TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
A superscript is denoted by ^{x}; for example, 8^{th}.
The format of time in the original text has been retained. For example,
10.30 A.M. or 7.3 P.M.
Gun caliber in the original text is of the form 9.1" or sometimes 9·1".
For consistency all calibers have been changed to the 9.1" (or
9.1-inch) form.
Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.
More detail can be found at the end of the book.
THE BATTLE OF THE
FALKLAND ISLANDS
[Illustration: _Glasgow_ _Cornwall_ _Leipzig_
THE BATTLE OF THE FALKLAND ISLANDS, 8th DECEMBER, 1914
The "Cornwall" engaging the "Leipzig"
_From a Colour Drawing by Lieut.-Comm. H. T. Bennett, R.N._
]
The Battle of the
Falkland Islands
Before and After
By
Commander H. Spencer-Cooper
_With Coloured Frontispiece
and Ten Maps and Charts_
CASSELL AND COMPANY, LTD
London, New York, Toronto and Melbourne
1919
To the Memory
of the
Officers and Men
of the Royal Navy and the Royal Naval Reserve
who so gallantly gave their lives in the actions
described in this book
CONTENTS
Part I.--Exploits off South America
CHAPTER PAGE
1. GERMAN MEN-OF-WAR IN FOREIGN SEAS 3
2. THE POLICY OF ADMIRAL COUNT VON SPEE 13
3. BRITISH MEN-OF-WAR OFF SOUTH AMERICA 19
4. LIFE AT SEA IN 1914 28
5. THE SINKING OF THE "CAP TRAFALGAR" 35
6. THE ACTION OFF CORONEL 45
7. CONCENTRATION 60
8. POSSIBILITIES AND PROBABILITIES 67
Part II.--The Battle of the Falklands
9. AWAY SOUTH 79
10. ENEMY IN SIGHT 87
11. THE BATTLE-CRUISER ACTION 96
12. THE END OF THE "LEIPZIG" 110
13. THE SINKING OF THE "NÜRNBERG" 124
14. AFTERMATH 134
15. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE SAILOR IN ACTION 141
16. VON SPEE'S AIMS AND HOPES 151
17. THE PARTING OF THE WAYS 158
18. THE LAST OF THE "DRESDEN" 163
Part III.--Official Dispatches
1. THE ACTION OF H.M.S. "CARMANIA" 169
2. THE ACTION OFF CORONEL BY H.M.S. "GLASGOW" 172
3. REPORT BY VICE-ADMIRAL COUNT VON SPEE 174
4. THE BATTLE OF THE FALKLAND ISLANDS 178
5. THE SURRENDER OF THE "DRESDEN" 194
Appendix
A LIST OF THE OFFICERS SERVING IN THE
ACTIONS RECORDED 197
INDEX 221
MAPS AND CHARTS
PAGE
THE WAR ZONE IN WESTERN SEAS 5
CHART OF COURSE IN "CARMANIA"--"CAP TRAFALGAR"
DUEL 39
THE CORONEL ACTION: POSITION WHEN ENEMY
SIGHTED 49
THE CORONEL ACTION: POSITION AT SUNSET 51
CHART OF "CORNWALL" ACTION (_Inset_) 79
CHART OF BATTLE-CRUISER ACTION (_Inset_) 79
STANLEY HARBOUR: POSITIONS OF WARSHIPS 83
BATTLE OF THE FALKLANDS: POSITIONS AT 1.20 P.M. 94
BATTLE OF THE FALKLANDS: POSITIONS AT 2.45 P.M. 112
DUEL BETWEEN "KENT" AND "NÜRNBERG" 127
INTRODUCTION
This plain, unvarnished account, so far as is known, is the first
attempt that has been made to link with the description of the
Falkland Islands battle, fought on December 8th, 1914, the events
leading up to that engagement.
In order to preserve accuracy as far as possible, each phase
presented has been read and approved by officers who participated.
The personal views expressed on debatable subjects, such as strategy,
are sure to give rise to criticism, but it must be remembered that
at the time of writing the exact positions of the ships engaged in
overseas operations were not fully known, even in the Service.
The subject falls naturally into three divisions:
PART I. deals briefly with the movements of British and German
warships, and includes the duel fought by the _Carmania_, and the
action that took place off Coronel.
PART II. describes the Falkland Islands battle itself, and the
subsequent fate of the German cruiser _Dresden_.
PART III. contains the official dispatches bearing on these exploits.
The words of Alfred Noyes have been referred to frequently, because
they are in so many respects prophetic, and also because of their
influence in showing that the spirit of Drake still inspires the
British Navy of to-day.
The author takes this opportunity of expressing his warmest thanks
to those who have helped him in collecting information and in the
compilation of this book.
PART I
EXPLOITS OFF SOUTH AMERICA
"Meekly content and tamely stay-at-home
The sea-birds seemed that piped across the waves;
And Drake, bemused, leaned smiling to his friend
Doughty and said, 'Is it not strange to know
When we return, yon speckled herring-gulls
Will still be wheeling, dipping, flashing there?
We shall not find a fairer land afar
Than those thyme-scented hills we leave behind!
Soon the young lambs will bleat across the combes,
And breezes will bring puffs of hawthorn scent
Down Devon lanes; over the purple moors
Lav'rocks will carol; and on the village greens
Around the maypole, while the moon hangs low,
The boys and girls of England merrily swing
In country footing through the flowery dance.'"
--ALFRED NOYES (_Drake_).
THE BATTLE OF THE FALKLAND ISLANDS
CHAPTER I
GERMAN MEN-OF-WAR IN FOREIGN SEAS
"I, my Lords, have in different countries seen much of the
miseries of war. I am, therefore, in my inmost soul, a
man of peace. Yet I would not, for the sake of any peace,
however fortunate, consent to sacrifice one jot of England's
honour."--(_Speech by Lord Nelson in the House of Lords, November
16th, 1802._)
We are now approaching the end of the third year of this great
war,[1] and most Englishmen, having had some of the experience that
war inevitably brings with it, will agree that the words which
Nelson spoke are as true to-day as when they were uttered just over
a century ago. Furthermore, as time and the war go on, the spirit
of the whole British nation--be it man or woman--is put to an
ever-increasing test of endurance, which is sustained and upheld by
those two simple words, "England's Honour." An old platitude, "Might
is Right," is constantly being quoted; but the nation that reverses
the order is bound to outlast the other and win through to the
desired goal. The justness of the cause, then, is the secret of our
strength, which will not only endure but bring success to our arms
in the end.
When Great Britain plunged into this Armageddon on August 4th, 1914,
the only German squadron not in European waters was stationed in the
Western Pacific, with its main base at Tsingtau. In addition there
were a few German light cruisers isolated in various parts of the
world, many of them being in proximity to British squadrons, which
would point to the fact that Germany never really calculated on Great
Britain throwing in her lot on the opposite side.
The recent troubles in Mexico accounted for the presence of both
British and German cruisers in those waters, where they had been
operating in conjunction with one another in the most complete
harmony. As an instance, it might be mentioned that on August 2nd,
1914, one of our sloops was actually about to land a guard for one of
our Consulates at a Mexican port in the boats belonging to a German
light cruiser!
A short description of some of the movements of the German ships
during the first few months of war will suffice to show that
their primary object was to damage our overseas trade as much as
possible. Further, since it is the fashion nowadays to overrate
Germany's powers of organisation and skill, it will be interesting
to observe that in spite of the vulnerability of our worldwide trade
comparatively little was achieved.
The German squadron in China was under the command of Vice-Admiral
Count von Spee. The outbreak of war found him on a cruise in the
Pacific, which ultimately extended far beyond his expectations. The
two armoured cruisers _Scharnhorst_--in which Admiral von Spee flew
his flag--and _Gneisenau_ left Nagasaki on June 28th, 1914. Their
movements southward are of no particular interest until their arrival
on July 7th at the Truk or Rug Islands, in the Caroline group,
which then belonged to Germany. After a few days they leisurely
continued their cruise amongst the islands of Polynesia. About
the middle of the month the light cruiser _Nürnberg_ was hastily
recalled from San Francisco, and sailed on July 21st, joining von
Spee's squadron at Ponape (also one of the Caroline Islands), where
the three ships mobilised for war. On August 6th they sailed for an
unknown destination, taking with them an auxiliary cruiser called the
_Titania_.
[Illustration: THE WAR ZONE IN WESTERN SEAS
The Mappa Co. Ltd London
]
Apparently they were somewhat short of provisions, particularly of
fresh meat and potatoes, for it was said in an intercepted letter
that their diet consisted mainly of "spun yarn" (preserved meat).
On August 22nd the _Nürnberg_ was sent to Honolulu to get papers
and to send telegrams, rejoining the squadron shortly afterwards.
A day or two later she was again detached, this time to Fanning
Island, where she destroyed the British cable station, cut the cable,
rejoining the squadron about September 7th, apparently at Christmas
Island. Hearing that hostile forces were at Apia (Samoan Islands),
von Spee sailed southward only to find, on his arrival, that it was
empty of shipping.
The squadron now proceeded eastward to the French Society Islands to
see what stores were to be found there. Completing supplies of coal
at Bora Bora Island, it suddenly appeared off Papeete, the capital
of Tahiti, on September 22nd. A French gunboat lying in the harbour
was sunk by shell-fire, the town and forts were subjected to a heavy
bombardment, whilst the coal stores were set on fire. Calling in
later at the Marquesas Islands, the German Admiral shaped his course
eastward toward Easter Island, which was reached on October 12th.
The light cruiser _Leipzig_ sailed from Mazatlan, an important town
on the west coast of Mexico, on August 2nd. Ten days later she was
reported off the entrance to Juan de Fuca Straits, between Vancouver
and the mainland, but never ventured inside to attack the naval
dockyard of Esquimalt. When war broke out the Canadian Government
with great promptitude purchased two submarines from an American
firm at Seattle; this was probably known to the Germans, and might
account for their unwillingness to risk an attack on a port that was
otherwise practically defenceless.
The Canadian light cruiser _Rainbow_, together with the British
sloop _Algerine_, did excellent work on this coast. The former, in
particular, showed much zeal in shadowing the _Leipzig_, though they
never actually met.
The _Leipzig_ achieved absolutely nothing worthy of note, although
she remained on the west coast of America for a long time. It was
not till the middle of October that she joined Admiral von Spee's
squadron at Easter Island, without having caused any damage to the
British Mercantile Marine.
The light cruiser _Dresden_ was at St. Thomas, one of the larger of
the Virgin Islands group, West Indies. She sailed on August 1st and
proceeded straight to Cape Horn, only staying her career to coal at
various places _en route_ where she was unlikely to be reported.
Crossing and re-crossing the trade route, she arrived on September
5th at Orange Bay, which is a large uninhabited natural harbour a
few miles to the north-west of Cape Horn. Here she was met by a
collier, and stayed eleven days making adjustments to her engines.
She evidently considered that she was now free from danger--we had
no cruisers here at this period--for she continued her course into
the Pacific, easing down to a speed of 8½ knots, and keeping more in
the track of shipping. She met the German gunboat _Eber_ on September
19th, to the northward of Magellan, and continued her way, apparently
on the look out for allied commerce, but only succeeded in sinking
two steamers before joining the flag of Admiral von Spee at Easter
Island on October 12th. Altogether she sank three steamers and four
sailing vessels, representing a total value of just over £250,000.
The light cruiser _Karlsruhe_, the fastest and most modern of the
German ships on foreign service, was in the Gulf of Mexico at the
commencement of the war. On her way to her sphere of operations in
the neighbourhood of Pernambuco she was sighted on August 6th, whilst
coaling at sea from the armed liner _Kronprinz Wilhelm_, by the
British cruiser _Suffolk_. Admiral Cradock, who was then flying his
flag in the _Suffolk_, immediately gave chase to the _Karlsruhe_,
the _Kronprinz Wilhelm_ bolting in the opposite direction. During
the forenoon Admiral Cradock called up by wireless the light cruiser
_Bristol_, which was in the vicinity, and, giving her the position of
the _Karlsruhe_, ordered her to intercept the enemy. The _Karlsruhe_
was kept in sight by the _Suffolk_ for several hours, but was never
within gun-range, and finally escaped from her by superior speed. It
was a beautiful moonlight evening when the _Bristol_ sighted her
quarry at 8 P.M., and a quarter of an hour later opened fire, which
was returned a few moments later by the _Karlsruhe_, but it was too
dark for either ship to see the results of their shooting. All the
enemy's shots fell short, so that the _Bristol_ incurred no damage.
Both ships went on firing for fifty-five minutes, by which time the
German had drawn out of range. Admiral Cradock signalled during the
action, "Stick to it--I am coming"; all this time the _Suffolk_ was
doing her best to catch up, but never succeeded in reaching the scene
of the first naval action in the world-war. The German disappeared in
the darkness, and was never seen again by our warships.
In her subsequent raids on British commerce along the South Atlantic
trade routes the _Karlsruhe_ was, on the whole, successful, until she
met a sudden and inglorious end off Central America. Her fate was
for a long time shrouded in mystery, the first clue being some of
her wreckage, which was found washed up on the shores of the island
of St. Vincent in the West Indies. Some of her survivors eventually
found their way back to the Fatherland and reported that she had
foundered with 260 officers and men--due to an internal explosion
on November 4th, 1914, in latitude 10° 07′ N., longitude 55° 25′ W.
(_See_ Map p. 5.)
In all she sank seventeen ships, representing a value of £1,622,000.
There remain three German armed merchant cruisers that claim our
attention on account of their operations off South America. The _Cap
Trafalgar_ only existed for a month before being sunk by the armed
Cunard liner _Carmania_. A description of the fight is given in a
subsequent chapter.
The _Prinz Eitel Friedrich_ was more directly under the orders of
Admiral von Spee, and acted in conjunction with his squadron in the
Pacific until the battle of the Falkland Islands, when she operated
on her own account against our trade with South America. She achieved
some measure of success during the few months that she was free,
and captured ten ships altogether, several of which, however, were
sailing vessels. Early in March she arrived at Newport News in the
United States with a number of prisoners on board, who had been
taken from these prizes. She was badly in need of refit; her engines
required repairs, and the Germans fondly imagined that they might
escape internment. On hearing that one of her victims was an American
vessel, public indignation was hotly aroused and but little sympathy
was shown for her wants. Her days of marauding were brought to an
abrupt termination, for the Americans resolutely interned her.
Lastly, there was the _Kronprinz Wilhelm_, which, as we have seen,
was in company with the _Karlsruhe_ when the latter was sighted and
chased by the _Suffolk_ only two days after war was declared. She was
commanded by one of the officers of the _Karlsruhe_, and worked under
her orders in the Atlantic. In fact, the German cruiser transferred
two of her Q.F. guns to the armed merchantman, and they were mounted
on her forecastle. She was skilful in avoiding our cruisers and
literally fed upon her captures, being fortunate in obtaining coal
with fair frequency. In the course of eight months the _Kronprinz
Wilhelm_ captured and destroyed fifteen British or French ships,
four of which were sailing vessels. It will be realised how small
was the toll of our ships sailing these seas, especially when it is
recollected that the main object of the Germans at this time was to
make war on our maritime trade. Finally, sickness broke out on board
and there were several cases of beriberi; moreover, the ship leaked
and was in want of repairs, so on April 11th she also steamed into
Newport News and was interned.
That the Germans did not approach the results they hoped for in
attacking our commerce was in a large measure due to the unceasing
activity of our cruisers, who forced the German ships to be
continually on the move to fresh hunting grounds. Thus, although
many of them escaped capture or destruction for some time, they were
perpetually being disturbed and hindered in their work of depredation.
The exploits of the light cruisers _Emden_ and _Königsberg_ are
outside the scope of this book, but the following brief summary may
be of interest.
Sailing from Tsingtau on August 5th, with four colliers, the _Emden_
apparently proceeded to cruise in the neighbourhood of Vladivostock,
where she captured a Russian auxiliary cruiser and one or two
merchant ships, before going south to make history in the Bay of
Bengal. She was eventually brought to book off the Cocos Islands on
November 9th, 1914, by the Australian light cruiser _Sydney_, in a
very gallant action which lasted over an hour and a half, when she
ran herself ashore in a sinking condition on North Keeling Island.
She sank seventeen ships all told, representing a total value of
£2,211,000.
The _Königsberg_, at the commencement of hostilities, was lying at
Dar-es-Salaam, the capital of what was formerly German East Africa.
She sank the _Pegasus_, a light cruiser only two-thirds of her size
and of much inferior armament, at Zanzibar on September 20th, but
only succeeded in sinking one or two steamers afterwards. She was
eventually discovered hiding in the Rufiji Delta in German East
Africa, towards the end of October, 1914, where she was kept blocked
up by our ships for nearly nine months. Finally, on July 11th, 1915,
she was destroyed by gunfire by the monitors _Severn_ and _Mersey_,
who went up the river--the banks on both sides being entrenched--and
reduced her to a hopeless wreck where she lay, some fourteen miles
from the sea.
CHAPTER II
THE POLICY OF ADMIRAL COUNT VON SPEE
It is clearly impossible to state with any exactitude the motives
which governed von Spee's policy; but, in briefly reviewing the
results, a shrewd idea of the reasons which led him to certain
conclusions may be formed. Also, it will assist the reader to a
conclusion on the merits and demerits of the strategy adopted, and
will help him to follow more easily the reasons for some of the
movements of our own ships described in the next chapter.
That Admiral von Spee did not return to Tsingtau at the outbreak of
hostilities appears significant, since he was by no means inferior to
our squadron, and wished to mobilise his ships. He, however, sent the
_Emden_ there with dispatches and instructions to the colliers about
meeting him after she had escorted them to sea. Japan, it will be
remembered, did not declare war till August 23rd, 1914, and therefore
could scarcely have come into his earlier calculations. His action in
continuing his cruise in the Southern Pacific, where he was handy and
ready to strike at the French colonies[2] at the psychological moment
of the outbreak of hostilities, gives the impression that he did not
consider England's intervention probable.
Previous to the war, the _Leipzig_ and _Nürnberg_ had been detached
to the West Coast of America, and it appears likely that von Spee was
influenced in his decision to remain at large in the Pacific by this
fact, as, before this dispersal of his squadron, he would have been
distinctly superior to the British Fleet in the China Station at that
time. Great care was taken by him to keep all his movements secret,
and he appears to have avoided making many wireless signals.
The decision of the British Government to proceed with operations
against the German colonies in the Southern Pacific must have had a
determining effect on German policy; this decision was made at the
very outset and allowed the enemy no time to make preparations to
counter it. The value of the patriotism and loyal co-operation of the
Dominions in building up their own Navy in peace time was now clearly
demonstrated, Australia being the first of our Dominions to embark on
this policy.
The German China squadron was inferior in strength to our ships in
Australian waters, and could not afford to risk encountering the
powerful battle-cruiser _Australia_ with her eight 12-inch guns;
consequently, von Spee was compelled to abandon the many colonies
in Polynesia to their fate. Finally, the advent of Japan into the
conflict left him little choice but to make his way to the eastward,
since not to do so was to court almost certain destruction, while to
move west and conceal his whereabouts was an impossibility. That von
Spee felt his position to be precarious, and had difficulty in making
up his mind what to do, is shown by the slow and indecisive movement
of his squadron at first.
The movements of the German light cruisers lead to the conclusion
that they must have received orders to scatter so as to destroy our
trade in various spheres. The _Leipzig_ apparently patrolled the
western side of North America, whilst the _Karlsruhe_ took the South
Atlantic, and so on.
Why the _Dresden_ should have steamed over 6,000 miles to the Pacific
instead of assisting the _Karlsruhe_ is hard to explain, unless she
had direct orders from the German Admiralty. She could always have
joined von Spee later.
With the exception of the _Emden_, who operated with success in the
Bay of Bengal, and the _Karlsruhe_, whose area of operations was
along the junction of the South Atlantic and the West Indian trade
routes, none of them succeeded in accomplishing a fraction of the
damage that might reasonably have been expected at a time when our
merchantmen were not organised for war and business was "as usual."
It cannot be denied that the _Emden's_ raids wholly disorganised the
trade along the east coast of India. The local moneylenders--who are
the bankers to the peasants--abandoned the coast completely, trade
nearly came to a standstill, and the damage done took months to
recover. In this case the effects could by no means be measured by an
armchair calculation of the tonnage sunk by the _Emden_ in pounds,
shillings and pence.
The main anxiety of the German Admiral lay in the continuance of his
supplies, which could only be assured by careful organisation. This
was rendered comparatively easy in South America, where every port
teemed with Germans; the wheels of communication, through the agency
of shore wireless stations, were well oiled by German money, and
there were numerous German merchantmen, fitted with wireless, ready
to hand to be used as supply ships or colliers.
It was thus of paramount importance that the German Squadron should
be rounded up and annihilated before it could become a serious menace
to our trade and that of our Allies. The other remaining light
cruisers of the enemy, who were operating singly, could be dealt with
more easily, since our ships could afford to separate in order to
search for them, thus rendering it only a matter of time before they
were destroyed.
What was the object, then, of the German Admiral? This was the
all-important question that occupied the thoughts of all our naval
officers in foreign parts. On the assumption that he would come
eastwards, there appeared to be few choices open to him beyond the
following:
(1) To bombard the seaports of our colonies on the west coast of
Africa and to attack weakly defended but by no means valueless naval
stations (such as St. Helena), at the same time operating against
British and French expeditions going by sea against German colonies.
(2) To go to South Africa, destroy the weak British squadron at the
Cape, and hang up Botha's expedition by supporting a rising against
us in the South African Dominions.
(3) To endeavour to make his way home to Germany.
(4) To operate in the North Atlantic.
(5) To harass our trade with South America.
Both the first and second appeared quite feasible, but they had the
twofold disadvantage of involving actions nearer England and of
very possibly restricting the enemy a good deal in his movements;
there are few harbours on this coast, and his every movement would
become known in a region where we held the monopoly in methods of
communication. Consequently, any success here was bound to be more or
less short-lived. On the other hand, matters were undoubtedly very
critical in these parts. De la Rey, when he was shot, was actually
on his way to raise the Vierkleur at Potchefstroom, and any striking
naval success which it would have taken us three weeks to deal with
at the very least, might have just set the balance against us at this
time in the minds of the waverers. Moreover, it would not have been
difficult to ensure supplies from the German colonies.
The third may be dismissed as being extremely improbable at the
outset, for it is difficult to run a blockade with a number of ships,
and, for the enemy, it would too much have resembled thrusting his
head into the lion's jaws. Besides, he could be of far greater
service to his country in roaming the seas and in continuing to be a
thorn in our side as long as possible.
The fourth will scarcely bear examination; cut off from all bases, he
could hardly hope to escape early destruction.
The fifth seemed by far the most favourable to his hopes, as
being likely to yield a richer harvest, and, if successful, might
paralyse our enormous trade with South America, upon which we were so
dependent.
German influence was predominant as well as unscrupulous along the
Brazilian coasts, which would render it easy to maintain supplies. To
evoke sympathy amongst the smaller Republics would also come within
his horizon. Finally, he could have had little idea of our strength
in South Africa; whereas information gleaned from Valparaiso (which
von Spee evidently considered reliable) as to the precise extent of
our limited naval resources then on the east coast of South America,
must have proved a deciding factor in determining his strategy.
Whichever course were adopted, it was practically certain that the
German Admiral would move eastwards, either through the Straits
of Magellan or, more probably, round the Horn to avoid having his
whereabouts reported. That this occurred to the minds of our naval
authorities before the action off Coronel took place is practically
certain, but it is to be regretted that reinforcements to Admiral
Cradock's squadron operating in South American waters were not sent
there in time to prevent that disaster.
This, then, in brief, was the problem that presented itself to our
commanders after the battle of Coronel took place, and no doubt
influenced them in the choice of the Falkland Islands as a base, its
geographical position making it almost ideal in the event of any move
in that direction on the part of the Germans.
CHAPTER III
BRITISH MEN-OF-WAR OFF SOUTH AMERICA
"If England hold
The sea, she holds the hundred thousand gates
That open to futurity. She holds
The highways of all ages. Argosies
Of unknown glory set their sails this day
For England out of ports beyond the stars.
Ay, on the sacred seas we ne'er shall know
They hoist their sails this day by peaceful quays,
Great gleaming wharves i' the perfect City of God,
If she but claims her heritage."
--ALFRED NOYES (_Drake_).
Before attempting to give a description of the battle of the Falkland
Islands, it is necessary to review very briefly the movements and
dispositions of our ships, as well as the events preceding the
battle, which include both the duel between the armed merchant
cruiser _Carmania_ and _Cap Trafalgar_ and the action fought off
Coronel on the coast of Chile by Admiral Cradock.
Our naval forces were scattered in comparatively small units all
over the world when war broke out. Ships in various squadrons
were separated from one another by great distances, and, with the
exception of our Mediterranean Fleet, we possessed no squadron in any
part of the globe equal in strength to that of von Spee.
Attention is directed to the positions of Easter Island, where the
Germans had last been reported, Valparaiso, Coronel, Magellan
Straits, Staten Island, the Falkland Islands, Buenos Ayres,
Montevideo, Rio de Janeiro, Pernambuco, and the Island of Trinidad
off the east coast of South America, since they occur continually in
the course of this narrative.[3]
In the early part of 1914 Rear-Admiral Sir Christopher Cradock,
K.C.V.O., C.B., flying his flag in the _Suffolk_, was in command
of the fourth cruiser squadron, which was then doing some very
useful work in the Gulf of Mexico. On August 2nd he was at Kingston,
Jamaica, and received information that the _Good Hope_ was on her way
out to become his flagship, so he sailed northwards to meet her. On
the way he sighted and gave chase to the _Karlsruhe_ on August 6th,
as has been related. The _Suffolk_ and the _Good Hope_ met at sea ten
days later, and the Admiral went on board the latter immediately and
hoisted his flag.
Turning south, he went to Bermuda, called in at St. Lucia on August
23rd, and thence proceeded along the north coast of South America
on his way to take up the command of a newly forming squadron of
British ships patrolling the trade routes and protecting the merchant
shipping in South American waters. At St. Lucia Admiral Cradock would
probably have learned of the sailing of von Spee's squadron from
Ponape on August 6th, and this accounts for his haste in making south
in order to meet and form his ships together.
The squadron was gradually augmented as time went on, and in the
months of September and October, 1914, consisted of the flagship
_Good Hope_ (Captain Philip Francklin), _Canopus_ (Captain Heathcoat
Grant), _Monmouth_ (Captain Frank Brandt), _Cornwall_ (Captain W. M.
Ellerton), _Glasgow_ (Captain John Luce), _Bristol_ (Captain B. H.
Fanshawe), and the armed merchant cruisers _Otranto_ (Captain H. McI.
Edwards), _Macedonia_ (Captain B. S. Evans), and _Orama_ (Captain J.
R. Segrave).
No news was obtainable as to the whereabouts of the German squadron
stationed in the Pacific, which consisted of the _Scharnhorst_,
_Gneisenau_, _Emden_, _Nürnberg_, and _Leipzig_, except that it was
known that the two latter had been operating on the east side of the
Pacific, and that the _Emden_ was in the Bay of Bengal. The vaguest
rumours, all contradicting one another, were continually being
circulated, in which it is more than likely that German agents had a
large share.
Admiral Cradock proceeded south in the middle of September to
watch the Straits of Magellan, and to patrol between there and
the River Plate, as he doubtless hoped to prevent the _Karlsruhe_
and _Dresden_--which, when last heard of, were in South American
waters--from attempting to effect a junction with their main
squadron. With him were the _Monmouth_, _Glasgow_, and the armed
Orient liner _Otranto_, in addition to his own ship the _Good Hope_,
which, together with his colliers, had their first base in the
Falkland Islands.
On hearing of the appearance of the Germans off Papeete and of the
bombardment of the French colony there on September 22nd, it was
apparently considered expedient to proceed to the west coast of South
America in order to intercept the enemy. Accordingly, early in
October the _Monmouth_, _Glasgow_, and _Otranto_ went round to the
Pacific, diligently searching out the many inlets and harbours _en
route_, and arrived at Valparaiso on October 15th, but only stayed
a part of one day in order to get stores and provisions. They then
went back southwards to meet the _Good Hope_ and _Canopus_, vainly
hoping to fall in with the _Leipzig_ or _Dresden_ on the way. The
_Good Hope_ reached the Chilean coast on October 29th, and all ships
filled up with coal; the _Canopus_ was due very shortly, and actually
sighted our ships steaming off as she arrived.
In order to carry out a thorough and effective examination of the
innumerable inlets that abound amongst the channels of Tierra del
Fuego, in addition to the bays and harbours on both coasts of South
America, it became necessary to divide up this squadron into separate
units. To expedite matters, colliers were sent to meet our ships, so
that valuable time should not be lost in returning to the base at the
Falkland Islands. The first fine day was seized to fill up with coal,
care always being taken to keep outside the three-mile territorial
limit.
It must have been a trying and anxious time for both officers and
men, while pursuing their quest, never knowing what force might
suddenly be disclosed in opening out one of these harbours. From the
weather usually experienced in these parts some idea may be formed of
the discomforts. An officer in the _Glasgow_, writing of this period,
says: "It blew, snowed, rained, hailed, and sleeted as hard as it
is possible to do these things. I thought the ship would dive under
altogether at times. It was a short sea, and very high, and doesn't
suit this ship a bit. The _Monmouth_ was rather worse, if anything,
though not quite so wet. We were rolling 35 degrees, and quite
useless for fighting purposes. The ship was practically a submarine."
Imagine, too, the position of the _Otranto_, searching these waters
by herself, without the least hope of being able to fight on level
terms with one of the enemy's light-cruisers. The words of one of her
officers sum up the situation: "We finally got past caring what might
happen," he said; "what with the strain, the weather, and the extreme
cold, we longed to find something and to have it out, one way or the
other."
When the depredations of the _Karlsruhe_ became more numerous, the
Admiralty dispatched ships--as could best be spared from watching
other trade routes--to reinforce Admiral Cradock's command. Thus,
what may be termed a second squadron was formed, consisting of
the _Canopus_, _Cornwall_, _Bristol_, the armed P. & O. liner
_Macedonia_, and the armed Orient liner _Orama_. This latter squadron
carried out a fruitless search during September and October for the
ever elusive _Karlsruhe_, but, so far as is known, did not succeed in
getting near her, for she was never actually sighted. In the absence
of orders from Admiral Cradock, the duties of Senior Naval Officer
of this northern squadron frequently involved the consideration of
matters of no little consequence. These duties primarily devolved
upon the shoulders of Captain Fanshawe of the _Bristol_, who was
succeeded on the arrival of the _Canopus_ by Captain Heathcoat Grant.
As the poor state of the engines of the _Canopus_ did not enable
her to steam at any speed, she remained at the base and directed
operations, forming a valuable link with her wireless. Orders,
however, were received from Admiral Cradock which necessitated her
sailing on October 10th in order to join his southern squadron, so
that Captain Fanshawe was again left in command.
On October 24th the _Carnarvon_ (Captain H. L. d'E. Skipwith)
arrived, flying the flag of Rear-Admiral A. P. Stoddart, who, though
acting under the orders of Admiral Cradock, now took charge of the
sweeping operations necessitated by our quest. Admiral Stoddart had
previously been in command of the ships operating along our trade
routes near the Cape Verde Islands, where the _Carnarvon_ had not
long before made a valuable capture, the German storeship _Professor
Woermann_, filled with coal and ammunition.
The comparatively large number of men-of-war mentioned is accounted
for by the fact that at this time the _Karlsruhe_ began to make her
presence felt by sinking more merchant ships, which caused no little
apprehension amongst the mercantile communities in all the ports on
the north and east coasts of South America, Brazilian firms at this
period refusing to ship their goods in British bottoms, although some
British vessels were lying in harbour awaiting cargoes. The German
ship's activities were mainly confined to the neighbourhood of St.
Paul's Rocks, Pernambuco, and the Equator.
It is not easy to put clearly the disposition of the ships acting
under Admiral Cradock at this time, nor to give an adequate idea of
the many disadvantages with which he had to contend. The difficulties
of communication on the east coast of South America between his two
squadrons were very great, on account of the long distances between
them (often some thousands of miles and always greater than the range
of our wireless). The only method found feasible was to send messages
in code by means of passing British merchantmen--usually the Royal
Mail liners. The inevitable result of this was that it was frequently
impossible for Admiral Cradock to keep in touch with his northern
squadron, and important matters of policy had thus to be decided on
the spot, the Admiral being informed later.
On the rare occasions that our ships visited Brazilian ports, which
were crowded with German shipping, the crews of these ships, having
nothing better to do, would come and pull round our cruisers--in
all probability cursing us heartily the while--much to the interest
and amusement of our men. These visits could only take place at the
most once every three months, when the opportunity of getting a good
square meal at a civilised restaurant was hailed with delight by
those officers who were off duty.
Our coaling base in these waters was admirably selected. There was
sufficient anchorage for a large number of ships four or five miles
from any land, but protected from anything but a heavy swell or sea
by surrounding ledges of coral awash at low water. Sometimes colliers
got slightly damaged by bumping against our ships when there was a
swell, but in other respects it suited its purpose excellently. The
Brazilians sent a destroyer to investigate once or twice, but could
find nothing to arouse their susceptibilities, for our ships were
always well outside the three-mile limit. Our sole amusement was
fishing, frequently for sharks.
Towards the latter part of August, the armed merchant cruiser
_Carmania_ (Captain Noel Grant) was sent out to join Admiral
Cradock's squadron with coal, provisions, and a large quantity of
frozen meat, which was sadly needed. She was ordered by him to assist
the _Cornwall_ in watching Pernambuco on September 11th, as it was
thought that the German storeship _Patagonia_ was going to put to
sea on September 11th to join the _Karlsruhe_. On her way south she
got orders to search Trinidad Island in the South Atlantic to find
out whether the Germans were making use of it as a coaling base, and
there fell in with the German armed liner _Cap Trafalgar_, which
she sank in a very gallant action that is described in a subsequent
chapter.
The armed merchant cruiser _Edinburgh Castle_ (Captain W. R. Napier)
was sent out from England with drafts of seamen and boys, as well
as provisions and stores for our men-of-war in these waters. On her
arrival at the base on October 12th, she was detained on service
to assist in the sweep that had been organised to search for the
_Karlsruhe_. Some of us have pleasant recollections of excellent
games of deck hockey played on the spacious promenade deck during her
all too short stay with us.
The _Defence_ (Captain E. La T. Leatham) touched at the base to coal
on October 27th, being on her way south to join Admiral Cradock's
southern command. She had to coal in bad weather, and perforated the
collier's side in doing so, but succeeded in completing with coal in
the minimum possible time under difficult conditions. Without loss
of time she proceeded to Montevideo, but never got any farther, as
it was there that the news of the Coronel disaster first reached
her. Admiral Cradock hoped to find von Spee before the German
light-cruisers _Dresden_ and _Leipzig_ joined the main squadron;
but he also was most anxious to wait for the _Defence_. She would
have made a very powerful addition to his squadron, and it seems a
thousand pities that it was not possible to effect this junction
before he quitted the eastern shores of South America for the Pacific.
The _Defence_ was very unlucky, and had a great deal of hard work
without any kudos; not till Admiral Sturdee's arrival did she leave
to join the _Minotaur_ on the Cape of Good Hope station, and the
very day she arrived there got the news of the Falkland Islands
battle! Having covered 23,000 miles in two and a half months, the
disappointment at having missed that fight was, of course, intense.
It is sad to think that few of her gallant crew are alive to-day, as
she was afterwards sunk in the battle of Jutland.
The _Invincible_, flagship of Vice-Admiral F. C. Doveton Sturdee
(Captain P. H. Beamish), the _Inflexible_ (Captain R. F. Phillimore,
C.B., M.V.O.), and the _Kent_ (Captain J. D. Allen) enter the scene
of operations later.
CHAPTER IV
LIFE AT SEA IN 1914
"A seaman, smiling, swaggered out of the inn,
Swinging in one brown hand a gleaming cage
Wherein a big green parrot chattered and clung
Fluttering against the wires."
--ALFRED NOYES (_Drake_).
A short digression may perhaps be permitted, if it can portray the
long days, when for months at a time little occurs to break the
monotony of sea life. The reader may also experience the charitable
feeling that, at the expense of his patience, the sailor is indulging
in the "grouse" that proverbially is supposed to be so dear to him.
Of necessity, work on board ship in wartime must be largely a matter
of routine; and, though varied as much as possible, it tends to
relapse into "the trivial round, the common task." All day and all
night men man the guns ready to blaze off at any instant, extra
look-outs are posted, and there are officers and men in the control
positions. The ship's company is usually organised into three watches
at night, which take turns in relieving one another every four hours.
After sunrise the increased visibility gives ample warning of any
possible attack. The messdecks, guns, and ship generally are cleaned
before breakfast, while the forenoon soon passes in perfecting the
guns' crews and controls, and in physical drill. After dinner at
noon and a smoke, everyone follows the old custom of the sea, and has
a caulk (a sleep)--a custom originated in the days of sailing ships
who were at sea for long periods at a time, and watch and watch (i.e.
one watch on and one off) had to be maintained both day and night.
The men lie about the decks, too tired to feel the want of either
mattresses or pillows. The first dog watch (4-6 P.M.) is usually
given up to recreation until sunset, when it is time to go to night
defence stations. Day in and day out, this programme is seldom varied
except to stop and examine a merchant ship now and again.
Every ship met with on the high seas is boarded for the examination
of its passengers and cargo, an undertaking often attended by some
difficulty on a dark night. On approaching, it is customary to
signal the ship to stop; if this is not obeyed at once, a blank
round is fired as a warning; should this be disregarded a shotted
round is fired across her bows, but it is seldom necessary to resort
to this measure. At night these excursions have a strange, unreal
effect, and our boarding officer used to say that when climbing up a
merchantman's side in rough weather he felt like some character in
a pirate story. Getting out of a boat, as it is tossing alongside,
on to a rope ladder, is by no means an easy job, especially if the
officer is inclined to be portly. The searchlight, too, turned full
on to the ship, blinding the scared passengers who come tumbling
up, frequently imagining they have been torpedoed, adds to the
mysterious effect produced, whilst the sudden appearance of the
boarding officer in his night kit suggests a visit from Father
Neptune. But any idea of comedy is soon shattered by the grumpy
voice of the captain who has been turned out from his beauty sleep,
or by the vehement objections of a lady or her husband to their
cabin being searched. As a matter of fact, we were always met with
the most unfailing courtesy, and the boat's crew was often loaded
with presents of cigarettes or even chocolates, besides parcels of
newspapers hastily made up and thrown down at the last moment.
Off a neutral coast the food problem is an everlasting difficulty,
and as soon as the canteen runs out and tinned stores cannot be
replenished, the menu resolves itself into a more or less fixed item
of salt beef ("salt horse") or salt pork with pea soup. The old
saying, "Feed the brute, if a man is to be kept happy," has proved
itself true, but is one which at sea is often extraordinarily hard
to follow, especially when it is impossible to get such luxuries as
eggs, potatoes, and fresh meat. If flour runs out, the ship's biscuit
("hard tack"), which often requires a heavy blow to break it, forms
but a poor substitute for bread; although it is quite good eating,
a little goes a long way. The joy with which the advent of an armed
liner is heralded by the officers cannot well be exaggerated; the
stewards from all ships lose no time in trying to get all they can,
and the memory of the first excellent meal is not easily forgotten.
The ever-recurring delight of coaling ship is looked forward to
directly anchorage is reached. Coal-dust then penetrates everywhere,
even to the food, and after a couple of hours it seems impossible
for the ship ever to be clean again. Nearly every officer and man on
board, including the chaplain and paymasters, join in the work, which
continues day and night, as a rule, until finished. If this takes
more than twenty-four hours there is the awful trial of sleeping,
clothes and all, covered in grime, for hammocks have to be foregone,
else they would be quite unfit for further use. The men wear any
clothes they like. In the tropics it is a warm job working in the
holds, and clothes are somewhat scanty. A very popular article is
a bashed-in bowler hat, frequently worn with white shorts, and a
football jersey! There is, generally, a wag amongst the men who keeps
them cheery and happy, even during a tropical rain storm. His powers
of mimicking, often ranging from politicians to gunnery instructors,
bring forth rounds of applause, and all the time he'll dig out like a
Trojan.
The sailor is a cheery bird, and seldom lets an opportunity of
amusement escape. On one occasion, when lying at anchor in the
tropics, someone suggested fishing; after the first fish had been
caught many rods and lines were soon going. A would-be wit enlivened
matters by tying an empty soda-water bottle on to a rather excitable
man's line while he was away, which met with great success on the
owner crying out, "I've got a real big 'un here" as he carefully
played it to the delight of everyone. Shark fishing was a favourite
sport, and three were caught and landed in one afternoon; one of them
had three small sharks inside it.
The band (very few ships had the good fortune to possess one) plays
from 4.30 to 5.30 P.M., when Jack disports himself in Mazurkas
and d'Alberts, and dances uncommonly well before a very critical
audience. Some men are always busy at their sewing machines when off
duty, making clothes for their messmates; this they call "jewing";
others are barbers, or bootmakers, and they make quite a good
thing out of it. Now that masts and sails are things of the past,
substitutes in the way of exercise are very necessary, particularly
when living on salt food. Boxing is greatly encouraged, and if
competitions are organised, men go into strict training and the
greatest keenness prevails. A canvas salt-water bath is usually
rigged, and is in constant demand with the younger men. The officers
congregate in flannels on the quarter-deck playing quoits, deck
tennis, or cricket; some go in for doing Swedish exercises, Müller,
or club swinging, and, to finish up with, a party is formed to run
round the decks.
The Admiralty are extraordinarily good about dispatching mails to our
ships, but sudden and unexpected movements often make it impossible
to receive them with any regularity. When war broke out everyone
wondered how their folk at home would manage, whether money and food
would be easily obtainable. In our own case we were moved from our
original sphere of operations, and did not get our first mail till
October 19th, over eleven weeks after leaving England, and many
other ships may have fared even worse. Again, our Christmas mail of
1914 was not received till six months afterwards, having followed
us to the Falkland Islands, then back home, out again round the
Cape of Good Hope, finally arriving at the Dardanelles. On this
occasion one of the men had a pound of mutton and a plum pudding
sent him by his wife; it can easily be imagined with what delight he
welcomed these delicacies, which had been through the tropics several
times, as did those others whose parcels were anywhere near his in
the mail bag. It may appear a paltry thing to those who get their
daily post regularly, but the arrival of a mail at sea is a very
real joy, even to those who get but few letters. The newspapers are
eagerly devoured, and events, whose bare occurrence may have only
become known through meagre wireless communiqués, are at length made
comprehensible.
Darkening ship at sunset is uncomfortable, more particularly in the
tropics, when the heat on the messdecks becomes unbearable from lack
of air. However, this is now much improved by supplying wind-scoops
for the scuttles, fitted with baffles to prevent the light from
showing outboard. Everyone sleeps on deck who can, risking the
pleasures of being trodden upon in the dark, or of being drenched by
a sudden tropical shower, when the scrum of men hastily snatching
up their hammocks and running for the hatches equals that of any
crowd at a football match. On moonless nights little diversions are
constantly occurring. A certain officer, perfectly sober, on one
occasion walked over the edge of the boat-deck into space, and then
was surprised to find that he was hurt.
The hardships and anxieties of the life are probably overrated by
people ashore. The very routine helps to make the sailor accustomed
to the strange and unnatural conditions, nearly all of which have
their humorous side. As is the way of the world, we on the coast of
South America all envied those in the Grand Fleet at this time, in
modern ships fitted with refrigerating rooms and plenty of good fresh
food; and they, no doubt, willingly would have changed places with
us, being sick to death of the uneventful life, cold, rough weather,
and constant submarine strain from which we were fortunately immune.
Events took such a shape a few months later that those of us who were
fortunate enough to be in the battle of the Falkland Islands would
not have been elsewhere for all the world.
CHAPTER V
THE SINKING OF THE "CAP TRAFALGAR"
"When, with a roar that seemed to buffet the heavens
And rip the heart of the sea out, one red flame
Blackened with fragments, the great galleon burst
Asunder! All the startled waves were strewn
With wreckage; and Drake laughed: 'My lads, we have diced
With death to-day, and won!'"
--ALFRED NOYES (_Drake_).
It has already been mentioned that the _Carmania_ was ordered to
search the Brazilian island of Trinidad (not to be confused with the
British Island of the same name), which lies in the South Atlantic
about 600 miles to the eastward of South America, and in about the
same latitude as Rio de Janeiro. It was uninhabited at this time, and
seemed a likely place for the Germans to use as a temporary coaling
base; they have never had any compunction about breaking the laws of
neutrality if it suited their purpose.
The following narrative is taken from the official report,
supplemented by an account written by the author two days after
the action from a description given him by the officers of H.M.S.
_Carmania_.
Land was sighted on the morning of September 14th, 1914. A moderate
breeze was blowing from the north-east, but it was a lovely day, with
a clear sky and the sun shining. Shortly after 11 A.M. the masts of a
vessel were observed, and on approaching nearer the _Carmania_ made
out three steamers, apparently at anchor in a small bay that lies to
the south-west of the island. One of these was a large liner, but the
others were clearly colliers and had their derricks topped; they were
probably working when they sighted us, and they immediately separated
and made off in different directions before the whole of their hulls
could be distinguished.
The large vessel was apparently a liner about equal in size,[4]
having two funnels which were painted to resemble those of a Union
Castle liner. After running away for a while, the larger steamer,
which turned out to be the _Cap Trafalgar_ (though this was not known
for certain till weeks afterwards), altered course to starboard and
headed more in our direction. She was then steering about south at
what appeared to be full speed, while the _Carmania_ was steaming 16
knots on a sou'-westerly course.
There could no longer be any doubt that she meant to fight, and the
duel now ensued that has been so happily described by a gifted naval
writer, the late Fred T. Jane, as "the Battle of the Haystacks."
To my idea, it appears almost a replica of the frigate actions of
bygone days, and will probably go down in history as a parallel to
the engagement fought between the _Chesapeake_ and _Shannon_. For
gallantry, pluck and determination it certainly bears comparison with
many of these actions of the past.
About noon she fired a single shot across the enemy's bows at a
range of 8,500 yards, whereupon he immediately opened fire from his
after-gun on the starboard side. This was quickly followed on both
sides by salvoes (all guns firing nearly simultaneously as soon as
their sights came on to the target), so matters at once became lively.
Curiously enough, the enemy's first few shots fell short, ricocheting
over, and then, as the range decreased, they went clean over the
hull, in consequence of which our rigging, masts, funnels, derricks,
and ventilators all suffered, though the ship's side near the
waterline--the principal anxiety--was so far intact. Some of the
_Carmania's_ first shots, which were fired at a range of 7,500
yards, were seen to take effect, and she continued to score hits
afterwards with moderate frequency. The port battery was engaging
his starboard guns at this period, so that he was on her port hand,
and a reference to the plan will show that she was ahead on bearing.
The range was rapidly decreasing since they were both on converging
courses, but unfortunately the German ship had the speed of her, for
the Cunarder could only do 16 knots, due largely to a lack of vacuum
in the condensers. As far as could be judged the _Cap Trafalgar_ was
steaming between 17 and 18 knots. (_See_ Diagram, p. 39.)
At 4,500 yards, two of our broadsides were seen to hit all along the
waterline. As the range decreased to 4,000 yards the shot from the
enemy's pom-poms (machine guns), fired with great rapidity, began
to fall like hail on and all round the ship; this induced Captain
Grant to alter course away with promptitude, thus opening out
the range and bringing the starboard battery into play. The port
4.7-inch guns--they were all over twenty years old--were by this time
wellnigh red-hot. That the enemy did not apprehend this manœuvre was
demonstrated by his erratic fire at this moment, when the Britisher
was enabled to bring five guns into action to his four through being
able to use both the stern guns. It was now that the German suffered
most heavily, the havoc wrought in such a short time being very
noticeable. He then turned away, which brought the two ships nearly
stern on to one another; two of his steam pipes were cut by shell,
the steam rising into the sky, he was well on fire forward, and had a
list to starboard.
[Illustration: (Diagram of action between 'CARMANIA' and 'CAP
TRAFALGAR'.)
The Mappa Co. Ltd London
]
One of his shells, however, had passed through the captain's cabin
under the fore bridge, and although it did not burst it started a
fire, which rapidly became worse; unhappily no water was available to
put it out, for the fire main was shot through, while the chemical
fire extinguishers proved of little use. All water had to be carried
by hand, but luckily the fire was prevented from spreading over the
ship by a steel bulkhead, together with an ordinary fire-proof swing
door, which was afterwards found to be all charred on one side.
Nevertheless it got a firm hold of the deck above, which broke into
flame, so the fore-bridge had to be abandoned. The ship had now to
be steered from the stern, and all orders had to be shouted down by
megaphone both to the engine rooms and to this new steering position
in the bowels of the ship, which was connected up and in operation in
fifty-seven seconds! To reduce the effect of the fire the vessel was
kept before the wind, which necessitated turning right round again,
so that the fight resolved itself into a chase.
The action was continued by the gun-layers, the fire-control position
being untenable due to the fire, so each gun had to be worked and
fired independently under the direction of its own officer. Among
the ammunition supply parties there had been several casualties and
the officers, finding it impossible to "spot" the fall of the shell,
owing to the flashes from the enemy's guns obscuring their view from
so low an elevation, lent a hand in carrying the ammunition from the
hoists to the guns. In these big liners the upper deck, where the
guns are mounted, is approximately 70 feet above the holds, whence
the ammunition has to be hoisted and then carried by hand to the
guns--a particularly arduous task.
Crossing, as it were, the enemy was at this time well on the
starboard bow, but firing was continued until the distance was over
9,000 yards, the maximum range of the _Carmania's_ guns. Owing to
his superior speed and a slight divergence between the courses, the
distance was gradually increasing all the time, and at 1.30 he was
out of range. His list had now visibly increased, and his speed began
to diminish, probably on account of the inrush of water through his
coaling ports. It was surmised that there had not been sufficient
time to secure these properly, for he had evidently been coaling at
the time she arrived upon the scene.
Towards the end the _Cap Trafalgar's_ fire had begun to slacken,
though one of her guns continued to fire to the last, in spite of
the fact that she was out of range. It became patent that she
was doomed, and her every movement was eagerly watched through
field-glasses for some minutes by those not occupied in quenching
the fire. Suddenly the great vessel heeled right over; her funnels
being almost parallel to the surface of the sea, looked just like two
gigantic cannon as they pointed towards the _Carmania_; an instant
later she went down by the bows, the stern remaining poised in
mid-air for a few seconds, and then she abruptly disappeared out of
sight at 1.50 P.M., the duel having lasted an hour and forty minutes.
There were no two opinions about the good fight she had put up, and
all were loud in their praise of the gallant conduct of the Germans.
One of the enemy's colliers was observed approaching this scene of
desolation in order to pick up survivors, some of whom had got away
from the sinking ship in her boats. The collier had been flying the
United States ensign, evidently as a ruse, in the hope that the
_Carmania_ might be induced to let her pass without stopping her
for examination. It was, however, impossible to interfere with her
owing to the fire that was still raging in the fore part of the ship.
This kept our men at work trying to get it under, and necessitated
keeping the ship running before the wind, the direction of which did
not permit of approaching the spot in order to attempt to pick up
survivors.
Smoke was now seen away to the northward, and the signalman reported
that he thought he could make out the funnels of a cruiser. As the
_Cap Trafalgar_, before sinking, had been in wireless communication
with some German vessel, it was apprehended that one might be
coming to her assistance. As the _Carmania_ was totally unfit for
further action, it was deemed advisable to avoid the risk of another
engagement, so she steamed off at full speed in a southerly direction.
As soon as the collier and all that remained of the wreckage of the
_Cap Trafalgar_ was lost to view the gallant Cunarder was turned
to the north-westward in the direction of the anchorage. She was
unseaworthy, nearly all her navigational instruments and all the
communications to the engines were destroyed, making the steering and
navigation of the ship difficult and uncertain. When wireless touch
was established, the _Cornwall_ was called up and asked to meet and
escort her in. But as she had only just started coaling she asked the
_Bristol_ to take her place. The next day the _Bristol_, which was in
the vicinity, took the _Carmania_ along until relieved the same night
by the _Cornwall_, which escorted her on to the base, where temporary
repairs were effected.
One of the enemy's shells was found to have passed through three
thicknesses of steel plating without exploding, but in spite of this
it set fire to some bedding which caused the conflagration under
the fore bridge. Where projectiles had struck solid iron, such as
a winch, splinters of the latter were to be seen scattered in all
directions. The ship was hit seventy-nine times, causing no fewer
than 304 holes.
There were 38 casualties. Five men were killed outright, 4
subsequently died from wounds, 5 were seriously wounded and 22
wounded--most of the latter were only slightly injured. All the
casualties occurred on deck, chiefly among the guns' crews and
ammunition supply parties. No one below was touched, but a third of
those employed on deck were hit.
The following remarks may be of interest, and are taken from the
author's letters, written on September 16th, after having been shown
over the _Carmania_:
"When I went on board this morning, I was greatly struck by the few
fatal casualties considering the number of holes here, there, and
everywhere. Not a single part of the upper deck could be crossed
without finding holes. A remarkable fact was that only one officer,
Lieutenant Murray, R.N.R., was hurt or damaged in any way, although
the officers were in the most exposed positions, and the enemy's
point of aim appeared to be the fore bridge.
"They had only three active service ratings on board; some of the
gunlayers were old men, pensioners from the Navy.
"One of the senior officers told me that the first few rounds made
him feel 'a bit dickey,' but that after that he took no notice of the
bigger shells, though, curiously enough, he thoroughly objected to
the smaller pom-poms which were 'most irritating.' He added that the
men fought magnificently, and that the firemen worked 'like hell.' As
flames and smoke from the fire on deck descended to the stokeholds by
the ventilators instead of cool air, the states of things down below
may easily be imagined.
"One chronometer was found to be going in spite of the wooden box
which contained it having been burnt.
"The deeds of heroism were many.
"I liked the story of the little bugler boy, who had no more to
do once the action had commenced, so he stood by one of the guns
refusing to go under cover. As the gun fired he shouted: 'That's one
for the blighters!' And again: 'There's another for the beggars--go
it!' smacking the gunshield the while with his hand.
"Again one of the gunlayers, who lost his hand and also one leg
during the engagement, insisted upon being held up when the German
ship sank, so as to be able to cheer. I talked to him, and he waggled
his stump at me quite cheerily and said, 'It was well worth losing an
arm for.'
"It is good to feel that the spirit of our forefathers is still
active in time of need."
CHAPTER VI
THE ACTION OFF CORONEL
"Then let him roll
His galleons round the little Golden Hynde,
Bring her to bay, if he can, on the high seas,
Ring us about with thousands, we'll not yield,
I and my Golden Hynde, we will go down,
With flag still flying on the last stump left us
And all my cannon spitting the fires
Of everlasting scorn into his face."
--ALFRED NOYES (_Drake_).
The wanderings of the German squadron in the Pacific have been
briefly traced as far as Easter Island, where it arrived on October
12th, 1914, and found the _Dresden_. The _Leipzig_, which had been
chased from pillar to post by British and Japanese cruisers, and
succeeded in eluding them, joined up shortly after to the relief of
the German Admiral.
The contractor at Easter Island, an Englishman named Edwards,
who supplied the Germans with fresh meat and vegetables, was a
ranch-owner, and had no idea that war had even been declared. One
of his men, in taking off provisions to the ships, discovered this
amazing fact, which had carefully been kept secret, and informed
his master. The account was not settled in cash, but by a bill made
payable at Valparaiso. The German squadron sailed for Mas-a-Fuera
a week later, so the ranch-owner took the earliest opportunity of
sending in his bill to Valparaiso, where it was duly honoured, vastly
to his astonishment and relief.
For the reasons already adduced, it seemed almost certain that
Admiral von Spee would make his way round South America. That there
was a possibility of his descending upon Vancouver and attacking
the naval dockyard of Esquimalt is acknowledged, but it was so
remote as to be scarcely worthy of serious consideration. The three
Japanese cruisers, _Idzuma_, _Hizen_, and _Asama_, were understood
to be in the eastern Pacific at this time, and this was probably
known to the German Admiral. The risk, too, that he must inevitably
run in attacking a locality known to possess submarines was quite
unjustifiable; besides, he had little to gain and everything to lose
through the delay that must ensue from adopting such a policy.
The vessels engaged in the action off Coronel, with their armament,
etc., were:[5]
_Names_ _Tonnage_ _Armament_ _Speed_ _Completion_
_Good Hope_ 14,100 2--9.2" 23.5 1902
16--6"
_Monmouth_ 9,800 14--6" 23.3 1903
_Glasgow_ 4,800 2--6" 25.8 1910
10--4"
_Otranto_ (armed 12,000 8--4.7" 18 1909
liner) gross
Speed of squadron 18 knots.
_Names_ _Tonnage_ _Armament_ _Speed_ _Completion_
_Scharnhorst_ 11,420 8--8.2" 22.5 1908
6--5.9"
20--3.4"
_Gneisenau_ 11,420 8--8.2" 23.8 1908
6--5.9"
20--3.4"
_Leipzig_ 3,200 10--4.1" 23 1906
_Dresden_ 3,544 12--4.1" 27 1908
4--2.1"
_Nürnberg_ 3,396 10--4.1" 23.5 1908
8--2.1"
Speed of squadron 22.5 knots.
It will be noticed that our two armoured cruisers were respectively
six and five years older than the Germans'. Our armament was much
inferior in size, number, and quality on account of the later
designs of the enemy's artillery. The range of the German 4.1-inch
guns was _nearly equal to that of our 6-inch guns_. But perhaps the
greatest point in favour of the enemy was the fact that Cradock's
ships, with the exception of the _Glasgow_, were only commissioned
at the outbreak of war, and had had such continuous steaming that
no really good opportunity for gunnery practices or for testing the
organisation thoroughly had been possible, whilst von Spee's had
been in commission for over two years and had highly trained crews,
accustomed to their ships.
The following account has been compiled from personal information
received from officers who took part, from letters that have appeared
in the Press, from a translation that has been published of Admiral
von Spee's official report, and from the official report made by
Captain Luce of the _Glasgow_.
Admiral Cradock, as we have seen, joined the remainder of his little
squadron with the exception of the _Canopus_ off the coast of Chile
on October 29th. The latter was following at her best speed. The
squadron proceeded northwards, whilst the _Glasgow_ was detached to
Coronel to send telegrams, a rendezvous being fixed for her to rejoin
at 1 P.M. on November 1st.
No authentic news of the movements of the Germans was available at
this time; in fact, the last time that von Spee's squadron had been
definitely heard of was when it appeared off Papeete and bombarded
the town toward the end of September. That the enemy might be
encountered at any moment was of course fully realised, but it was
hoped that either the _Dresden_ and _Leipzig_ or the main squadron
might be brought to action separately, before they were able to
join forces. Time was everything if this was to be brought about,
so Admiral Cradock pushed on without delay. The anxiety to obtain
news of a reliable character may be imagined, but only the vaguest
of rumours, one contradicting the other, were forthcoming. Reports
showed that the German merchant shipping in the neighbourhood were
exhibiting unwonted signs of energy in loading coal and stores,
but this gave no certain indication of the proximity of the entire
squadron.
Rejoining the British squadron at sea on November 1st, the _Glasgow_
communicated with the _Good Hope_. Our ships had recently been
hearing Telefunken[6] signals on their wireless, which was proof
that one or more enemy warships were close at hand. About 2 P.M.,
therefore, the Admiral signalled the squadron to spread on a line
bearing N.E. by E. from the _Good Hope_, which steered N.W. by N. at
10 knots. Ships were ordered to open to a distance of fifteen miles
apart at a speed of 15 knots, the _Monmouth_ being nearest to the
flagship, the _Otranto_ next, and then the _Glasgow_, which was thus
nearest the coast.
[Illustration: DIAGRAM I. (Enemy sighted) 4.20 p.m.]
There was not sufficient time to execute this manœuvre, and when
smoke was suddenly sighted at 4.20 P.M. to the eastward of the
_Otranto_ and _Glasgow_, these two ships were still close together
and about four miles from the _Monmouth_. The _Glasgow_ went ahead to
investigate and made out three German warships, which at once turned
towards her. The Admiral was over twenty miles, distant and out of
sight, and had to be informed as soon as possible, so the _Glasgow_
returned at full speed, warning him by wireless, which the Germans
endeavoured to jam, that the enemy was in sight.
The squadron reformed at full speed on the flagship, _who had altered
course to the southward_, and by 5.47 P.M. had got into single
line-ahead in the order: _Good Hope_, _Monmouth_, _Glasgow_, and
_Otranto_. The enemy, in similar formation, was about twelve miles
off.
For the better understanding of the movements which follow, it may be
stated that the ideal of a naval artillerist is a good target--that
is, a clear and well defined object which is plainly visible through
the telescopic gunsights; the wind in the right direction, relative
to the engaged side, so that smoke does not blow across the guns,
and no sudden alterations of course, to throw out calculations.
The tactics of a modern naval action are in a large measure based
on these ideals, at any rate according to the view of the gunnery
specialist.
It is evident that it was Admiral Cradock's intention to close in
and force action at short range as quickly as possible, in order
that the enemy might be handicapped by the rays of the lowering sun,
which would have been behind our ships, rendering them a very poor
target for the Germans as the squadrons drew abeam of one another.
He therefore altered course inwards towards the enemy, but von Spee
was either too wary or too wise, for he says in his report that he
turned away to a southerly course after 5.35, thus declining action,
which the superior speed of his squadron enabled him to do at his
pleasure. The wind was south (right ahead), and it was blowing very
fresh, so that a heavy head sea was encountered, which made all
ships--especially the light-cruisers--pitch and roll considerably. It
seems very doubtful whether the _Good Hope_ and _Monmouth_ were able
to use their main deck guns, and it is certain that they could not
have been of any value. This would mean that these two ships could
only fire two 9.2-inch and ten 6-inch guns on the broadside between
them, instead of their whole armament of two 9.2-inch and seventeen
6-inch guns.
[Illustration: DIAGRAM II 6.40 p.m.]
There was little daylight left when Admiral Cradock tried to close
the Germans, hoping that they would accept his challenge in view of
their superior strength.
At 6.18 Admiral Cradock increased speed to 17 knots, making a
wireless message to the _Canopus_, "I am about to attack enemy now."
Both squadrons were now on parallel courses approximately, steering
south, and about 7½ miles apart. A second light cruiser joined the
German line about this period; according to von Spee's report the
_Scharnhorst_ was leading, followed by the _Gneisenau_, _Leipzig_,
and _Dresden_.
As the sun sank below the horizon (about 6.50 P.M.) the conditions
of light became reversed to our complete disadvantage; our ships
were now lit up by the glow of the sunset, the enemy being gradually
enshrouded in a misty haze as the light waned. Admiral Cradock's
last hope of averting defeat must have vanished as he watched the
enemy turning away; at the best he could only expect to damage and
thus delay the enemy, while it was impossible to withdraw. He had no
choice but to hold on and do his best, trusting in Providence to aid
him. In judging what follows it should be kept in mind that in the
declining light even the outlines of the enemy's ships rapidly became
obliterated, making it quite impossible to see the fall of our shots
in order to correct the range on the gunsights; on the other hand,
our ships showed up sharply against the western horizon and still
provided good targets for the German gunners. Von Spee in his report
says his "guns' crews on the middle decks were never able to see the
sterns of their opponents, and only occasionally their bows." This
certainly implies that the upper deck gunners could see quite well,
whilst we have information from Captain Luce's report that our ships
were unable to see the enemy early in the action, and were firing at
the flashes of his guns.
Accordingly, as soon as the sun disappeared, von Spee lost no time
in approaching our squadron, and opened fire at 7.4 at a range of
12,000 yards. Our ships at once followed suit with the exception
of the _Otranto_, whose old guns did not admit of her competing
against men-of-war at this distance. The German Admiral apparently
endeavoured to maintain this range, so as to reap the full advantage
of his newer and heavier armament, for the two 9.2-inch guns in the
_Good Hope_ were the only ones in the whole of our squadron that
were effective at this distance with the possible exception of the
two modern 6-inch guns in the _Glasgow_. Von Spee had, of course,
calculated this out, and took care not to close until our armoured
cruisers were _hors de combat_.
The Germans soon found the range, their fire proving very accurate,
which was to be expected in view of the reputation of the
_Scharnhorst_ and _Gneisenau_ for good shooting--the former had
won the gold medal for the best average. These armoured cruisers
concentrated their fire entirely on our two leading ships, doing
considerable execution. In addition, they had a great stroke of luck,
for in the first ten minutes of the engagement a shell struck the
fore turret of the _Good Hope_, putting that 9.2-inch out of action.
The _Monmouth_ was apparently hit several times in rapid succession,
for she was forced to haul out of the line to the westward, and her
forecastle was seen to be burning furiously, but she continued to
return the enemy's fire valiantly. This manœuvre caused her to drop
astern, and compelled the _Glasgow_, who now followed on after the
_Good Hope_, to ease speed to avoid getting into the zone of fire
intended for the _Monmouth_.
It was now growing dark, but this did not deter both squadrons from
continuing to blaze away as hard as they could; in fact, the fight
was at its height; the German projectiles were falling all round
and about our ships, causing several fires which lit them up with a
ghostly hue. The heavy artillery of the enemy was doing great damage,
and it was evident that both the _Good Hope_ and _Monmouth_ were in
a bad way; the former sheered over unsteadily towards the Germans,
returning their fire spasmodically, whilst the latter had a slight
list and from her erratic movements gave the impression that her
steering arrangements had been damaged. The results of our shooting
could not be distinguished with accuracy, though von Spee mentions
that the _Scharnhorst_ found a 6-inch shell in one of her storerooms,
which had penetrated the side and caused a deal of havoc below but
did not burst, and also that one funnel was hit. The _Gneisenau_ had
two men wounded, and sustained slight damage.
At 7.50 P.M. a sight of the most appalling splendour arrested
everyone, as if spellbound, in his tussle with death. An enormous
sheet of flame suddenly burst from the _Good Hope_, lighting up the
whole heavens for miles around. This was accompanied by the noise
of a terrific explosion, which hurled up wreckage and sparks at
least a couple of hundred feet in the air from her after funnels. A
lucky shot had penetrated one of her magazines. "It reminded me of
Vesuvius in eruption," said a seaman in describing this spectacle.
It was now pitch dark, making it impossible for the opposing vessels
to distinguish one another. The _Good Hope_ was never heard to fire
her guns again, and could not have long survived such a terrible
explosion, though no one saw her founder.
The moon had risen about 6.30 P.M. and was now well up, but it was
too overcast to see much. According to von Spee the squadrons had
closed in to about 5,400 yards, which caused him to sheer off,
fearing torpedo attack. It seems certain that although firing was
continued it could not have been effective, for three minutes
after the _Good Hope_ blew up the Germans ceased fire altogether.
Shortly afterwards von Spee ordered the _Leipzig_, _Dresden_, and
_Nürnberg_--the last-named having joined the squadron during the
action--to make a torpedo attack.
The _Monmouth_ ceased firing just before the explosion on board the
_Good Hope_, and was then steering roughly N.W. It was clear she was
on her last legs, as her list had increased and she was down by the
bows. She now suddenly altered course to the N.E. in the direction
of the oncoming enemy. Captain Luce was senior naval officer, being
senior to Captain Brandt, of the _Monmouth_. He saw the Germans
approaching and signalled the _Monmouth_ at 8.30, "Enemy following
us," but received no reply. Clearly there was no alternative left
him but to save his ship, if he was not to make a needless sacrifice
of his men, as it was obvious that he could be of no further
assistance to his doomed consort. In addition, it was essential that
the _Canopus_ should be warned in time to avert a further calamity,
a task not so simple as it sounds, for the Germans were jamming
our wireless messages. It is said that when last seen the gallant
_Monmouth_ turned and made straight for the enemy in a heroic attempt
to ram one of their ships. Von Spee reports that the _Nürnberg_ sank
the _Monmouth_ at 9.28 P.M. by bombardment at point-blank range; this
accounts for the seventy-five flashes of gunfire as well as the play
of the beams of a search-light, which were observed by the _Glasgow_
after leaving the scene of action. It must have been brutal work.
Thus perished Admiral Cradock together with 1,600 gallant officers
and men. In fairness to the Germans it should be stated that our own
officers considered it too rough for boats to be lowered with any
safety.
The _Glasgow_ had been subjected to the combined fire of the
_Leipzig_ and _Dresden_, whose gunnery was fortunately not very
effective owing to the long range maintained between the two
squadrons before the light failed. That she had withstood this
combined onslaught for fifty-two minutes (von Spee's report) was
remarkable, but that she had suffered no material damage was little
short of a miracle. Her casualties amounted to four men slightly
wounded. She was hit five times, on or near the water line, but not
in vital places. The protection afforded by the coal in her bunkers
saved her on three occasions, as otherwise in the nasty sea running
at the time she would have found herself in a very precarious
position. Of the remaining two hits, one penetrated the deck but did
not explode, while the other wrecked the captain's pantry and cabin.
There was one large hole, which luckily did not prevent her eluding
her pursuers at high speed by steering out to the W.N.W., and thence
in a wide circle to the southward to the Magellan Straits, finally
arriving at Port Stanley in the Falkland Islands.
At the outset of the engagement the _Good Hope_ made a signal down
the line to the _Otranto_, the only words received being, "Leaving
_Otranto_." The latter, therefore, hauled out to endeavour to get
this signal direct from the flagship, but as the _Good Hope_ had
been badly hit, nothing further was received. As projectiles were
falling all round her, and it was realised that the _Otranto_, being
a large ship, would be used by the enemy as a rangefinder to enable
him to calculate the distance of the _Glasgow_, she hauled out still
farther to upset the accuracy of his gun-fire. The enemy proceeded
to carry this method of ranging into effect; the first salvo passed
over the _Otranto's_ bridge, the second missed the bows by 50 yards,
the third fell 150 yards astern, while others which followed fell,
some over, some short. By this time she had worked out of the line
about 1,200 yards, so turned to the same course, as far as could be
judged, as the remainder of the squadron. She was now out of range.
The _Otranto_ ran the gauntlet of the enemy's most successfully,
since she emerged from this storm of shell quite unscathed, but it
must have been touch and go. Moreover--and hardest of all--she had to
submit to this treatment without being in a position to retaliate.
After the flagship blew up, nothing was seen of the _Monmouth_;
subsequently the _Glasgow_ was reported crossing her stern. Seeing
that she could be of no assistance, the _Otranto_ dodged her
opponents by straining full speed to the westward for 200 miles, and
thence to the southward. Rounding Cape Horn, she passed between
the Falklands and the mainland and arrived at Montevideo. Both she
and the _Glasgow_ must have accounted themselves most fortunate in
escaping safely from this unequal contest.
The _Canopus_, which had been steaming northward with two colliers,
intercepted a wireless message from the _Glasgow_ to the _Good Hope_
reporting the enemy in sight. She immediately increased to her full
speed, dispatching the colliers to Juan Fernandez, and proceeded
on her course northward in the hope that she would arrive in time
to engage the enemy. About 9 P.M. she received a signal from the
_Glasgow_ that it was feared the _Good Hope_ and _Monmouth_ had been
sunk, and that the squadron was scattered. Seeing the hopelessness of
continuing on her course, the _Canopus_ turned round, picked up her
colliers, and made for the Magellan Straits via Smyth's Channel, the
successful navigation of which reflects great credit, since she was
probably the first battleship ever to make use of it. By this means
she succeeded in reaching Port Stanley without molestation, although
the German ships were constantly in close proximity.
Admiral Cradock appears to have had definite orders to prevent the
enemy coming round to the east coast of America. The _Canopus_ was
only 120 miles away when he met the enemy. But had the Admiral
waited for her the Germans might have slipped past him during the
night, and, moreover, her slow speed would have seriously hampered
the mobility of his squadron. Speaking of Admiral Cradock, Sir Henry
Newbolt[7] says, "He had asked for reinforcements, and the Admiralty
had sent him what they thought sufficient. It was not for him to hold
back."
The advantages of speed and modern guns of superior range were
perhaps the outstanding features of the Coronel action. It was not
the vain sacrifice which at first sight it might appear to be, as it
probably saved our ships operating on the east coast of South America
from a similar fate.
Admiral Cradock carried out unflinchingly his search for a force
which he knew would almost certainly be superior to his own. His
unhesitating acceptance of the action and the gallantry of the fight
uphold the finest traditions of the Royal Navy, and will always be
recalled by it with pride. Surely, before God and man, such deeds of
heroism go far to mitigate the infamy of war.
"At set of sun,
Even as below the sea-line the broad disc
Sank like a red-hot cannon-ball through surf
Of seething molten lead, the _Santa Maria_,
Uttering one cry that split the heart of heaven,
Went down with all hands, roaring into the dark."
ALFRED NOYES (_Drake_).
CHAPTER VII
CONCENTRATION
"And Drake growled, ...
... 'So, lest they are not too slow
To catch us, clear the decks. God, I would like
To fight them!'"
--ALFRED NOYES (_Drake_).
Several disquieting wireless messages were received by the British
warships on the east coast of South America, giving garbled and
unreliable accounts of the Coronel action. It was not till November
5th that a statement which appeared to be fairly authoritative, in
spite of its German origin, was received from Valparaiso. It said
that the _Monmouth_ was sunk and that the _Good Hope_ had probably
shared her fate; no mention was made of the _Canopus_, _Glasgow_, or
_Otranto_.
The command in these waters now devolved upon Rear-Admiral Stoddart
(flying his flag in the _Carnarvon_), who was still busily engaged
in the search for the _Karlsruhe_. His ships had been operating
over a wide area extending from the neighbourhood of Rio de Janeiro
to the northward of St. Paul's Rocks and the Rocas, and thence to
the westward along the north coast of South America. This otherwise
fruitless search achieved one notable result in compelling the
_Karlsruhe_ to abandon her system of obtaining supplies through
German storeships coming from Pernambuco, as that port was kept
under rigid observation. She was thus forced to leave the trade
route between Great Britain and South America for longer periods in
order to meet her consort, the armed liner _Kronprinz Wilhelm_, who
now became a link between her and her sources of supply in Central
America. There was, in consequence, a marked falling off at this
period in the number of her captures.
Assuming that the worst had happened, and that the German squadron
was now on its way round to the east coast, it became imperative to
unite our remaining ships into one squadron as quickly as possible.
It was obvious that with the Australian and Japanese ships behind
them, the Germans could not afford to linger where they were;
moreover, they had learned at Valparaiso that we had no naval force
of any preponderance with which to oppose them. Flushed with their
recent victory, it seemed probable that if they were not much damaged
they would most likely hasten their movements in the hope of meeting
our ships before we had had time to unite or to gather reinforcements.
The German squadron would not be able to separate with any safety
once we had succeeded in joining together our scattered forces,
so that the damage they might do to our commerce would be thereby
reduced to a minimum.
For these reasons it will be seen that the River Plate was admirably
situated for the rendezvous of our ships that had escaped from
Coronel to the Falklands, and of the northern squadron. Again, it
was possible to coal there without infringing territorial rights,
as there is an excellent anchorage well outside the three mile limit
from the foreshore.
The following calculations, written on November 6th, 1914, were made
by the author:
"The German Admiral will expect us to get reinforcements out from
England, so that it seems probable that he will lose no time in
coming round to the east coast.
"He arrived at Valparaiso on November 3rd. Supposing he coals there
and leaves at earliest on November 4th, the distance from Valparaiso
to the Plate is roughly 2,600 miles, or nine days at 12 knots;
therefore, allowing one day for coaling _en route_, the earliest that
he could be off the Plate would be the 13th, more likely not before
November 15th."
The strategical aspect in this sphere of operations was completely
changed by the success of the German squadron off Cape Coronel, and
necessitated not only a complete change of plans, but also an entire
redistribution of our ships. These consisted of the _Carnarvon_,
_Cornwall_, _Bristol_, _Macedonia_, and _Edinburgh Castle_, also the
_Defence_ and _Orama_, who were near Montevideo, and the _Canopus_,
_Glasgow_, and _Otranto_.
Admiral Stoddart, therefore, decided to go south to Montevideo at
once in order to meet the remainder of our scattered ships. The
_Bristol_, _Macedonia_, and _Edinburgh Castle_ were left to continue
the search for the _Karlsruhe_, although as a matter of fact she had
blown up on November 4th. Colliers were sent down south to Montevideo
to be in readiness for our ships, and were ordered to sail at
twelve-hour intervals to diminish the chance of capture.
The _Carnarvon_ and _Cornwall_ left the base on November 6th, the
former calling at Rio de Janeiro on the way for telegrams. Arriving
at the Plate on the 10th, where we found the _Defence_ and _Orama_,
the Admiral immediately transferred his flag to the former ship,
which was the newest and most powerful of our cruisers. All ships
filled up with coal and awaited the arrival of the _Glasgow_ and
_Otranto_; meanwhile, patrols were constantly maintained at the mouth
of the river.
The following evening the _Glasgow_ arrived amidst congratulations
from us all; she had put in to the Falkland Islands to coal, in which
assistance was provided by volunteers from amongst the inhabitants.
After coaling, she was detached to Rio de Janeiro to go into dry
dock, so that the damage to her side might be properly repaired. The
same day the _Orama_, whilst patrolling, met and sank the German
storeship _Navarra_ which was set on fire by the Germans when escape
was seen to be impossible. We also got the cheering news that the
_Emden_ had been sunk and that the _Königsberg_ had been bottled up,
tidings which augured well for the future.
The Admiralty seem to have had a premonition that the Germans
intended to attack the Falklands for the _Canopus_, although on her
way north to Montevideo, was ordered back to the Falkland Islands in
order to fortify and arm the harbour of Port Stanley in co-operation
with the local volunteers, converting herself into a floating fort.
The possibility of our encountering and having to fight von Spee was
the subject uppermost in all minds at this time, and led to a great
deal of discussion. The outstanding feature in the situation was the
extraordinary lack of homogeneity of the composition of our squadron.
It consisted of three armoured cruisers of entirely different
classes, each carrying a different armament, one light cruiser and
four armed merchantmen. The latter could not, of course, be pitted
against warships even of the light-cruiser type, and therefore had to
be left out of the reckoning. Amongst the four fighting ships there
were four descriptions of guns, viz. two 9.2-inch, fourteen 7.5-inch,
twenty-two 6-inch, and ten 4-inch, while the German squadron had
only three descriptions, viz. sixteen 8.2-inch, twelve 5.9-inch,
and thirty-two 4.1-inch. A prominent question, therefore, was what
range we should endeavour to maintain during an action; the answer to
which was very varied, preference being given to ranges from 14,000
yards downwards. From the gunnery point of view the enemy undoubtedly
held an advantage, as not only was his squadron more homogeneous,
having only two classes of ships, but also the range of his guns was
greater. As regards speed, there was nothing to choose between the
two squadrons, who were evenly matched in this respect. Much would
depend upon whether he would choose to keep his squadron together
for the purpose of an action or to disperse them on reaching the
east coast. Opinions on this and on many other points were divided.
All were agreed, however, that we ought to give a good account of
ourselves.
The wildest reports about von Spee's movements were constantly
received from Chilean and other sources. Whilst at Montevideo rumours
were circulated that the German ships had been seen coming round Cape
Horn.
The Admiralty now informed Admiral Stoddart that reinforcements were
being sent out from England at once; they had actually started just
after our arrival at the Plate. The secret of this news was well
kept, not an inkling leaking out at home or abroad--a fact which
contributed very largely to our subsequent victory. It was decided,
therefore, to return northwards in order to effect a junction with
the two battle-cruisers that were on their way out. The squadron
sailed on November 12th, spread out in line abreast, and put in some
useful exercises on the way. Arriving at the base five days later,
we found the _Kent_, which was expected as we had heard that she was
being sent out to reinforce us; she had brought a mail, which made
her doubly welcome. The _Bristol_ and _Edinburgh Castle_ rejoined,
but the latter was ordered off northwards on other service, and
sailed on November 19th, taking a mail for England. It was blazing
hot, but the next few days passed quickly enough in carrying out
gunnery practices, patrolling, and coaling ship, during which the
_Glasgow_ returned from Rio, spick and span.
Most of November was a time of some suspense for our ships, as we
were hourly expecting an encounter with the enemy, and it was with
mixed feelings that we learned of the nature of the reinforcements
that were coming out with such despatch. Our feelings of relief were
also tempered with regret at not having been afforded an opportunity
to prove our mettle. Further, there was an awful and terrible thought
that it might be considered necessary to leave one of us cruisers
behind to guard the base.
Most of our ships had had steam on their main engines incessantly
since war broke out, and a rest to let fires out so as to make
necessary adjustments was badly needed, but was quite impossible near
a neutral coast.
On November 26th our hearts were gladdened by the sight of the
_Invincible_, bearing the flag of Vice-Admiral Sturdee, and the
_Inflexible_; these two formidable-looking ships had come out from
England at a mean speed of over 18 knots for fifteen days. Truly a
fine performance!
CHAPTER VIII
POSSIBILITIES AND PROBABILITIES
The various possible courses open to Admiral Count von Spee, both
before and after Coronel, have already been discussed, but the
movements of his squadron have not been subjected to examination in
the light that they bear on the policy which he adopted, nor have the
results of that action been considered from his point of view.
The German squadron sailed from Mas-a-Fuera on October 27th, and
three days later arrived about noon at a position some fifty miles
to the westward of Valparaiso, where it remained for upwards of
twenty-four hours. On October 31st--the same day that the _Glasgow_
went into Coronel with telegrams and the day before that action
was fought--the squadron steamed off south, leaving the _Nürnberg_
to wait off Valparaiso for a few hours and probably to get
information of importance. The German Admiral undoubtedly went to the
neighbourhood of Valparaiso with the express intention of obtaining
news and was in communication with the shore, for he begins his
official report on the action fought off Coronel by saying that his
three light cruisers reached on November 1st a point about twenty
"sea miles from the Chilean coast, in order to attack a British
cruiser (_Glasgow_), which, according to trustworthy information, had
reached the locality on the previous evening."
It is, of course, impossible to know what were von Spee's intentions
at this moment; they can only be surmised from a general survey of
the situation and the means that he had of obtaining information. The
latter was acquired by an organised system, for there were German
agents in every South American port. It may be taken as certain that
any ship calling at or passing Punta Arenas (Magellan Straits) would
be reported to him, and that the names of the ships and certain of
their movements on the south-east coast would also be known to him.
Easter Island--which was von Spee's original base--is approximately
2,300 miles from Valparaiso, and therefore out of range of wireless
communication, although it is possible he might occasionally be able
to take in a message under favourable conditions. However, it is
known from an officer survivor of the _Gneisenau_ that on October
19th the German Admiral received a message--possibly through a German
supply ship--stating that a British Squadron consisting of "_Good
Hope_, _Monmouth_, and _Glasgow_ was to the south." Now we know that
this squadron was at Punta Arenas on September 28th, and leaving on
that date was employed searching inlets and bays round Tierra del
Fuego for some days. The _Good Hope_ then returned to the Falklands,
finally leaving them on October 22nd, whilst the others went on to
the coast of Chile and were there from October 11th onwards, making
use of a sequestered spot as a base. The _Glasgow_ was at Coronel on
October 14th and at Valparaiso the day following, so the fact of a
British Squadron being "south" was well known, though the information
did not reach von Spee till the 19th.
On receiving this news von Spee sailed immediately. He knew he was in
superior force to Cradock's squadron, and the presumption is that he
went over to prospect and, if possible, to force an action. He went
straight to Mas-a-Fuera, only remained two days to coal, and then on
to a position off Valparaiso to pick up further information.
Immediately on hearing that the _Glasgow_ was at Coronel on the 31st,
he proceeded south to cut her off, and, as was likely to be the case,
to meet Cradock. He must have judged that the rest of the squadron
could not be far behind the _Glasgow_. The probability was that he
received information of the _Good Hope_ passing through the Straits
about the 24th or 25th, and he might also have heard of the _Canopus_
doing so a day or two later, in which case he would have calculated
that the latter could scarcely be so far north by this time.
There is no indication that by this date von Spee had made up his
mind to quit the South Pacific. He had hardly had time to make his
arrangements for so doing, and there is no doubt that they were not
then completed.
Von Spee was at his full strength, having recently added the
_Dresden_ and _Leipzig_ to the squadron while at Easter Island, he
possessed the advantage of homogeneity, and his squadron was far more
modern. The result we know, our ships were out-gunned and completely
outclassed. Fate played right into the hands of von Spee on this
occasion.
It was undoubtedly a severe blow to British prestige in these
parts, and the Germans in all the large towns were not slow in
making the most of this temporary success in order to advance their
own interests. The rumours that were circulated caused no little
perturbation amongst the neutral shipping agents, who feared that von
Spee would lose no time in attacking British trade, and that those
cargoes which were consigned to Great Britain would be in jeopardy.
Insurance rates rose with a bound, and it is said that the Germans
went about openly deriding the British and causing the most fantastic
articles to be inserted in the local Press. The exaggerated reports
that were published, both of the action and of its effects, certainly
lends colour to this source of information.
It will be interesting to consider what von Spee would have done if
he had missed Admiral Cradock and the action off Coronel had not
been fought. In view of his superior speed, von Spee would in all
probability have continued on his southerly course and rounded Cape
Horn, leaving Admiral Cradock behind him. There seem to be grounds
for supposing that he might go to the Cape of Good Hope, but the
campaign in German South West Africa could scarcely be said to be
progressing favourably for the Germans, and it is not unreasonable
to suppose he would have preferred to go north along the eastern
side of South America to harass our trade. It is legitimate to
suppose that in this case he would not have delayed to attack the
Falkland Islands, with Cradock's squadron on his heels and Stoddart's
ships converging on him from the north; in fact, it would have been
suicidal, for the wireless station there would have given our ships
warning of his approach, and the delay might have enabled our two
forces to unite. From Stoddart's squadron alone he had nothing to
fear, and most likely would have welcomed an opportunity of bringing
it to action. The presence of the _Defence_ at Montevideo would
certainly have been known to him at that time, and he would probably
have hoped to intercept her before she joined Cradock. Had all this
come to pass, the Germans might then have separated, and when it was
found that the theatre of operations in the South Atlantic became
too hot for them, they might have endeavoured to make their way home
after doing as much damage as possible to our commerce.
As events turned out, however, von Spee waited about at sea for a day
or two after the action, apparently in the hope of either hearing
news of the _Good Hope_ or finding her. Writing at sea on November
2nd, he says, in a letter that afterwards appeared in the German
Press: "If _Good Hope_ escaped, she must, in my opinion, make for
a Chilean port on account of her damages. To make sure of this, I
intend going to Valparaiso to-morrow with _Gneisenau_ and _Nürnberg_,
and to see whether _Good Hope_ could not be disarmed by the
Chileans." Writing under date of November 5th, he adds: "We arrived
at Valparaiso this morning.... The news of our victory had not yet
reached here, but spread very quickly." The squadron split up, it
seems, arriving at different dates at Mas-a-Fuera, which became the
temporary headquarters of the German squadron for the next fortnight.
Here all ships coaled in turn. Communication was maintained by
sending the German light cruisers into Valparaiso one after the other
to get the latest information. The _Leipzig_ was there somewhere
about November 13th. This would show a proper caution on his part,
as belligerent vessels cannot use neutral ports except at extended
intervals.
At Valparaiso von Spee must have obtained information concerning the
movements of our squadron under Admiral Stoddart, who had then just
sailed north from Montevideo. He would also have probably been aware
of the presence of the Japanese squadron operating in the Northern
Pacific.
In order to make the position clear, it must be apprehended that
a squadron consisting of the British light cruiser _Newcastle_,
together with the Japanese cruiser _Idzuma_, and the small battleship
_Hizen_, was concentrated in the North Pacific. The battle-cruiser
_Australia_ left Suva, Fiji, on November 8th to strengthen this
squadron, so that it may be deduced that this was a direct result of
the Coronel action which took place just a week before. She joined
these ships on November 26th at Chamela Bay on the west coast of
Mexico. The object of this squadron was to prevent von Spee from
coming north, and to close on him should he remain on the western
coast of South America. Sailing southwards, these ships visited the
Galapagos Islands and then proceeded on their quest for the enemy,
the _Newcastle_ searching the Cocos Islands _en route_. When nearing
the coast of Colombia, the splendid news of the Falkland Islands
battle was received, after which these ships split up and separated.
In view of these various courses of action open to von Spee, the
reader will appreciate how our minds were occupied with the question
of his future movements. Would he, in the hope of adding further to
his laurels, attempt to repeat his success by going into the North
Pacific to engage the Allied squadron there, which might have been
inferior to him in strength? Or would he go south and follow up
his advantage in a direction where there was nothing to oppose him
for the moment, except the _Canopus_ and _Glasgow_? He could not
hope successfully to combat all the different squadrons looking for
him, nor, for that matter, did he wish to risk his ships, for there
were no others to replace them. It was not his rôle to adopt such
an offensive. He therefore chose to give the impression that he
was remaining off Chile, and then suddenly vanished into complete
oblivion. Leaving no trace of his movements, he was careful to
forgo using all wireless; and, having completed arrangements as to
future supplies, he determined to appear suddenly where he was least
expected. History repeats itself, and he evidently decided that the
boldest plan was what would be least anticipated, and therefore most
likely to be productive of success.
Taking another point of view, it was obviously to von Spee's
advantage to hasten round to the east coast of South America as
quickly as possible after the action off Coronel took place, and
thus to reap the full benefit of the success that he had already
gained. He could not possibly have shut his eyes to the fact that the
immediate following up of his victory was the most promising policy
for any scheme of operations in the South Atlantic. He would then
have been able to strike before reinforcements could come out from
England, which he must have been aware would be sent out to hunt him
down. Why, then, did he delay a whole month? On his own showing the
repairs necessary to render his ships fit for further service only
took a few days, and it would not take long to arrange for his future
supplies on the east coast of South America with all the German
shipping cooped up in this part of the world waiting to be put to
any useful purpose. Is it, therefore, unreasonable to suppose that
he waited in order to collect German reservists from Chile, either
to garrison the Falkland Islands once they had been captured, or
to take or escort them home to Germany? He knew that he was really
superior to the force under Admiral Stoddart, yet he delayed leaving
till November 26th, a period of nearly four weeks. The inference of
which is that he was not ready, and further that a seizure of the
Falkland Islands was deliberately contemplated and prepared for, and
was to be his first step. An additional possible explanation lies in
the deduction that he could not have estimated that he would have
defeated Cradock so completely, and therefore took time to consider
the altered situation before committing himself to a definite move,
hoping in the interval to get more information which might lead to
a further stroke of good fortune. The threat of the _Australia_ and
the Japanese squadron to the north was not sufficiently pronounced to
force him to hurry.
We have seen that it was almost out of the question for von Spee to
maintain his ships in the Northern Pacific, but the conditions were
entirely different on the west coast of South America. Here there
were a number of uninhabited anchorages where he could shelter, and
he had a large German population to help him on the coast of Chile.
In fact, he did maintain himself here until he knew that hostile
forces were concentrating and would move south to drive him out.
Meanwhile, he had effected repairs to his ships, and had completed
arrangements in advance for the supplies of his ships on the east
coast of South America. Thus the conclusion appeared to be that there
was no alternative open to von Spee but to leave the Pacific, where
he had already shot his bolt.
Whatever the true explanation of his policy may be, the movements
of his squadron point to his having been quite at a loss what to do
next. His position was so hazardous and uncertain, so full of future
difficulties, that he could not see his way clear for any length of
time in order to work out any concerted plan. He was a fugitive pure
and simple, and felt that whatever he did was in the nature of a
venture.
It was not till Cradock was defeated that he appears to have
formulated his plan for attacking the Falkland Islands. He then seems
to have been carried away by the effect that the temporary capture
of a British colony and the hoisting of the German flag would have
on our prestige throughout the world. He would have destroyed the
wireless station, seized the coal and provisions lying there, and
would then have had to abandon the colony to subsequent recapture.
Had he originally contemplated such a dramatic coup, he would never
have delayed a moment longer than was necessary.
Keeping well away from the usual trade routes, the German ships
sailed south, and on the way were lucky enough to meet the _North
Wales_, one of Cradock's colliers. They arrived at San Quintin Sound
on November 21st, coaled, and stayed five days. Thence von Spee kept
out for 200 miles from the land before turning south, and got into
very rough weather.
An officer in the _Gneisenau_ states:
"_November 27th_--Force of wind up to 12. Later the weather moderated
a little so that we could proceed at 8 knots.
"_November 29th_--Impossible to lay the tables. Broken up furniture
thrown overboard. All crockery was smashed. Impossible to be on deck.
Necessary to secure oneself with ropes. We are about off the entrance
to the Magellan Straits.
"_December 2nd_--Sighted two icebergs, appear to be 50 metres high.
"_December 3rd_--We are lying at the eastern exit of the Beagle
Channel close to Picton Island.
"_December 6th_--We are going to Port Stanley."
In judging von Spee's motives, it is as well to bear in mind that he
attained no success whatsoever after Coronel except for the capture
of two sailing ships and a collier. That our squadron under Admiral
Sturdee, having only arrived the day previously, met him on his
arrival off Port Stanley, was the turn of Fortune's wheel in our
favour.
As all the world now knows, the battle of Coronel, the greatest naval
disaster that had befallen our arms in the war, was to be avenged
five weeks afterwards, when the German squadron in its turn drank to
the dregs the bitter cup of despair.
PART II
THE BATTLE OF THE FALKLANDS
[Illustration: _Plan of Action of H.M.S. "CORNWALL"_
_December 8^{th} 1914._
The Mappa Co. Ltd. London
]
[Illustration: _Plan of Action between the Battle Cruisers
"INVINCIBLE" & "INFLEXIBLE" and the German Armoured Cruisers
"SCHARNHORST" & "GNEISENAU"_
_December 8^{th} 1914._
The Mappa Co. Ltd. London
]