for he knew how her heart was bound

up in him. He knew it, and, I think, rather pitied the old lady for her

weakness. His manner toward her was all that could be desired--very

dutiful, very respectful. So it was to his father. For Hiram did not

forget the statement of his Sunday-school teacher, which was made when

he was a very young child, about the 'commandment _with promise_.' Thus

his conduct toward his parents was, like his conduct generally,

unexceptionable.

For Frank, the eldest, however, Hiram felt a peculiar aversion. It was a

long time before the former entertained any other feeling for his

'little brother' than one of the most affectionate regard. By many years

the youngest of the family, Hiram, while a child, was the pet and

plaything of the older ones, and especially of Frank, who in his college

vacations took pleasure in training the little fellow, who was just

learning his letters, and in teaching him smart sayings and cunning

expressions. As Hiram grew up and began to display the characteristics I

have already so fully described, Frank, who was quick and sensitive in

his appreciation of qualities, could not, or at least did not, conceal

the disgust he felt for these exhibitions. He took occasion on his

visits home to lecture the youngster soundly. Hiram was not

demonstrative in return, but Mrs. Meeker gave way to undue warmth and

excitement in taking his part. This was when Hiram was at the village

academy. From that time, there was coolness between the brothers,

increased by the total difference of their notions, which ripened in

time to settled aversion. After Hiram went to Burnsville, they did not

meet. Dr. Frank, after spending his year abroad, had returned and

accepted the appointment of demonstrator of anatomy in a medical school

in Vermont. Thence he was called to a chair, in what was then the only

medical college in the city. He was at the time about thirty-six years

old, and a splendid fellow. Enthusiastically devoted to his profession,

Dr. Frank had looked to the metropolis as the field of his ultimate

labors. But he knew the difficulties of getting established, and it was

not till he was assured of a respectable foothold through his

appointment that he ventured on the change. Doubtless the fact of his

having a wife and children made him cautious. Now, however, we behold

him settled in town, zealously engaged with his class at lecture hours,

and making his way gradually in public favor.

It was with some surprise that, one evening, while making a short call

at Mr. Bennett's, he encountered Hiram, who had just removed to the

city. The brothers had not met for four years. On this occasion they

shook hands with a species of cordiality--at least on the Doctor's

part--while Hiram preserved a bearing of humility and injured innocence.

The Doctor asked his brother many questions. Was he living in town--how

long since he had come to New York--was he engaged with Mr.

Bennett--what was he doing? Hiram returned short answers to these

queries--very short--acting the while as if he were in pain under a

certain infliction. He looked up, as much as to say, 'Now, let me alone;

please don't persecute me.' But the Doctor did not give the matter up.

He invited Hiram to come and see him, and told him, with a smile, to be

sure and let him know if he should be taken sick. Hiram wriggled in his

seat, and looked more persecuted than ever; he replied that his health

was very good, and likely to continue so. The words were scarcely out of

his mouth, before it struck him that such an observation was a direct

tempting of Providence, to trip his heels and lay him on a sickbed for

his boast. So, after a slight hesitation, he added, 'But the race is not

to the swift, brother, and I am wrong to indulge in vainglory about

anything. Life and death are uncertain; none realize it, I trust, more

deeply than I do.'

'I was in hopes, Hiram, you had quit talking cant,' said Dr. Frank, in a

tone of disgust. 'Take my advice, and stop it, that is, if it is not too

late.'

He did not wait for a response, but, much to Hiram's satisfaction, rose,

and saying to Mrs. Bennett that he had overstayed his time, bade a rapid

'good evening' to all, and left the room.

'It is dreadful to feel so toward a brother. It is of no use. I won't

attempt to resist it. The least we see of each other the better--but,

good God, what's to become of him!' Such was the Doctor's soliloquy as

he walked rapidly on. Other thoughts soon occupied his mind, and Hiram

was forgotten. The latter, however, did not forget. The Doctor's rebuke

filled his heart with rage; still he consoled himself with the thought

that his brother was an infidel, and would unquestionably be damned.

Meantime he was forced to hear various encomiums on him from Mrs.

Bennett and her daughters--[Doctor Frank, as we have intimated, was a

brilliant fellow, and in the very prime of life]--and was still further

annoyed by a remark of Mr. Bennett, that 'the Doctor was doing very

well; gaining ground fast; getting some of our best families.' Hiram

departed from the house in an uncomfortable state of mind. All the way

home he indulged in the bitterest feelings: so strong were these that

they found expression in ominous mutterings to himself, among which

were, 'Conceited fool,' 'I hate him,' and the like.

Suddenly Hiram's thoughts appeared to take a new direction. He stopped

short, and exclaimed aloud: 'What have I done? O God, have mercy on me.

God forgive me!'

When he reached his room he hastily struck a light and seized his Bible.

Turning the leaves rapidly in search of something, his eyes were at

length fastened on a verse, and he trembled from head to foot, and his

breath nearly failed him, while he read as follows:

_'But I say unto you, That whosoever is angry with his brother

without a cause, shall be in danger of the judgment: and whosoever

shall say to his brother, Raca, shall be in danger of the council:

but whosoever shall say, Thou fool, shall be in danger of hell

fire.'_

'The very word; oh, the very, very word!' he exclaimed. 'I have said

it--said that word--said 'fool,' and I am in danger of hell fire, if I

do belong to the church. Yes, hell fire--oh-oh--oh, hell fire. I wish

mother was here. I know what I will do. I will write a confession, and

send it to my brother to-morrow. I will abase myself before him. Yes, I

will. Oh, oh, hell fire! What _will_ become of me!' Hiram prayed, a good

portion of the night, for a remission of the awful sentence; the bare

possibility of its being carried out filled him with terror.

At last, overcome by weariness and exhaustion, he fell asleep.

He awoke early. He lay several minutes, revolving the last night's

scene. Presently his countenance brightened. He sprang from the bed, and

again turned to the dreaded text, but not with his previous alarm. On

the contrary, he was hopeful. He read the verse over carefully, and said

to him self: 'I am all right, after all. It means whosoever shall say

the word _to_ his brother. I did not make any reply to Frank, much as he

irritated me. I restrained my anger, and suffered humiliation before

him. I may have been too violent in giving utterance to these

expressions, but it is doubtful if I have even incurred _any_ penalty,

for I surely was not angry _without a cause_. God has heard my prayers,

and has relieved my mind in answer thereto. I shan't have to make a

confession either. Glad of that. How he would have triumphed over me!'

So Hiram went forth to his usual 'duties,' his complacency fully

restored, and his faith confirmed that he was one of the 'elect.'

CHAPTER V.

'Already she guessed who it was!'

And who _could_ he be--the intelligent, handsome, but, as it would seem,

over-bold young man, who had presumed to place himself so confidently in

her path and interrupt her walk till he had said his say, and then

disappear as abruptly as he came?

She guessed who.

The arrival of her father with the guest he was to bring proved she had

divined right. For coming up the avenue, she saw that it was the same

handsome young man she had a little before encountered. And she could

perceive in her father's countenance a glowing look of satisfaction as

the two mounted the steps (Sarah was peeping through the blinds) and

proceeded to enter the house. Before they had accomplished this,

however, the room was vacant. Sarah was nowhere to be found--that is,

for the moment; but in due time she presented herself, and thereupon Dr.

James Egerton--that was his name--was formally introduced to her.

'I recollect you now,' said Sarah, seriously. 'Your features have not at

all changed, except they seem larger and--'

'Older, doubtless,' interrupted the young man. 'You, too, have changed,

even more than I; but I knew you the moment my eyes fell on you.' * * *

Seven years had passed since grievous afflictions befell Joel

Burns--when his wife died and his daughter was stricken low, and he

himself was brought to the very gates of death. The reader has already

been made acquainted with these circumstances, and will scarcely forget

that, when the famous medical man returned to New Haven after visiting

Sarah, he despatched his favorite student, with directions to devote

himself to the case. It is known, too, with what earnestness and skill

the youth--for he was little more than a youth--performed his

responsible duties.

Here I had thought to take leave of him, but as he has abruptly come on

the stage as a visitor at Burnsville, and as Sarah Burns already

exhibits an incipient interest in the young doctor, I must let the

reader into the secret of his sudden appearance.

THE UNION.

VII.

RHODE ISLAND AND DELAWARE COMPARED.

In 1790 the population of Rhode Island was 69,110, and that of Delaware

59,096. In 1860 the former numbered 174,620, the latter 112,216. Thus,

from 1790 to 1860, the ratio of increase of population of Rhode Island

was 152.67 per cent., and of Delaware, 89.88. At the same relative rate

of increase, for the next, as for the last seventy years, the population

of Rhode Island in 1930, would be 441,212, and of Delaware, 213,074.

Thus in 1790, Rhode Island numbered but 10,014 more than Delaware,

62,404 more in 1860, and, at the same ratio of increase, 228,138 more in

1930. Such has been and would be the effect of slavery in retarding the

increase of Delaware, as compared with Rhode Island. (Census Table,

1860, No. 1.)

The population of Rhode Island per square mile in 1790, was 52.15, and

in 1860, 133.71; that of Delaware, 27.87 in 1790, and 59.93 in 1860. The

absolute increase of population of Rhode Island, per square mile, from

1790 to 1860, was 80.79, and from 1850 to 1860, 20.74; that of Delaware,

from 1790 to 1860 was 25.05, and from 1850 to 1860, 9.76. (Ib.)

AREA.-The area of Rhode Island is 1,306 square miles, and of

Delaware, 2,120, being 38 per cent., or much more than one third larger

than Rhode Island. Retaining their respective ratios of increase, per

square mile, from 1790 to 1860, and reversing their areas, the

population of Rhode Island in 1860, would have been 283,465, and of

Delaware, 78,268.

In natural fertility of soil Delaware is far superior to Rhode Island,

the seasons much more favorable for crops and stock, and with more than

double the number of acres of arable land.

PROGRESS OF WEALTH.--By Census Tables 33 and 36 (omitting

commerce), it appears that the products of industry as given, viz., of

agriculture, manufactures, mines, and fisheries, were that year, in

Rhode Island, of the value of $52,400,000, or $300 per capita, and in

Delaware, $16,100,000, or $143 per capita. That is, the average annual

value of the product of the labor of each person in Rhode Island is

greatly more than double that of the labor of each person in Delaware,

including slaves. This, we have seen, would make the value of the

products of labor in Rhode Island in 1930, $132,363,600, and in

Delaware, only $30,469,582, notwithstanding the far greater area and

superior natural advantages of Delaware as compared with Rhode Island.

As to the rate of increase: the value of the products of Delaware in

1850 was $7,804,992, in 1860, $16,100,000; and in Rhode Island, in 1850,

$24,288,088, and in 1860, $52,400,000 (Table 9, Treas. Rep., 1856),

exhibiting a large difference in the ratio in favor of Rhode Island.

By Table 36, p. 196, Census of 1860, the cash value of the farm lands of

Rhode Island in 1860 was $19,385,573, or $37.30 per acre (519,698

acres), and of Delaware, $31,426,357, or $31.39 per acre. (1,004,295

acres). Thus, if the farm lands of Delaware were of the cash value of

those of Rhode Island per acre, it would increase the value of those of

Delaware $5,935,385, whereas the whole value of her slaves is but

$539,400.

But by Table 35, Census of 1860, the total value of the real and

personal property of Rhode Island in 1860, was $135,337,588, and of

Delaware, $46,242,181, making a difference in favor of Rhode Island,

$89,095,407, whereas, we have seen, in the absence of slavery, Delaware

must have far exceeded Rhode Island in wealth and population.

The earnings of commerce are not given by the census, but, to how vast

an extent this would swell the difference in favor of Rhode Island, we

may learn from the Census, Bank Table No. 34. The number of the banks of

Rhode Island in 1860, was 91; capital, $20,865,569; loans, $26,719,877;

circulation, $3,558,295; deposits, $3,553,104. In Delaware, number of

banks, 12; capital, $1,640,775; loans, $3,150,215; circulation,

$1,135,772; deposits, $976,223.

Having shown how much slavery has retarded the material progress of

Delaware, let us now consider its effect upon her moral and intellectual

development.

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.--The number of newspapers and

periodicals in Rhode Island in 1860, was 26, of which 18 were political,

6 literary, and 2 miscellaneous. (Census, Table No. 37.) The number in

Delaware was 14, of which 13 were political, and 1 literary. Of

periodicals, Delaware had none; Rhode Island, 1. The number of copies of

newspapers and periodicals issued in Rhode Island in 1860 was 5,289,280,

and in Delaware only 1,010,776, or largely more than five to one in

favor of Rhode Island.

As regards schools, colleges, academies, libraries, and churches, I must

take the census of 1850, those tables for 1860 not being yet arranged or

published. The number of public schools in Rhode Island in 1850 was 426,

teachers 518, pupils 23,130; attending school during the year, as

returned by families, whites, 28,359; native adults of the State who

cannot read or write, 1,248; public libraries, 96; volumes, 104,342;

value of churches, $1,293,600; percentage of native free adults who

cannot read or write, 149. Colleges and academies, pupils, 3,664. (Comp.

Census of 1850.) The number of public schools in Delaware in 1850, was

194, teachers 214, pupils 8,970; attending school during the year,

whites, as returned by families, 14,216; native free adults of the State

who cannot read or write, 9,777; public libraries, 17; volumes, 17,950;

value of churches, $340,345; percentage of native free adults who cannot

read or write, 23.03; colleges and academies, pupils, 764. (Comp.

Census, 1850.)

These official statistics enable me then again to say, that slavery is

hostile to the progress of _population_, _wealth_, and _education_, to

_science_ and _literature_, to _schools_ and _colleges_, to _books_ and

_libraries_, to _churches_ and _religion_, to the _press_, and therefore

to FREE GOVERNMENT; hostile to the _poor_, keeping them in _want_ and

_ignorance_; hostile to _labor_, reducing it to _servitude_, and

decreasing _two thirds_ the value of its products; hostile to MORALS,

repudiating among slaves the _marital_ and _parental_ condition,

classifying them by law as CHATTELS, darkening the immortal soul, and

making it a _crime_ to teach millions of human beings to _read_ or

_write_.

THE CAUSES AND RESULTS OF THE WAR.

There are certain theories in regard to the causes of the present war,

which are so generally accepted as to have fortified themselves strongly

in the principle of '_magna est veritas_ et prevalebit.' Theories based,

however, upon facts which have taken their rise long since the true

causes of the war had begun to work, and which, consequently, mistaking

the effect for the cause, are from their nature ephemeral, and farther

from the truth than they were at their origin. Few thinkers have looked

below the surface of the matter, and the majority of Christendom,

ignoring any other past than the few brief years that have rolled over

our national existence, forgetting that great causes oft-times smoulder

unseen for centuries ere they burst forth in effects the more powerful

from their long suppression, shaking the earth with the pent-up fury of

ages--forgetting these things and arguing in the present instance from

the few palpable facts found floating upon the surface of our society,

by a tacit consent lay the burden of the war upon the present generation

and its immediate predecessors. Herein lies the error which blinds the

world as well to the warning of the past as to the momentous issue

involved.

Where then shall we look for the cause of that antagonism in which North

and South are arrayed--that bitter hostility setting brother against

brother, and father against child, dividing into two separate portions a

nation descended from the same stock, whose archives are one, all whose

associations of a glorious past are the same, and which has hitherto

swept swiftly on to unparalleled wealth and power, seemingly

indissolubly united, and looking forward to the same glorious and

ever-expanding future? Not to the errors in our political system, for no

faults of government could, in a brief century, have produced such an

upheaving of the foundations of society as we now behold--could have

awakened such a thunder peal as is now causing the uttermost corners of

the earth to tremble with dismay. Not to the institution of slavery, for

however great a curse it maybe to our people and soil, however

brutalizing in its tendencies, however unjust to the negro race, and

opposed to all the principles of enlightenment and human progress--of

whatever crimes it may have been guilty, this last and greatest of

crimes cannot be laid at its door: for the bitterness of feeling between

North and South existed long before the agitation of slavery was dreamed

of, and the latter has only been seized upon as the ready means of

accomplishing a greater design. Finally, not to any supposed desire in

the Southern mind of establishing an independent empire of the South,

whose people should be homogeneous, whose individual interests

identical, and whose climate, productions, and institutions should move

on in undisturbed harmony forever. For to this last a motive is wanting.

Under no government that the world has ever known could the South have

enjoyed so much freedom, such unexampled prosperity, such a rapid growth

in wealth and power, in a word, so much real happiness--which is the sum

of all earthly gifts--as under this which they are so earnestly

endeavoring to tear down and blot from the face of the earth. Men's

minds do not eagerly grasp and sternly pursue an abstract idea divorced

from every consideration of self-interest, such as this would be. Even

the greatest of moral principles are indebted to self-interest for their

success, and without it the sublimest of creeds, the loftiest of

principles would soon wither and die for lack of support. With every

blessing that heart could wish in the present, and with no hope through

change of bettering their condition in a practical point of view in the

future, the idea of a great Southern empire, based upon such uncertain

possibilities, would soon have disappeared from the Southern mind, even

if it had ever existed.

Nay; the true cause is beneath and behind all these, taking its rise

from the very foundations of English society in the dark ages, from the

establishment of classes and distinctions of rank. In English history

this principle reached its culmination in the wars of the Parliament,

that great political tempest which changed the whole destiny and guided

the future of that powerful nation, making it, as it is to-day, the

dominant race of the old world. Its greatest development, however, was

reserved for our day and our land. The England of the subsequent era was

a new government, a new people. She reaped her harvest of good from her

gigantic struggles, and so must we reap our harvest from ours. From the

moment when the first settlers set foot upon our shores our inevitable

destiny was foreshadowed; the seeds of the 'Great Rebellion' were even

then deeply implanted, and all causes have since that day worked

together for its fulfilment. We too must be purified by fire and sword;

and may we not hope that our beloved country may emerge from the

slaughter, the ruin, and the conflagration, more prosperous, more

powerful than ever before, and casting off the slough of impurity that

has for long years been hardening upon her, renovated and redeemed by

the struggle, sweep majestically on to a purer and nobler destiny than

even our past has given promise of, and attain a loftier position than

any nation on earth has yet acquired?

The intimate relation of the feudal ages, between baron and retainer,

established at first upon principles of individual safety and the public

weal, soon degenerated into that of noble and serf. That which at first

was but an honorable distinction between knight service on the one hand,

and protection and patronage on the other, became, in the course of

time, the baser relation of haughty assumption and oppression on the one

hand, and the most abject servitude on the other. Descended from the

same stern Saxon stock, separated only by purely artificial barriers, by

the fortuitous circumstance of birth, the sturdy peasant could ill brook

the tyranny of the privileged class--those 'lords rich in some dozen

paltry villages.' That stern independence which has ever been the

prominent characteristic of the Saxon mind, revolted at the palpable

injustice of the relation of lord and serf. The aristocracy, on the

contrary, fortified in their arrogance, at a later day, by the irruption

of the Norman nobility, with their French ideas and customs, so far from

yielding to the signs of the times and the light of dawning

civilization, refused to give up one tittle of their assumed

prerogatives, and became even more exacting in their demands, more lofty

in their supposed superiority. Thus was engendered between the two

classes a bitterness of feeling, a spirit of antagonism, that has never

yet disappeared. Patiently did the peasant bide his time, and only when

the tyranny became utterly unendurable did the movement commence which

has swept downward to our time, reiving away one by one the miscalled

privileges of the favored class, bringing, year by year, the condition

of the laborer nearer to the true balance of society.

This antagonism reached its height in the Cromwellian era, and the men

of those times stand forth upon the page of history as the exponents of

the great principles of civil freedom. The strength of the Cromwellian

party lay in the fact that it was composed almost entirely of the

laboring and the middle classes, the bone and sinew of the land. Then

for the first time in English history the world saw the plebeian pitted

against the aristocrat, and the strife which ensued involved not so much

the question of kingly prerogative and the 'divine right' of monarchs,

as the pent-up feuds of ages--feuds arising from the most flagrant

injustice and wrong on the one hand and forced submission on the other.

This of itself was enough to lend to the contest a character of ferocity

which well might make civilization turn pale. But even this bitterness

was slight compared with that engendered by the _religious_ element of

the war. The history of the world has shown no wars so cruel and bloody,

no crimes so heinous, no hatred so deep seated and abiding as those

produced by religious differences. Strange that it should be so! Strange

that the sacred cause whose province is to develop the purest and

holiest emotions of the soul, should call forth and develop the

fiercest, the darkest, and most unrelenting passions of the human heart!

Yet so it proved in this instance. Their fierce, fanatical enthusiasm

was a powerful element of strength to the Roundheads, which was lacking

to the effeminate, corrupt, and godless Cavaliers. With such an

auxiliary the struggle could not be doubtful; religious fanaticism

carried the day.

In the years succeeding the Restoration, the evil effects of this

religious antagonism were modified by mutual concessions, and in time

almost disappeared under the impartial administration of a government

founded upon a firmer basis than ever before, and more consonant to

Saxon ideas of justice and social equality. But with us of America there

was no such modification, for from the midst of this time of war and

tumult, of savage hatred and unrelenting persecution, American society

sprang. Our country was settled by representatives of these two extremes

of English society, and in their choice of abode the hand of Providence

is distinctly seen laying the foundations of our struggle of to-day,

which is to prove the refining fire, the purification and regeneration

of our race. Had the Cavaliers landed upon the shores of New England,

the bracing winds of that northern clime, the rugged and intractable

nature of the soil, the constant presence of dangers from the fiercer

Indian tribes of the north, and the absolute necessity of severe and

incessant toil to support existence, would have awakened and developed

in them those manly qualities which for centuries had lain dormant in

their souls--would have imparted new strength to their frames, new vigor

and energy to their modes of thought; their indolence and effeminacy

would soon have passed away, and they would have constantly approached,

instead of departing from the true Puritan type. While, on the other

hand, the stern, rough, almost savage peculiarities of the Puritan would

in like manner have been modified by the genial influences of a southern

sun and a teeming soil, and while the severe training and rough

experiences of centuries, as well as their peculiar mental constitution,

would have prevented their entirely lapsing into the indolence and

effeminacy of the Cavalier, the whole race would nevertheless have

undergone a softening change, bringing them in their turn nearer the

type of their old antagonists; and thus each succeeding year would have

seen these two extremes of social life drawing nearer and nearer

together, and at last blending in dull, contented, plodding harmony. And

the result would doubtless have been the degeneration of the entire

race, and our fate that of the Spanish American colonies.

But this did not suit the designs of Providence. It was His purpose that

there should be here those manifold social and political conflicts which

are the life of a great nation--which are, indeed, the motive power to

the wheels of human progress. A great problem in human destiny was here

to be wrought out; a powerful nation was to arise, bearing within itself

the elements of its own continual purification. The Cavalier landed

upon the shores of Virginia, and spread his settlements southward. The

influence of climate upon both the physical and mental constitution of

man is well known. The enervating climate of the 'sunny South,' the soil

fruitful beyond a parallel, pouring forth its products almost

spontaneously, and, above all, the 'peculiar institution,' which

released the planter from the necessity of toil, all tended to aggravate

the peculiarities of mind and body which the settlers inherited from

their ancestors; and the result has been a race which, while it presents

here and there an example of brilliant, meteoric genius, is, in the

main, both intellectually and physically inferior to the hardy denizens

of the North and West. The same influences have fostered the

aristocratic notions of the early settlers of the Southern States. With

every element of a monarchy in their midst, the Gulf States have long

been anything but a republic. De Bow, when, a few years since, he

broached in his Review the idea, and prophesied the establishment of a

monarch in our midst, was but giving expression to a feeling which had

long been dominant in the Southern heart. All their institutions,

associations, and reminiscences have tended steadily to this result, and

in the event of the success of the rebellion, it needs but some bold

apostle to take upon himself the propagation and execution of the plan,

to make the idea a startling reality. And herein lies the secret of the

sympathy of the English aristocracy with the confederates in their

struggle for independent existence.

The Puritan, guided by the hand of God, planted his future abode on the

shores of New England, a land truly congenial to him, whose whole mental

and physical life had hitherto been one of storm and tempest. Nor could

a fitter type in the human race have been found than he to tame the

rock-crowned hills, to brave the rigors of such winters as Old England

never knew, and the lurking dangers at the hands of a powerful and

jealous race. Here was no place for indolence and luxurious ease. Only

by the most persevering and painful labors could the bleak hills and

gorge-like valleys be made to yield the fruits of life. Only by

unremitting energy and the most patient self-denial could starvation be

kept from his door, while constant watchfulness and never-flinching

courage were required to ward off the many dangers that beset his path.

Nature herself seemed pitted against him to contest every inch of his

progress. But his nature was as stern and rough as that of the land he

had come to tame. Accustomed to move steadily on in the pursuit of some

one great purpose, to surmount every obstacle and crush every

impediment, looking neither to the right nor the left, nor even pausing

to pluck the flowrets that bloomed by the wayside, there was for him no

such word as fail. Here the unbounded resources and exhaustless energy

of body and mind found fitting scope. What to ordinary men would seem

but hopeless, cheerless toil, was to him but pastime. The Puritan was

just the man for New England, and New England the land for the Puritan.

How he succeeded let all Christendom proclaim, for his works were not

for himself nor his immediate posterity, but for the whole world.

But it is not so much with the results of his labors that we have to do

as with their effects upon himself and his posterity. Here, as in the

case of the Cavalier, every circumstance of his life tended to aggravate

the hereditary peculiarities of his class. The success of his

enterprise, the crowning of those hopes which had led him to cast off

all ties of the old world, the lofty spirit which induced him to reject

all external aid, and, above all, the crisp, free mountain air he

breathed, begot in him a feeling of independence and superiority, and,

at the same time, ideas of social equality, which have made themselves

manifest to all time. Where all were toilful laborers, and few possessed

more than a sufficiency of worldly goods to provide for the necessities

of the day, there was no room for the distinctions of rank. Power, with

them, resided in the masses; the results of their labor were common

stock; their interests were one and the same. Add to these facts their

ancient hatred of the aristocracy, and we have the influences Under

which New England has ever tended to republicanism. The Puritan race has

ever been republican to the core, and this is one great and vital

respect in which they have continually diverged from their Southern

brethren.

Yet with, all their virtues, with all their sublime heroism, was blended

an inordinate, morbid selfishness. Shut in within their little republic

from all Communion with the outer world, lacking the healthful

influences of conflicting ideas and that moral attrition which polishes

the cosmopolitan man, enlarging his views of life and giving broader

scope as well to the active energies of the soul as to the kinder

sympathies and benevolent sensibilities of the heart, this little

community became more set in their traditional opinions, and gradually

imbibed a hearty contempt for all beyond the pale of their own religious

belief, which soon extended to all without the bounds which

circumscribed their narrow settlements. Living alike, thinking alike,

feeling alike, placing under solemn ban all speculations in religion,

and even all research into the deeper mysteries of natural science,

grinding with iron heel the very germ of intellectual progress, in their

blind presumption they would have closed the doors of heaven itself upon

all mankind save the called and elected of the Puritan faith. This

intellectual life was one of mere abstractions, and as a natural

consequence all their thoughts and emotions, their joys and sorrows,

their loves and hatreds, became morbid to the last degree. But the bent

bow will seek release; the reaction came at last, and the astonishing

mental progress of the New England of to-day, the wild speculation upon

all questions of morals and religion, rivalling in their daring scope

the most impious theories of the German metaphysicians, which our New

England fosters and sustains, and above all, the proverbial trickery of

the Yankee race, are but the reaction of the stern and gloomy tenets of

that olden time which would have made of our earth a charnel house

crowded with mouldering bones.

In the midst of this intensely morbid Puritan life, no more eligible

object could have been presented for the exercise of their bitterest

antipathies than the descendants of their ancient enemies, the

Cavaliers,--who were already rivalling them in the South, and who, as we

have shown, were equally ready to cast or lift the gauntlet. Occupying

the very extremes of religious faith, radically differing in their views

of public polity, of bitterly hostile antecedents and traditions, the

one looking upon the other as an outcast from salvation itself, and the

other in its turn nothing loth brands its opponent with the epithets of

surly, hypocritical, psalm-singing knaves, then as now, and as they have

ever been since the foundations of our country were laid, these two

classes stood arrayed against each other in every respect save that of

open, carnal warfare. The bitterest of foes in the beginning,

diametrically opposed in every possible respect, each has plodded on in

his own narrow path, and the two paths have continually diverged to our

day, and the present outbreak is but as the breaking of a sore which has

long been ripe. It is of such antagonisms that nations are made: it is

but differences such as these that have separated the common stock of

Adam into so many distinct races and nationalities through all the ages

of the world. Such a result we see to-day in our country, in two

separate and distinct nations, hitherto nominally united under one form

of government--nations as distinct as ever were the Roman and the Greek.

As the Cavalier of the Cromwellian era was a horror to the pharisaical

Puritan, and the Puritan in his turn a contempt and an abomination to

the reckless, pleasure-hunting Cavalier, so to-day is the

'psalm-singing, clock-peddling Yankee' a foul odor to the fastidious

nostrils of the lordly Southerner, and the reckless prodigal, dissipated

and soul-selling planter a thorn in the flesh of Puritan morality. The

Yankee is to the Southerner a synonym for all that is low and base and

cunning, and the Southerner is to the Yankee the embodiment of all

worthlessness and crime. The same spirit is observable in those Northern

States which were settled by a mixed emigration from both portions of

the country, and the fact is well known that even in those loyal Western

States where the Southern element most predominates, is found the

bitterest hatred and denunciation of the Yankee; so that he is no sage

who draws the line east and west, north and south, and in every mixed

community, between the descendant of the Cavalier, and the man of

Puritan stock. Shall any one say that this is but the result of the war?

Where then does history record a like instance? Where can be found the

record of a civil war where the people, descended from a common stock

and bound together by a common interest, sprang with such alacrity to

the call to arms, and waged a war so relentless and cruel even in its

very commencement, except there had been radical antagonisms existing

through a long series of years?

But it may be urged that a large portion of the Southern population are

emigrants from the New England States, and consequently of Puritan

descent, and that while this very class of slaveholders are notoriously

the most cruel and exacting of masters, they stand in the front ranks of

secession and are the most deadly enemies of the North. True, but the

enmity of this class, wherever it exists, is that of the most sordid,

unprincipled self-interest. Gold is their god, and all things else are

sacrificed to the unhallowed lust. But this enmity is oftentimes assumed

from motives of self-preservation. Objects of suspicion to the

Simon-Pure Southerner from the very fact of their nativity, and visited

with the most horrible retribution wherever they have shown a leaning

toward the land of their birth, they find it necessary to out-herod

Herod in order to preserve their social status and the possessions which

are their earthly all. Hence, to disarm suspicion, often those have been

made to take the more prominent positions in this tragic drama who, did

circumstances permit the expression of their true sentiments, would be

found to be at heart the most truly loyal citizens of the South. Another

class--and this includes more particularly the descendants of Northern

emigrants--born and bred among the moral influences of Southern society,

imbibing all the ideas and prejudices of their surroundings, lose their

identity as effectually as the raindrop is lost in the surging billows

of the ocean. Drinking in with their years the prevailing hatred of the

very stock from which their own descent is derived, they become part and

parcel of the people among whom their lot is cast, and ordinarily run to

the farthest extreme of the new nationality. Herein is seen the fallacy

of the ancient maxim--_Coelum, non animum mutant qui trans mare

currant_. The all-potent influence of self-interest, the overshadowing

sway of undisputed dogmas, soon sweep away the lessons and prejudices of

earlier years, and effectually transform the foreign born into the

citizen of the new clime and nation. Were the population of the South

more equally divided between the Northern and Southern born, this would

not be the case; but in all the slave-holding States the Cavalier

element so overwhelmingly predominates as to crush before it all

opposing ideas, prejudices, and opinions.

This radical antagonism, smouldering for years, found its first great

expression in the Tariff question of 1832, which was not so much a

question of State rights and agricultural interests as the vehicle, or

rather the weapon of the pent-up hatred of years. General Jackson saw

the true bearing and origin of the dispute; and when he prophesied that

the slavery question would be the next issue sprung by the designing

revolutionists of the South, he did but show his appreciation of the

great fact of the moral and physical antagonism between the descendants

of the Cavalier and the Puritan. He might, and probably would, had

circumstances required it, have gone farther, and prophesied, that

should the slavery question in its turn be settled, some other cause of

dispute would soon be found and grasped by the apostles of separation

and revolution, as a means for the accomplishment of their great design.

He alone, of all our statesmen, with his far-seeing eye saw and

appreciated the tremendous issue involved. He was sternly opposed to the

compromise which was subsequently made, well knowing that if the

question were not then settled, at once and forever, the flame was but

smothered for a time, to break out again in future years, with far

greater vehemence. His policy was to crush the malcontents by the strong

arm of power, to make such a display of the strength and resources of

the Federal Government, such an example of the fate which must ever

await treason in our midst, and, above all, such a convincing

manifestation of the utter hopelessness of all attempts to destroy a

great and good government, deriving its powers and functions from the

people themselves, as to put forever at rest the machinations of

traitors and anarchists. Experience has shown that he was right, and

shown us, too, that if, in this our day, a second compromise be adopted,

and a peace patched up upon a basis ignoring the true cause of dispute,

or of oblivion to the past, or, worst of all, of yielding, on our part,

one jot or tittle to the demands of our antagonists, as sure as there is

a God in heaven--as sure as that retribution follows the sinner, the war

will have to be fought over again, more savage, more bloody, and more

desolating than ever, by our posterity, if not even in our own time.

Fought over again, not once, but again and again, as often as the

revolving wheel of human progress and enlightenment shall bring to the

surface the black waters of the steaming cesspool below.

But what of the result? Watchman! what of the night? The night is stormy

and dark; men's hearts are failing them for fear; those who see clearly

in the day time, now grope helplessly in the dark; the blind are leading

the blind; society is at a stand still, waiting and watching for the

coming day. Yet afar off in the east the patriot's eye may even now see

the first faint streaks of that light which shall usher in the golden

dawn.

The result, in the event of the success of the North, is too palpable to

require a moment's thought, involving, as it does, every possible

blessing to our race, every advantage to the progress of the new

theories of social equality, and of man's capacity for self-government.

But what in the other event? The evils would be legion--countless in

number and direful in effect, not to us alone, but to the whole American

race. First and foremost is that hydra _precedent_. We are fighting, not

alone for the stability of any particular form of government, not alone

for the sustaining of an administration, not alone for the upholding of

those God-given ideas which have made America the most favored land on

earth; but against a PRECEDENT, which involves and would destroy them

all. Precedent which is, and ever has been, all powerful to overturn

theories and systems, to topple kings from their thrones, and plunge

nations into slavery. Of all dangers which every liberal form of

government has to shun, none is so deadly as this. Grave and venerable

judges, sages though they may be, rest upon it, and thereon base

decisions involving millions of property, and sometimes life itself. And

though, as Blackstone has declared, a bad precedent in law is

comparatively harmless, inasmuch as succeeding judges are in no wise

bound by it, but free, and in fact bound to decide the law as it was

before the evil precedent was established, and to interpret it as it

ought to be, yet in national affairs this is not so. No matter how bad

or absurd a precedent may be, designing men will be found in all ages

and climes to avail themselves of it, honestly or dishonestly. Men's

minds are not constructed alike, and that which seems evil to one is to

another good. The foulest of all theories, the basest of systems, the

most suicidal of policies, will at all times find sincerely honest

adherents and supporters. Individuality of mind admits a million of

shades and degrees of right and wrong. Moreover, an idea once broached

before the people, no matter how detestable it may at first appear, is

already halfway advanced upon the road to execution. Thousands of

criminals have been executed for crimes their minds would never have

conceived save for the suggestion of some artful apostle of evil. Give

me but a precedent once firmly established, I care not how bad it may

be, and I shall revolutionize the world.

And what is the precedent against which we have to contend? It is that

of separation. If secession would stop where it has begun, if the result

of our defeat were to be but two great republics of the North and South

upon our continent, there would still be room for the development of

both, and we might even look forward to such a peace with some degree of

complacency, and with hope for a future of happiness and prosperity. But

it will not stop here. As surely as that an overruling Providence

directs the affairs of men, the movement will go on until there are as

many separate and hostile republics as there are States in our Union.

The mutterings of separation--which have already been heard in the West,

are but the precursors of the storm which can only be forever allayed by

the triumph of our arms in the present contest. The slightest

disagreement between the East and the West would soon be made a pretext

for secession: the least dispute or conflicting interest between any two

great portions of our country would find a speedy remedy in separation.

The West would divide from the East, the Atlantic States from the Lake

States, the Mississippi States from the Pacific, the North Pacific

States from the South Pacific, and where would be the end? Already the

great West has learned her own gigantic strength, which before she knew

not that she possessed, and if the time should come when her interests

should apparently point in a different direction from those of the East,

with such a precedent before her, would she not avail herself of that

new-found strength? Already the soldiers of the West have begun to sneer

at the achievements of those of the East, and to consider themselves the

braver and the manlier of the two. Are these not the signs of the times?

And do they not betoken a future of anarchy in the event of the

establishment of this most pernicious and monstrous of doctrines?

And is it to be expected that these many republics, monarchies,

aristocracies, or whatever form they may take, will long remain at peace

with each other? Ask the muse who presides over the pages of history how

often has her pen been called upon to record the circumstance of

separate nations, of the same blood and antecedents, lying quietly and

peaceably beside each other. Family quarrels are proverbially the most

bitter of all on earth, and family hatreds the most unrelenting. It was

but the ties of kin that lent such a character of ferocity to our wars

with England and to the present contest with the South.

But what shall we say of that scheme which aims at a reconstruction of

the Union by leaving New England out? Simply this: that, aside from any

considerations of policy--without attempting to argue the question of a

good or evil result from such a movement, the answer is plain enough:

_you cannot do it_--and that which is impossible needs no argument for

or against. The energy and activity of mind and body, the lofty

independence, the firm self-reliance, the dogged determination and

undaunted adherence to a great and high purpose, of the whole Saxon

race, is concentrated in the people of that mountain land. Theirs have

been the heads to plan and the hands to execute every great work we have

accomplished since the foundation of our nationality. The railroads and

canals and telegraphs of the North, the South, the East, and the West

are their work; and their capital and their inventive, energetic minds

still shape and control every great commercial enterprise of our land.

Their sturdy emigrants have pushed civilization across the boundless

prairies of the West, and opened the primeval forests of the Pacific

States. Go where you will on the face of the earth, and you find them

there before you, and ever the same busy, tireless apostles of progress,

the leaders in every great work, and the rulers of commerce, everywhere

looked up to as the type of the executive mind, and, by the tacit

consent of Christendom, intrusted with the guidance of every enterprise

requiring pluck, perseverance, and ceaseless activity. And theirs will

still be the brains to control the destinies of our race, however

isolated they may become, however they may be made the objects of

distrust and contempt. Ay! shut them out if you will, and from that

moment New England becomes the Switzerland of America, the home of great

ideas and great men, the temple where Freedom shall take up her

everlasting abode, and the altar fires of Liberty shall never die away.

And her people will become the priests of that great religion which,

taking its rise in a lofty appreciation of the true end of human

existence, is already bursting out all over the Christian world, in

fitful flames, which shall yet become the devouring element that shall

wither and consume away oppression and kingcraft from the face of the

earth. Shut her out, then, if you will, but you cannot shut out the

flame which she shall kindle; you cannot shut out the tones of her

trumpet voice, proclaiming to the world the doctrines of eternal truth.

Self-reliant, possessing within themselves every element of success, her

people can and will make their way, as heretofore, alone and unaided.

Asking no favors of the world, they will pursue the even tenor of their

way, undisturbed by the mutterings and growlings of their impotent foes,

while their little republic, like a city set upon a hill, continues to

reflect from her glittering pinnacles the sunlight of heaven to all

quarters of the earth. The petty vengeance which the disunionists of

to-day are attempting to wreak upon her will recoil upon their own

heads, and they themselves may yet be forced some day to look to little

New England as their redeemer from anarchy. A purely commercial people,

her interests are not circumscribed by her narrow geographical limits,

but are, as well as her tastes and sympathies, cosmopolitan. She

stretches out her feelers to all parts of the earth, wherever her

wandering sons may have betaken themselves, and fastens there a little

vine or creeper whose roots are still in her own bosom. It is a part and

a necessity of her very existence, to handle and direct catholic

interests. This, as well as her position in other respects, has made her

the arbiter of this nation and country, and you can no more shut her out

from participation in the affairs of this continent than you can shut in

the mighty river from its outlet to the ocean. And if you cut her off,

see to it that she does not become the little Rome whose conquering arms

shall reduce all the nations of the continent to her sway.

No! New England has planted herself too deeply in the hearts of the

American people--she has sprinkled too many of her scions among the

population of the West and South--to allow of a moment's serious thought

of cutting her off from our communion. The cry is but the party cry of

the designing and evil disposed, the traitors to our name and nation;

and with the crushing out of the rebellion and the restoration of our

nationality; it will pass away forever.

But to return to the direct results of the war. Having shown the

threatened evils of separation, our province leads us no farther, for

this comprises _all_ the evils within the scope of man's imagination.

See, then, the issue involved: in our success lie all our hopes of

future stability and prosperity; in our failure lies simply--inevitable

ruin. With such a prospect before them--with existence itself hanging in

the balance--why are the people of the North asleep? Why will they not

see the true bearings of the war in this light, and arise in all their

power and strength, determined to crush out this infamous rebellion,

even at the cost of the last dollar and the last drop of blood! Shall we

grumble at the cost of the war? Shall we growl over the paltry taxes

which, even yet, are scarcely felt? Shall the father grieve for the loss

of half his wealth which goes to redeem his only son from death--his

'darling from the power of the lions'? Shall the house-holder grumble

over the reward he has offered for the rescue of his wife and little

ones from the burning house? Shall the felon begrudge the last cent of

his earthly possessions that purchases his relief from the gallows?

Better that we should all be ruined--better that the land should be

entirely depleted of its youth, and the country irretrievably in debt,

with a prospect of a future and lasting peace, than a compromise now,

with the inevitable certainty of everlasting war and tumult and

bloodshed, worse, a thousand times worse than that of the South American

States. Shall we make a peace now, only that we may again go to war

among ourselves? Would this not be literally 'jumping out of the frying

pan into the fire'? The _war_ men of the North are the men of peace, and

the so-called peace men are the men of eternal war; those are they who

would prolong the miseries of our country, simply by turning them in a

new direction--by turning all our hostilities into our own bosoms and

against out own wives and children. Nay I there can be no pausing now.

We have everything to gain by prosecuting the war to the bitter, even

ruinous end; everything to lose by leaving the work half done. The South

is said to be fighting for its very existence; yet not by a thousand

degrees can this be as truly said of them as of us. Therefore should our

earnestness, our enthusiasm, our determination, our _desperation_ be a

thousand times greater than theirs. Do you tell me that we cannot

conquer so united, so brave, and so desperate a people? I answer, WE

MUST. In the whole wide world of human destiny there is no other road

left open for us; the path to defeat is blocked by our own dead bodies.

Unless the people of the North arouse and take hold of the work with an

energy, an earnestness of purpose, to which the past bears no parallel,

too late will they repent the folly of their own supineness, their own

blindness. As in the affairs of men, so in those of nations, there is a

critical point when those who hope for success must seize the winged

moment as it flies and work steadily on with singleness of aim and

unchangeable, unfaltering devotion of purpose. That moment, once past,

will never return. Now is our golden opportunity, and according as we

improve or neglect it will our future be one of greatness and power or

one of utter nothingness among the nations of the earth. No subsequent

time can repair the errors or failures of to-day.

Since the greater part of this article was written, the prospect of our

success has immeasurably brightened. But let us not by the fairness of

the sky be lulled into a false sense of security; let us not be again

deceived by the _ignis fatuus_ glare which plays around our banners, and

which has already so often lured us to forgetfulness and defeat. For the

storm may again break forth in a moment when we think not of it, and

from a quarter where we seemed the most secure. A single week may

reverse every move upon the great chess board of strategy. There should

be no relaxation of the sinews of war until the end is accomplished. So

should we be safest in our watchfulness and strength, and, by the

irresistible influence of overwhelming numbers and might, render that

permanent which is now but evanescent.

But, it will be asked, if there is between North and South an antipathy

so deep seated and of such long standing, how shall we ever succeed in

conquering a lasting peace? how shall we ever persuade the people of the

South to live in amity with a race so cordially hated and despised? The

question has often been asked, but always by those faint-hearted ones

whose clamors for a disgraceful peace have added strength to the cause

of our opponents. The answer is so plain that it requires no

demonstration. There is but one remedy for so sore a disease, and

however severe it may be, however revolting to the tender sensibilities

of peace-loving men, the inevitable and inexorable MUST urges

it on to execution, and stands like a giant, blocking up every other

path. It is like those dangerous remedies which the physician applies

when the patient's recovery is otherwise utterly hopeless, and which

must result either in recovery or in death by its own agency rather than

that of the disease. Concession has been tried in vain, 'moral suasion'

has been proved to be of no avail. The South must be shown how entirely

hopeless must be every effort, in all time, to overturn such a

government as ours. They must be made to feel our immense superiority in

power and resources; they must be shown in unmistakable colors the

unconquerable might of nationality in strong contrast with the weakness

of sectionalism, as well as their own dependence upon the North; in a

word, every atom of resistance must be utterly and forever crushed out

by brute force. To no other argument will they listen, as experience has

proved; and this 'last resort of kings' must be exerted in all its

strength and proclaimed in thunder tones, even though its reverberations

should shake the earth to its very core. This done, and peace once more

established, the South must be, _not_ abolitionized, not colonized, not

Puritanized, nor yet oppressed, but AMERICANIZED. They must be

familiarized with those immortal principles of justice and freedom, to

which they have hitherto been strangers, which lie at the heart of all

national success among an enlightened and Christian people. They must be

made acquainted with the all-important fact that we are a nation of one

blood, one common ancestry; that we can never live at peace as separate

nationalities, and that only in unity and mutual concession and

forbearance can a glorious destiny be wrought out for our common

country. _Then_, not now, will be the time for conciliation on our part,

but yet conciliation never divided from the utmost vigilance and a firm

support of the doctrine of national supremacy, as opposed to, and

paramount to the iniquitous dogma of State rights. The people of the

North must first divest themselves of all prejudices, all hereditary

antipathies, and wipe away old scores in the dawn of a golden future.

Then will our brethren of the South not be slow to respond to the

proffered peace and good will and brotherly kindness, and again we

shall become a prosperous, united, and happy people.

And what a future lies before our country! What a wealth of uncultivated

fields lies waiting for the plough of the adventurous emigrant! What

unmeasured wilds wait but for the touch of enlightened and educated

labor, to blossom like the rose, to become the site of great cities and

smiling villages, the resting place of the wanderer from all quarters of

the globe, the residence of a great people, the component parts of a

mighty nation whose parallel earth has not seen since the days of the

creation! It needs but ordinary human foresight to see that here is to

be the fountain head, the permanent abiding place, of four great

interests, with which we shall rule the world: manufactures, grain,

cotton, and wine. The Great West is to feed all Europe with her harvests

of yellow grain; the South, with her cotton interest, is to clothe, not

Europe only, but the world; the Pacific States will be the 'vineland' of

America, furnishing the wherewithal to 'gladden the heart of man,' while

the manufactures of New England and the Middle States shall furnish the

implements of labor to the brethren all over the continent, and turn the

raw material both of the South and of their own sheep-feeding hills into

garments for the toiling millions of America. Here, then, we shall

produce, as no other country can, the great staples of life; and when we

add to them those considerable minor interests which we share more

equally with the rest of the world, namely, wool-growing and _mining_,

as well of the precious ores as of coal and the baser metals, how

stupendous seem our resources, how tremendous the influence we are to

wield among the great human family! And is it a necessity of social life

that these great interests should jar? that political and commercial

antagonisms should spring up between these cumulators of the world's

great stock of wealth, for no better reason than that their hands are

engaged upon a different work, or, rather, upon different branches of

the same great work of production? Nay, verily! So long as we are bound

together by a common tie of country, living and working under the same

laws and institutions, such antagonisms can only exist in the trains of

designing demagogues. So far from conflicting, these great interests

will, from the very nature of the law of exchange, work harmoniously

together, blending the one into the other as perfectly fitting parts of

one concordant whole. One section will play into the hands of another,

sustaining each other from the very necessity of self-preservation; and

each will find in his brother the readiest consumer of the products of

his labor. Only in the event of separation can jealousies, antipathies,

and narrow-minded prejudices spring up between the different sections,

and healthy competition be degraded into low and mercenary jobbing; only

by separation can the onward march of the American race be retarded and

the arm of American industry paralyzed. Accursed, then, be the hand that

aims a blow at the foundations of our fair fabric of Liberty; thrice

accursed he whose voice is raised in the promulgation of those

pernicious doctrines whose end is to lead a great people astray.

GREAT HEART.

Great Heart is sitting beneath a tree:

Never a horse upon earth has he;

But he sings to the wind a hearty song,

Leaves of the oak trees rustling along:

'Over the mountain and over the tide,

Over the valley and on let us ride!'

There's many a messenger riding past,

And many a skipper whose ship sails fast;

But none of them all, though he rides or rows,

Flies as free as the heart of Great Heart goes,

Free as the eagle and full as the tide:

'And over the valley and on let us ride!'

Many a sorrow might Great Heart know,

Thick as the oak leaves which over him grow

Many a trouble might Great Heart feel,

Close as the grass blades under his heel;

But sorrow will never by Great Heart bide,

Singing 'Over the valley and on let us ride!'

'But tell me, good fellow, where Great Heart dwells?'

In the wood, by the sea, in the city's cells;

Where the Honest, the Beautiful, and True

Are free to him as they are to you;

Where the wild birds whistle and waters glide,

Singing 'Over the valley and on let us ride!'

Few of his fellows doth Great Heart see;

Seldom he knows where their homes may be;

But the fays of the greenwood are still on earth--

To many a Great Heart they'll yet give birth;

And thousands of voices will sing in pride,

'All over the wide world and on let us ride!'

LITERARY NOTICES

LIFE OF CHOPIN. By F. LISZT. Published by F. Leypoldt:

Philadelphia.

Liszt's Life of Chopin! What a combination of names to wing the

imagination upward into the ethereal regions of beauty, pure art, and

lofty emotion! The imperial pianist discourses upon the genius and

peculiar gifts of his brother musician. Before us arises a vision of the

strong and fiery Hungarian, with clanger of steel, flash of spur, and

ring of hoof, compelling his audiences to attention and enthusiastic

admiration; and also of the gentle-mannered and suffering, but no less

fiery Pole, shrinking from all rude contact, and weaving enchanted

melodies and harmonies, teeming with ever-varying pictures of tender

love, hopeless despair, chivalric daring, religious resignation,

passionate pleading, eloquent disdain, the ardor of battle with the

thunder of artillery, the hut of the peasant with its pastoral

pleasures, and the assemblage of the noble, the distinguished, the

beautiful, with the nameless fascinations of feminine loveliness, the

witching caprices of conscious power,--while through all and above all

glows the memory of the glorious past and mournful present of his

beloved country. The book, in fact, opens a vista into modes of life,

manners of being, and trains of thought little known among us, and hence

is most deeply interesting. The style is eminently suited to the

subject, and the translation of Liszt's French is equal to the original.

This is saying much, but not too much; for when a cognate mind becomes

thoroughly imbued with the spirit of an author, the transmutation of his

ideas into another form of speech becomes a simple and natural process.

To those who already know Chopin and are striving to play his music,

this book will be invaluable, as giving a deep insight into the meaning

and proper mode of rendering his compositions. To those who know nothing

of him, and who are still floundering amid the _fade_ and flimsy

productions that would fain hide their emptiness and vulgarity under the

noble name of music, this life of a true musician will reveal a new

world, a new purpose for the drudgery of daily practice, and the

expenditure of time, patience, and money.

The work, however, is not alone useful for those especially interested

in music, but, being free from all repulsive technicalities, will be

found highly attractive to the general reader. It contains a subtle

dissection of a deeply interesting character, sketches of Heine, George

Sand, Eugene de la Croix, Mickiewicz, and other celebrities in the world

of literature and art, together with a most vivid portraiture of social

life in Poland, a land which has ever excited so much admiration for its

heroism, and compassion for its misfortunes.

Mr. Leypoldt, the enterprising publisher of this work, merits the

encouragement of the American people, inasmuch as he has not feared to

risk the publication of a work deemed by many too excellent to be

generally appreciated by our reading community. He however has faith in

the good sense of that community, and so have we.

Fragmentary portions of Liszt's 'Chopin,' about 60 pages out of 202,

were translated by Mr. Dwight of Boston, and appeared in the 'Journal of

Music.' Those portions were favorably received, and all who thus formed

a partial acquaintance with the work will doubtless desire now to

complete their knowledge, especially as some of the most vivid and

characteristic chapters were omitted.

MY DIARY NORTH AND SOUTH. By WILLIAM HOWARD RUSSELL.

T. O. H. P. Burnham. New York: O. S. Felt, 36 Walker Street. 1863.

(Cloth, one dollar; paper covers, fifty cents.)

It is amusing to read over, at this stage of the war, these letters, in

which the Thunderer, as represented by Mr. Russell, dwindled down to a

very small squib indeed. Few men ever prophesied more brazenly as to the

war,--very few ever had their prophecies so pitiably falsified. Other

men have guessed right now and then, by chance; but poor Russell

contrived, by dint of conceit and natural obtuseness, to make himself as

thoroughly ridiculous to those who should review him in the future as

was well possible. It is, however, to be hoped that these letters will

be extensively read, that the public may now see who and _what_ the

correspondent really was, through whom England was to be specially

instructed as to the merits of this country and its war. When we

remember the advantages which poor Russell enjoyed for acquiring

information, his neglect of matters of importance seems amazing--until

we find, in scores of petty personal matters and silly egotisms, a key

to the whole. He is a small-souled man, utterly incapable of mastering

the great principles involved in this war,--a man petrified in English

conceit, and at the end of his art when, like a twopenny reporter, he

has made a smart little sneer at something or somebody. He writes on

America as Sala wrote on Russia, in the same petty, frivolous vein, with

the same cockney smartness; but fails to be funny, whereas Sala

frequently succeeds. He came here to write for England, not the truth,

but something which his readers _expected_. His object was to supply a

demand, and he did it. He learned nothing, and returned as ignorant, so

far as really _understanding_ the problems he purposed to study, as he

came. Those who can penetrate the depths of such pitiful characters

cannot fail to feel true sorrow that men should exist to whom all life,

all duty, every opportunity to tell great truths and to do good, should

simply appear as opportunities to turn out a _pièce de manufacture_, and

earn salaries. Mr. Russell could have done a great work in these

letters--he leaves the impression on our minds that in _his_ opinion his

boots and his breakfast were to him matters of much more importance than

the future of all North America.

WANDERINGS OF A BEAUTY: A Tale of the Real and Ideal. By

MRS. EDWIN JAMES. New York: Carleton. 1863.

An entertaining little romance, which will be specially acceptable to

the 'regular English novel' devourers--a by no means inconsiderable

proportion of the public. Its heroine--a beauty--moves in English

society, is presented to the Queen, is victimized by a rascally husband

or two, and visits America, where she ends her adventures--_à la Marble

Faun_--rather more obscurely than we could have wished, by 'enduring and

suffering,' but on the whole happily, so far as sentiment is concerned.

As the story contains to perfection every element of the most popular

English novels of the day, yet in a more highly concentrated form than

they usually present, we have no doubt that its sale will be very great.

The volume contains a very beautifully engraved portrait-vignette,

'after a miniature by Thorburn,' which is worth the price of the book,

and is neatly bound. Gentlemen wishing to make an acceptable gift to

novel-reading friends will find the 'Wanderings of a Beauty' well suited

to the purpose.

THE PRISONER OF STATE. By D. H. MAHONEY. New York:

Carleton. 1863.

We may well ask 'what sustains the hopes of the rebels?' when such a

mass of treason as this wretched volume contains is suffered to be

freely published and circulated. That the Administration can find the

force to oppose open foes in the field, and yet make no exertion to

suppress traitors at home who are doing far more than any armed rebels

to reduce our country to ruin, is a paradox for whose solution we have

for some time waited, _not_ by any means in patience.

That a Copperhead, who from his own account richly deserves the halter,

should have the impudence to publish a complaint of being simply

_imprisoned_, is indeed amusing. But could the mass of vindictiveness,

sophistry, and vulgarity which these pages contain be simply submitted

to impartial and intelligent men, we should have little dread of any

great harm resulting from them. Unfortunately this Copperhead poison,

with its subtle falsehoods and detestable special pleading, its habeas

corpus side-issues and Golden-Circle slanders, is industriously

circulated among many who are still frightened by the old bugbear of

'Abolition,' and who, like the majority in all wars whatever, have

accustomed themselves to grumble at those who conduct hostilities. Such

persons do not reflect that a great crisis requires great measures, and

that in a war involving such a tremendous issue as the preservation of

the Federal Union and the development of the grandest phase which human

progress has ever assumed, we are not to give up everything to our foes

because Mr. Mahoney and a few congenial traitors have, justly or

unjustly, been kept on crackers and tough beef. When a city burns and it

is necessary to blow up houses with gunpowder, it is no time to be

talking of actions for trespass.

If we had ever had a doubt of the rightfulness of the course which

Government has taken in imprisoning Copperheads, it would have been

removed on reading this miserable book. A man who holds on one page that

every private soldier is to be guided by his own will as regards obeying

orders, and on another sneers at our army as demoralized,--who calls

himself a friend of the Union, and is yet a sympathizer with the enemies

of the Union,--who abuses in the vilest manner our Government and its

officers in a crisis like the present, is one who, according to all

precedents of justice, should be richly punished under military law, if

the civil arm be too weak to grasp him. It was such Democrats as

Mahoney, who yelled out indignantly in the beginning at every measure

which was taken to protect us against the enemy, who, when they had

nearly ruined our cause by their efforts, attributed the results of

their treason to the Administration, and who now, changing their cry,

instead of clamoring for more vigor against the rebels, boldly hurrah

for the rebellion itself. It is strange that they cannot see that they

are now bringing themselves out distinctly as tories, and men to be

branded in history. Do they suppose that such a revolution as this--a

revolution of human rights and free labor against the last great form of

tyranny--is going _backward_? Do the events of the last thirty years

indicate that Southern aristocracy and Copperhead ignorance and evil are

to achieve a final victory over republicanism? Yet it is in this faith,

that demagoguism will be stronger than a great principle, that such men

as Mahoney write and live.

WILD SCENES IN SOUTH AMERICA; or, Life in the Llanos of

Venezuela. By DON RAMON PAEZ. New York: Charles Scribner, 124

Grand Street.

The work before us takes the reader not only through all the adventures

and chances of the desperate life of the llaneros or herdsmen of South

America, but also gives many startling scenes from the revolutions of

Colombia, embracing an excellent biography of the truly great general

Paez, the friend and colleague of Bolivar. But when we remember that it

contains such a mass of valuable historical material, from the pen of a

son of General Paez, aide-de-camp to his father, and an eyewitness of,

or actor in, some of the bloody scenes of a civil war, and that even the

description of herdsman's life is filled with deeply interesting

scientific records of the natural history and botany of our southern

continent, it seems strange that such a volume could appear under a

title smacking of the veriest book-making for the cheap Western market.

The writer, Don Ramon Paez, who was born among the people whom he

describes, and was afterward well educated in England, was probably the

best qualified man in South America to depict the life of the llaneros,

of whom his father was long the literal chief. Half of his pages are

occupied with the account of a grand cattle-hunt, involving sufferings

and adventures of a very varied and remarkable description, giving the

world, we believe, the best account of wild herdsman American-Spanish

life ever written. A very curious study of the character of the writer

himself is one of the many interesting traits of this volume. A love of

literature, of science, of much that is beautiful and refined, contrasts

piquantly with occasional glimpses of true Creole character, and of a

son of 'the best horseman in South America,' who is too much at home

among the fierce people whom he describes to fully assume the tone of a

foreigner and amateur. In this latter respect Don Ramon seems to have

been influenced by regarding as models the works of European travellers,

as well as by a very commendable spirit of modesty; for modest he

certainly is when speaking of himself, when we consider the temptations

to self-glorification which his adventures would have presented to any

of the English adventurers of the present day!

The book cannot fail to be extensively read, since it is not only

entertaining, but instructive. Its sketches of the _causes_ of the

continual civil wars in South America are not only explanatory, but may

serve as a lesson to us in this country to give ourselves heart and soul

to the Union, and to crush out treason and faction by every means in our

power. If the rebels and Copperheads triumph, we shall soon see the

United States reduced to the frightful anarchy of South America.

* * * * *

THE CONTINENTAL MONTHLY.

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the Pines," has, within a very few months, sold nearly _thirty-five

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No more conclusive facts need be alleged to prove the excellence of the

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found, under its new staff of Editors, occupying a position and

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TERMS TO CLUBS.

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JOHN F. TROW, 50 Greene St., N. Y., PUBLISHER FOR THE PROPRIETORS.

[Symbol: hand] As an inducement to new subscribers, the Publisher offers

the following liberal premiums:

[Symbol: hand] Any person remitting $3, in advance, will receive the

magazine from July, 1862, to January, 1864, thus securing the whole of

Mr. KIMBALL'S and Mr. KIRKE'S new serials, which are alone worth the

price of subscription. Or, if preferred, a subscriber can take the

magazine for 1863 and a copy of "Among the Pines," or of "Undercurrents

of Wall Street," by R. B. KIMBALL, bound in cloth, or of "Sunshine in

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[Symbol: hand] Any person remitting $4 50. will receive the magazine

from its commencement, January, 1862, to January, 1864, thus securing

Mr. KIMBALL'S "Was He Successful?" and Mr. KIRKE'S "Among the Pines,"

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[Illustration: THE FINEST FARMING LANDS

Wheat Corn Cotton Fruits & Vegetables]

EQUAL TO ANY IN THE WORLD!!!

MAY BE PROCURED

~At FROM $8 to $12 PER ACRE,~

Near Markets, Schools, Railroads, Churches, and all the blessings of

Civilization.

~1,200,000 Acres, in Farms of 40, 80, 120, 160 Acres and upwards, in

ILLINOIS, the Garden State of America.~

* * * * *

The Illinois Central Railroad Company offer, ON LONG CREDIT, the

beautiful and fertile PRAIRIE LANDS lying along the whole line of their

Railroad, 700 MILES IN LENGTH, upon the most Favorable Terms for

enabling Farmers, Manufacturers, Mechanics and Workingmen to make for

themselves and their families a competency, and a HOME they can call

THEIR OWN, as will appear from the following statements:

~ILLINOIS.~

Is about equal in extent to England, with a population of 1,722,666, and

a soil capable of supporting 20,000,000. No State in the Valley of the

Mississippi offers so great an inducement to the settler as the State of

Illinois. There is no part of the world where all the conditions of

climate and soil so admirably combine to produce those two great

staples, CORN and WHEAT.

~CLIMATE.~

Nowhere can the industrious farmer secure such immediate results from

his labor as on those deep, rich, loamy soils, cultivated with so much

ease. The climate from the extreme southern part of the State to the

Terre Haute, Alton and St. Louis Railroad, a distance of nearly 200

miles, is well adapted to Winter.

~WHEAT, CORN, COTTON, TOBACCO.~

Peaches, Pears, Tomatoes, and every variety or fruit and vegetables is

grown in great abundance, from which Chicago and other Northern markets

are furnished from four to six weeks earlier than their immediate

vicinity. Between the Terre Haute, Alton & St. Louis Railway and the

Kankakee and Illinois Rivers, (a distance of 115 miles on the Branch,

and 136 miles on the Main Trunk,) lies the great Corn and Stock raising

portion of the State.

~THE ORDINARY YIELD~

of Corn is from 50 to 80 bushels per acre. Cattle, Horses, Mules, Sheep

and Hogs are raised here at a small cost, and yield large profits. It is

believed that no section of country presents greater inducements for

Dairy Farming than the Prairies of Illinois, a branch of farming to

which but little attention has been paid, and which must yield sure

profitable results. Between the Kankakeee and Illinois Rivers, and

Chicago and Dunleith, (a distance of 56 miles on the Branch and 147

miles by the Main Trunk,) Timothy Hay, Spring Wheat, Corn, &c., are

produced in great abundance.

~AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS.~

The Agricultural products of Illinois are greater than those of any

other State. The Wheat crop of 1861 was estimated at 85,000,000 bushels,

while the Corn crop yields not less than 140,000,000 bushels besides the

crop of Oats, Barley, Rye, Buckwheat, Potatoes, Sweet Potatoes,

Pumpkins, Squashes, Flax, Hemp, Peas, Clover, Cabbage, Beets, Tobacco,

Sorgheim, Grapes, Peaches, Apples, &c., which go to swell the vast

aggregate of production in this fertile region. Over Four Million tons

of produce were sent out the State of Illinois during the past year.

~STOCK RAISING.~

In Central and Southern Illinois uncommon advantages are presented for

the extension of Stock raising. All kinds of Cattle, Horses, Mules,

Sheep, Hogs, &c., of the best breeds, yield handsome profits; large

fortunes have already been made, and the field is open for others to

enter with the fairest prospects of like results. DAIRY FARMING also

presents its inducements to many.

~CULTIVATION OF COTTON.~

_The experiments in Cotton culture are of very great promise. Commencing

in latitude 39 deg. 30 min. (see Mattoon on the Branch, and Assumption

on the Main Line), the Company owns thousands of acres well adapted to

the perfection of this fibre. A settler having a family of young

children, can turn their youthful labor to a most profitable account in

the growth and perfection of this plant._

~THE ILLINOIS CENTRAL RAILROAD~

Traverses the whole length of the State, from the banks of the

Mississippi and lake Michigan to the Ohio. As its name imports, the

Railroad runs through the centre of the State, and on either side of the

road along its whole length lie the lands offered for sale.

~CITIES, TOWNS, MARKETS, DEPOTS,~

There are Ninety-eight Depots on the Company's Railway, giving about one

every seven miles. Cities, Towns and Villages are situated at convenient

distances throughout the whole route, where every desirable commodity

may be found as readily as in the oldest cities of the Union, and where

buyers are to be met for all kinds of farm produce.

~EDUCATION.~

Mechanics and working-men will find the free school system encouraged by

the State, and endowed with a large revenue for the support of the

schools. Children can live in sight of the school, the college, the

church, and grow up with the prosperity of the leading State in the

Great Western Empire.

* * * * *

~PRICES AND TERMS OF PAYMENT--ON LONG CREDIT.~

80 acres at $10 per acre, with interest at 8 per ct. annually on the

following terms:

Cash payment . . . . . . . $ 48.00

Payment in one year . . . 48.00

" in two years . . . 48.00

" in three years . . 48.00

" in four years . . 236.00

" in five years . . 224.00

" in six years . . . 212.00

" in seven years . . 209.00

40 acres, at $10.00 per acre:

Cash payment . . . . . . . $ 24.00

Payment in one year . . . 24.00

" in two years . . . 24.00

" in three years . . 24.00

" in four years . . 118.00

" in five years . . 112.00

" in six years . . . 106.00

" in seven years . . 100.00

* * * * *

Number 18. 25 Cents.

THE CONTINENTAL MONTHLY.

DEVOTED TO

Literature and National Policy.

JUNE, 1863.

NEW YORK: JOHN F. TROW 50 GREENE STREET (FOR THE PROPRIETORS). HENRY

DEXTER AND SINCLAIR TOUSEY. WASHINGTON, D. C.: FRANCK TAYLOR

CONTENTS.--No. XVIII.

The Value of the Union. By William H. Muller, 633

A Merchant's Story. By Edmund Kirke, 642

May Morning, 657

The Navy of the United States, 659

Three Modern Romances, 667

Mill on Liberty. By Hon. F. P. Stanton, 674

Cloud and Sunshine, 687

Is there Anything in It? 688

The Confederation and the Nation. By Edward Carey, 694

Reason, Rhyme and Rhythm. By Mrs. Martha Walker Cook, 698

The Buccaneers of America. By William L. Stone, 703

Virginia, 714

Visit to the National Academy, 715

Was He Successful? By Richard B. Kimball, 719

How Mr. Lincoln became an Abolitionist By S. B. Gookins, 727

Cost of a Trip to Europe, and how to go Cheaply, 730

Touching the Soul. By Egbert Phelps, 1st Lieutenant

19th Infantry, U. S. A., 734

Literary Notices, 744

Editor's Table, 747

The July No. of the Continental will contain articles by the Hon.

ROBERT J. WALKER, written from England.

All communications, whether concerning MSS. or on business, should be

addressed to

JOHN F. TROW Publisher, 50 GREENE STREET, NEW YORK.

ENTERED, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1868, by

JOHN F. TROW, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United

States for the Southern District of New York.

JOHN F. TROW, PRINTER.