We now enter upon the most interesting episode in the life of the
gallant captain, more thrilling and not less romantic than the captivity
in Turkey and the tale of the faithful love of the fair young mistress
Charatza Tragabigzanda.
Although the conduct of the lovely Charatza in despatching Smith to her
cruel brother in Nalbrits, where he led the life of a dog, was never
explained, he never lost faith in her. His loyalty to women was equal
to his admiration of them, and it was bestowed without regard to race or
complexion. Nor is there any evidence that the dusky Pocahontas, who
is about to appear, displaced in his heart the image of the too partial
Tragabigzanda. In regard to women, as to his own exploits, seen in the
light of memory, Smith possessed a creative imagination. He did not
create Pocahontas, as perhaps he may have created the beautiful mistress
of Bashaw Bogall, but he invested her with a romantic interest which
forms a lovely halo about his own memory.
As this voyage up the Chickahominy is more fruitful in its consequences
than Jason's voyage to Colchis; as it exhibits the energy, daring,
invention, and various accomplishments of Captain Smith, as warrior,
negotiator, poet, and narrator; as it describes Smith's first and only
captivity among the Indians; and as it was during this absence of four
weeks from Jamestown, if ever, that Pocahontas interposed to prevent the
beating out of Smith's brains with a club, I shall insert the account
of it in full, both Smith's own varying relations of it, and such
contemporary notices of it as now come to light. It is necessary here to
present several accounts, just as they stand, and in the order in which
they were written, that the reader may see for himself how the story of
Pocahontas grew to its final proportions. The real life of Pocahontas
will form the subject of another chapter.
The first of these accounts is taken from “The True Relation,” written
by Captain John Smith, composed in Virginia, the earliest published work
relating to the James River Colony. It covers a period of a little more
than thirteen months, from the arrival at Cape Henry on April 26,
1607, to the return of Captain Nelson in the Phoenix, June 2, 1608.
The manuscript was probably taken home by Captain Nelson, and it was
published in London in 1608. Whether it was intended for publication
is doubtful; but at that time all news of the venture in Virginia was
eagerly sought, and a narrative of this importance would naturally
speedily get into print.
In the several copies of it extant there are variations in the
titlepage, which was changed while the edition was being printed. In
some the name of Thomas Watson is given as the author, in others “A
Gentleman of the Colony,” and an apology appears signed “T. H.,” for the
want of knowledge or inadvertence of attributing it to any one except
Captain Smith.
There is no doubt that Smith was its author. He was still in Virginia
when it was printed, and the printers made sad work of parts of his
manuscript. The question has been raised, in view of the entire omission
of the name of Pocahontas in connection with this voyage and captivity,
whether the manuscript was not cut by those who published it. The reason
given for excision is that the promoters of the Virginia scheme were
anxious that nothing should appear to discourage capitalists, or to
deter emigrants, and that this story of the hostility and cruelty of
Powhatan, only averted by the tender mercy of his daughter, would have
an unfortunate effect. The answer to this is that the hostility was
exhibited by the captivity and the intimation that Smith was being
fatted to be eaten, and this was permitted to stand. It is wholly
improbable that an incident so romantic, so appealing to the
imagination, in an age when wonder-tales were eagerly welcomed, and
which exhibited such tender pity in the breast of a savage maiden, and
such paternal clemency in a savage chief, would have been omitted. It
was calculated to lend a lively interest to the narration, and would be
invaluable as an advertisement of the adventure.
[For a full bibliographical discussion of this point the reader is
referred to the reprint of “The True Relation,” by Charles Deane,
Esq., Boston, 1864, the preface and notes to which are a masterpiece of
critical analysis.]
That some portions of “The True Relation” were omitted is possible.
There is internal evidence of this in the abrupt manner in which it
opens, and in the absence of allusions to the discords during the voyage
and on the arrival. Captain Smith was not the man to pass over such
questions in silence, as his subsequent caustic letter sent home to the
Governor and Council of Virginia shows. And it is probable enough that
the London promoters would cut out from the “Relation” complaints
and evidence of the seditions and helpless state of the colony. The
narration of the captivity is consistent as it stands, and wholly
inconsistent with the Pocahontas episode.
We extract from the narrative after Smith's departure from Apocant, the
highest town inhabited, between thirty and forty miles up the river, and
below Orapaks, one of Powhatan's seats, which also appears on his map.
He writes:
“Ten miles higher I discovered with the barge; in the midway a great
tree hindered my passage, which I cut in two: heere the river became
narrower, 8, 9 or 10 foote at a high water, and 6 or 7 at a lowe: the
stream exceeding swift, and the bottom hard channell, the ground most
part a low plaine, sandy soyle, this occasioned me to suppose it might
issue from some lake or some broad ford, for it could not be far to the
head, but rather then I would endanger the barge, yet to have beene able
to resolve this doubt, and to discharge the imputating malicious tungs,
that halfe suspected I durst not for so long delaying, some of the
company, as desirous as myself, we resolved to hier a canow, and returne
with the barge to Apocant, there to leave the barge secure, and put
ourselves upon the adventure: the country onely a vast and wilde
wilderness, and but only that Towne: within three or foure mile we hired
a canow, and 2 Indians to row us ye next day a fowling: having made such
provision for the barge as was needfull, I left her there to ride, with
expresse charge not any to go ashore til my returne. Though some wise
men may condemn this too bould attempt of too much indiscretion, yet if
they well consider the friendship of the Indians, in conducting me,
the desolatenes of the country, the probabilitie of some lacke, and the
malicious judges of my actions at home, as also to have some matters of
worth to incourage our adventurers in england, might well have caused
any honest minde to have done the like, as wel for his own discharge
as for the publike good: having 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our own
company, I set forward, leaving 7 in the barge; having discovered 20
miles further in this desart, the river stil kept his depth and bredth,
but much more combred with trees; here we went ashore (being some 12
miles higher than ye barge had bene) to refresh our selves, during the
boyling of our vituals: one of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the
nature of the soile, and to cross the boughts of the river, the other
Indian I left with M. Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their matches
light and order to discharge a peece, for my retreat at the first sight
of any Indian, but within a quarter of an houre I heard a loud cry, and
a hollowing of Indians, but no warning peece, supposing them surprised,
and that the Indians had betraid us, presently I seazed him and bound
his arme fast to my hand in a garter, with my pistoll ready bent to be
revenged on him: he advised me to fly and seemed ignorant of what was
done, but as we went discoursing, I was struck with an arrow on the
right thigh, but without harme: upon this occasion I espied 2 Indians
drawing their bowes, which I prevented in discharging a french pistoll:
by that I had charged again 3 or 4 more did the 'like, for the first
fell downe and fled: at my discharge they did the like, my hinde I made
my barricade, who offered not to strive, 20 or 30 arrowes were shot at
me but short, 3 or 4 times I had discharged my pistoll ere the king of
Pamauck called Opeckakenough with 200 men, environed me, each drawing
their bowe, which done they laid them upon the ground, yet without
shot, my hinde treated betwixt them and me of conditions of peace, he
discovered me to be the captaine, my request was to retire to ye boate,
they demanded my armes, the rest they saide were slaine, onely me they
would reserve: the Indian importuned me not to shoot. In retiring being
in the midst of a low quagmire, and minding them more than my steps, I
stept fast into the quagmire, and also the Indian in drawing me forth:
thus surprised, I resolved to trie their mercies, my armes I caste from
me, till which none durst approch me: being ceazed on me, they drew
me out and led me to the King, I presented him with a compasse diall,
describing by my best meanes the use thereof, whereat he so amazedly
admired, as he suffered me to proceed in a discourse of the roundnes of
the earth, the course of the sunne, moone, starres and plannets, with
kinde speeches and bread he requited me, conducting me where the canow
lay and John Robinson slaine, with 20 or 30 arrowes in him. Emry I saw
not, I perceived by the abundance of fires all over the woods, at each
place I expected when they would execute me, yet they used me with what
kindnes they could: approaching their Towne which was within 6 miles
where I was taken, onely made as arbors and covered with mats, which
they remove as occasion requires: all the women and children, being
advertised of this accident came forth to meet, the King well guarded
with 20 bow men 5 flanck and rear and each flanck before him a sword and
a peece, and after him the like, then a bowman, then I on each hand a
boweman, the rest in file in the reare, which reare led forth amongst
the trees in a bishion, eache his bowe and a handfull of arrowes, a
quiver at his back grimly painted: on eache flanck a sargeant, the one
running alwaiss towards the front the other towards the reare, each a
true pace and in exceeding good order, this being a good time continued,
they caste themselves in a ring with a daunce, and so eache man departed
to his lodging, the captain conducting me to his lodging, a quarter of
Venison and some ten pound of bread I had for supper, what I left was
reserved for me, and sent with me to my lodging: each morning three
women presented me three great platters of fine bread, more venison than
ten men could devour I had, my gowne, points and garters, my compas and
a tablet they gave me again, though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I
wanted not what they could devise to content me: and still our longer
acquaintance increased our better affection: much they threatened to
assault our forte as they were solicited by the King of Paspahegh, who
shewed at our fort great signs of sorrow for this mischance: the King
took great delight in understanding the manner of our ships and sayling
the seas, the earth and skies and of our God: what he knew of the
dominions he spared not to acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed
at a place called Ocanahonun, cloathed like me, the course of our river,
and that within 4 or 5 daies journey of the falles, was a great turning
of salt water: I desired he would send a messenger to Paspahegh, with a
letter I would write, by which they should understand, how kindly they
used me, and that I was well, lest they should revenge my death; this
he granted and sent three men, in such weather, as in reason were
unpossible, by any naked to be indured: their cruell mindes towards the
fort I had deverted, in describing the ordinance and the mines in the
fields, as also the revenge Captain Newport would take of them at his
returne, their intent, I incerted the fort, the people of Ocanahomm
and the back sea, this report they after found divers Indians that
confirmed: the next day after my letter, came a salvage to my lodging,
with his sword to have slaine me, but being by my guard intercepted,
with a bowe and arrow he offred to have effected his purpose: the cause
I knew not, till the King understanding thereof came and told me of a
man a dying wounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of another I had
slayne, yet the most concealed they had any hurte: this was the father
of him I had slayne, whose fury to prevent, the King presently conducted
me to another kingdome, upon the top of the next northerly river, called
Youghtanan, having feasted me, he further led me to another branch of
the river called Mattapament, to two other hunting townes they led
me, and to each of these Countries, a house of the great Emperor of
Pewhakan, whom as yet I supposed to be at the Fals, to him I tolde him
I must goe, and so returne to Paspahegh, after this foure or five dayes
march we returned to Rasawrack, the first towne they brought me too,
where binding the mats in bundles, they marched two dayes journey and
crossed the River of Youghtanan, where it was as broad as Thames: so
conducting me too a place called Menapacute in Pamunke, where ye King
inhabited; the next day another King of that nation called Kekataugh,
having received some kindness of me at the Fort, kindly invited me to
feast at his house, the people from all places flocked to see me, each
shewing to content me. By this the great King hath foure or five houses,
each containing fourscore or an hundred foote in length, pleasantly
seated upon an high sandy hill, from whence you may see westerly a
goodly low country, the river before the which his crooked course
causeth many great Marshes of exceeding good ground. An hundred houses,
and many large plaines are here together inhabited, more abundance of
fish and fowle, and a pleasanter seat cannot be imagined: the King with
fortie bowmen to guard me, intreated me to discharge my Pistoll, which
they there presented me with a mark at six score to strike therewith
but to spoil the practice I broke the cocke, whereat they were much
discontented though a chaunce supposed. From hence this kind King
conducted me to a place called Topahanocke, a kingdome upon another
river northward; the cause of this was, that the yeare before, a shippe
had beene in the River of Pamunke, who having been kindly entertained by
Powhatan their Emperour, they returned thence, and discovered the River
of Topahanocke, where being received with like kindnesse, yet he slue
the King, and tooke of his people, and they supposed I were bee, but the
people reported him a great man that was Captaine, and using mee kindly,
the next day we departed. This River of Topahanock, seemeth in breadth
not much lesse than that we dwell upon. At the mouth of the River is
a Countrey called Cuttata women, upwards is Marraugh tacum Tapohanock,
Apparnatuck, and Nantaugs tacum, at Topmanahocks, the head issuing from
many Mountains, the next night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatam's,
and the next day arrived at Waranacomoco upon the river of Parnauncke,
where the great king is resident: by the way we passed by the top of
another little river, which is betwixt the two called Payankatank. The
most of this country though Desert, yet exceeding fertil, good timber,
most hils and in dales, in each valley a cristall spring.
“Arriving at Weramacomoco, their Emperour, proudly lying upon a Bedstead
a foote high upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly hung with manie Chaynes
of great Pearles about his necke, and covered with a great covering of
Rahaughcums: At heade sat a woman, at his feete another, on each side
sitting upon a Matte upon the ground were raunged his chiefe men on each
side the fire, tenne in a ranke and behinde them as many yong women,
each a great Chaine of white Beades over their shoulders: their heades
painted in redde and with such a grave and Majeslicall countenance,
as drove me into admiration to see such state in a naked Salvage, bee
kindlv welcomed me with good wordes, and great Platters of sundrie
victuals, asiuring mee his friendship and my libertie within foure
dayes, bee much delighted in Opechan Conough's relation of what I had
described to him, and oft examined me upon the same. Hee asked me the
cause of our comming, I tolde him being in fight with the Spaniards our
enemie, being over powred, neare put to retreat, and by extreme weather
put to this shore, where landing at Chesipiack, the people shot us, but
at Kequoughtan they kindly used us, wee by signes demaunded fresh water,
they described us up the River was all fresh water, at Paspahegh, also
they kindly used us, our Pinnasse being leake wee were inforced to stay
to mend her, till Captain Newport my father came to conduct us away.
He demaunded why we went further with our Boate, I tolde him, in that
I would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea, that on the other side
the maine, where was salt water, my father had a childe slaine, which we
supposed Monocan his enemie, whose death we intended to revenge. After
good deliberation, hee began to describe me the countreys beyond the
Falles, with many of the rest, confirming what not only Opechancanoyes,
and an Indian which had been prisoner to Pewhatan had before tolde mee,
but some called it five days, some sixe, some eight, where the sayde
water dashed amongst many stones and rocks, each storme which caused oft
tymes the heade of the River to bee brackish: Anchanachuck he described
to bee the people that had slaine my brother, whose death hee would
revenge. Hee described also upon the same Sea, a mighty nation called
Pocoughtronack, a fierce nation that did eate men and warred with the
people of Moyaoncer, and Pataromerke, Nations upon the toppe of the
heade of the Bay, under his territories, where the yeare before they had
slain an hundred, he signified their crownes were shaven, long haire in
the necke, tied on a knot, Swords like Pollaxes.
“Beyond them he described people with short Coates, and Sleeves to the
Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes like ours. Many Kingdomes hee
described mee to the heade of the Bay, which seemed to bee a mightie
River, issuing from mightie mountaines, betwixt the two seas; the people
clothed at Ocamahowan. He also confirmed, and the Southerly Countries
also, as the rest, that reported us to be within a day and a halfe of
Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock, 6 from Roonock, to the South part of
the backe sea: he described a countrie called Anone, where they
have abundance of Brasse, and houses walled as ours. I requited his
discourse, seeing what pride he had in his great and spacious Dominions,
seeing that all hee knewe were under his Territories.
“In describing to him the territories of Europe which was subject to our
great King whose subject I was, the innumerable multitude of his ships,
I gave him to understand the noyse of Trumpets and terrible manner of
fighting were under Captain Newport my father, whom I intituled the
Meworames which they call King of all the waters, at his greatnesse bee
admired and not a little feared; he desired mee to forsake Paspahegh,
and to live with him upon his River, a countrie called Capa Howasicke;
he promised to give me corne, venison, or what I wanted to feede us,
Hatchets and Copper wee should make him, and none should disturbe
us. This request I promised to performe: and thus having with all the
kindnes hee could devise, sought to content me, he sent me home with 4
men, one that usually carried my Gonne and Knapsacke after me, two other
loded with bread, and one to accompanie me.”
The next extract in regard to this voyage is from President Wingfield's
“Discourse of Virginia,” which appears partly in the form of a diary,
but was probably drawn up or at least finished shortly after Wingfield's
return to London in May, 1608. He was in Jamestown when Smith returned
from his captivity, and would be likely to allude to the romantic story
of Pocahontas if Smith had told it on his escape. We quote:
“Decem.--The 10th of December, Mr. Smyth went up the ryver of the
Chechohomynies to trade for corne; he was desirous to see the heade of
that river; and, when it was not passible with the shallop, he hired a
cannow and an Indian to carry him up further. The river the higher
grew worse and worse. Then hee went on shoare with his guide, and left
Robinson and Emmery, and twoe of our Men, in the cannow; which were
presently slayne by the Indians, Pamaonke's men, and hee himself taken
prysoner, and, by the means of his guide, his lief was saved; and
Pamaonche, haveing him prisoner, carryed him to his neybors wyroances,
to see if any of them knew him for one of those which had bene, some two
or three eeres before us, in a river amongst them Northward, and taken
awaie some Indians from them by force. At last he brought him to the
great Powaton (of whome before wee had no knowledg), who sent him home
to our towne the 8th of January.”
The next contemporary document to which we have occasion to refer is
Smith's Letter to the Treasurer and Council of Virginia in England,
written in Virginia after the arrival of Newport there in September,
1608, and probably sent home by him near the close of that year. In this
there is no occasion for a reference to Powhatan or his daughter, but he
says in it: “I have sent you this Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an
annexed Relation of the Countryes and Nations that inhabit them as
you may see at large.” This is doubtless the “Map of Virginia,” with
a description of the country, published some two or three years after
Smith's return to England, at Oxford, 1612. It is a description of the
country and people, and contains little narrative. But with this was
published, as an appendix, an account of the proceedings of the Virginia
colonists from 1606 to 1612, taken out of the writings of Thomas Studley
and several others who had been residents in Virginia. These several
discourses were carefully edited by William Symonds, a doctor of
divinity and a man of learning and repute, evidently at the request of
Smith. To the end of the volume Dr. Symonds appends a note addressed
to Smith, saying: “I return you the fruit of my labors, as Mr. Cranshaw
requested me, which I bestowed in reading the discourses and hearing the
relations of such as have walked and observed the land of Virginia with
you.” These narratives by Smith's companions, which he made a part of
his Oxford book, and which passed under his eye and had his approval,
are uniformly not only friendly to him, but eulogistic of him, and
probably omit no incident known to the writers which would do him honor
or add interest to him as a knight of romance. Nor does it seem probable
that Smith himself would have omitted to mention the dramatic scene of
the prevented execution if it had occurred to him. If there had been a
reason in the minds of others in 1608 why it should not appear in the
“True Relation,” that reason did not exist for Smith at this time, when
the discords and discouragements of the colony were fully known. And
by this time the young girl Pocahontas had become well known to the
colonists at Jamestown. The account of this Chickahominy voyage given in
this volume, published in 1612, is signed by Thomas Studley, and is as
follows:
“The next voyage he proceeded so farre that with much labour by cutting
of trees in sunder he made his passage, but when his Barge could passe
no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger of shot, commanding
none should go ashore till his returne; himselfe with 2 English and two
Salvages went up higher in a Canowe, but he was not long absent, but
his men went ashore, whose want of government gave both occasion and
opportunity to the Salvages to surprise one George Casson, and much
failed not to have cut of the boat and all the rest. Smith little
dreaming of that accident, being got to the marshes at the river's head,
20 miles in the desert, had his 2 men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping
by the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victual, who
finding he was beset by 200 Salvages, 2 of them he slew, stil defending
himselfe with the aid of a Salvage his guid (whome bee bound to his
arme and used as his buckler), till at last slipping into a bogmire
they tooke him prisoner: when this news came to the fort much was
their sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting what ensued. A month those
Barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphs and conjurations
they made of him, yet he so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he
not only diverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured his own
liberty, and got himselfe and his company such estimation amongst them,
that those Salvages admired him as a demi-God. So returning safe to the
Fort, once more staied the pinnas her flight for England, which til his
returne could not set saile, so extreme was the weather and so great the
frost.”
The first allusion to the salvation of Captain Smith by Pocahontas
occurs in a letter or “little booke” which he wrote to Queen Anne in
1616, about the time of the arrival in England of the Indian Princess,
who was then called the Lady Rebecca, and was wife of John Rolfe, by
whom she had a son, who accompanied them. Pocahontas had by this
time become a person of some importance. Her friendship had been of
substantial service to the colony. Smith had acknowledged this in
his “True Relation,” where he referred to her as the “nonpareil” of
Virginia. He was kind-hearted and naturally magnanimous, and would take
some pains to do the Indian convert a favor, even to the invention of an
incident that would make her attractive. To be sure, he was vain as well
as inventive, and here was an opportunity to attract the attention of
his sovereign and increase his own importance by connecting his name
with hers in a romantic manner. Still, we believe that the main motive
that dictated this epistle was kindness to Pocahontas. The sentence that
refers to her heroic act is this: “After some six weeks [he was absent
only four weeks] fatting amongst those Salvage Countries, at the minute
of my execution she hazarded the beating out of her own braines to save
mine, and not only that, but so prevailed with her father [of whom
he says, in a previous paragraph, 'I received from this great Salvage
exceeding great courtesie'], that I was safely conducted to Jamestown.”
This guarded allusion to the rescue stood for all known account of it,
except a brief reference to it in his “New England's Trials” of 1622,
until the appearance of Smith's “General Historie” in London, 1624. In
the first edition of “New England's Trials,” 1620, there is no reference
to it. In the enlarged edition of 1622, Smith gives a new version to his
capture, as resulting from “the folly of them that fled,” and says: “God
made Pocahontas, the King's daughter the means to deliver me.”
The “General Historie” was compiled--as was the custom in making up such
books at the time from a great variety of sources. Such parts of it as
are not written by Smith--and these constitute a considerable portion of
the history--bear marks here and there of his touch. It begins with his
description of Virginia, which appeared in the Oxford tract of 1612;
following this are the several narratives by his comrades, which formed
the appendix of that tract. The one that concerns us here is that
already quoted, signed Thomas Studley. It is reproduced here as “written
by Thomas Studley, the first Cape Merchant in Virginia, Robert Fenton,
Edward Harrington, and I. S.” [John Smith]. It is, however, considerably
extended, and into it is interjected a detailed account of the captivity
and the story of the stones, the clubs, and the saved brains.
It is worthy of special note that the “True Relation” is not
incorporated in the “General Historie.” This is the more remarkable
because it was an original statement, written when the occurrences it
describes were fresh, and is much more in detail regarding many things
that happened during the period it covered than the narratives that
Smith uses in the “General Historie.” It was his habit to use over
and over again his own publications. Was this discarded because it
contradicted the Pocahontas story--because that story could not be
fitted into it as it could be into the Studley relation?
It should be added, also, that Purchas printed an abstract of the Oxford
tract in his “Pilgrimage,” in 1613, from material furnished him
by Smith. The Oxford tract was also republished by Purchas in his
“Pilgrimes,” extended by new matter in manuscript supplied by Smith.
The “Pilgrimes” did not appear till 1625, a year after the “General
Historie,” but was in preparation long before. The Pocahontas legend
appears in the “Pilgrimes,” but not in the earlier “Pilgrimage.”
We have before had occasion to remark that Smith's memory had the
peculiarity of growing stronger and more minute in details the further
he was removed in point of time from any event he describes. The
revamped narrative is worth quoting in full for other reasons. It
exhibits Smith's skill as a writer and his capacity for rising into
poetic moods. This is the story from the “General Historie”:
“The next voyage hee proceeded so farre that with much labour by cutting
of trees in sunder he made his passage, but when his Barge could pass
no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger of shot, commanding
none should goe ashore till his return: himselfe with two English and
two Salvages went up higher in a Canowe, but he was not long absent, but
his men went ashore, whose want of government, gave both occasion and
opportunity to the Salvages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they
slew, and much failed not to have cut of the boat and all the rest.
Smith little dreaming of that accident, being got to the marshes at the
river's head, twentie myles in the desert, had his two men slaine (as is
supposed) sleeping by the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them
victuall, who finding he was beset with 200 Salvages, two of them hee
slew, still defending himself with the ayd of a Salvage his guide, whom
he bound to his arme with his garters, and used him as a buckler, yet
he was shot in his thigh a little, and had many arrowes stucke in his
cloathes but no great hurt, till at last they tooke him prisoner. When
this newes came to Jamestowne, much was their sorrow for his losse, fewe
expecting what ensued. Sixe or seven weekes those Barbarians kept him
prisoner, many strange triumphes and conjurations they made of him, yet
hee so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he not onely diverted them
from surprising the Fort, but procured his owne libertie, and got
himself and his company such estimation amongst them, that those
Salvages admired him more than their owne Quiyouckosucks. The manner how
they used and delivered him, is as followeth.
“The Salvages having drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine Smith
was gone, prosecuting that opportunity they followed him with 300
bowmen, conducted by the King of Pamaunkee, who in divisions searching
the turnings of the river, found Robinson and Entry by the fireside,
those they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then finding the Captaine as
is said, that used the Salvage that was his guide as his shield (three
of them being slaine and divers others so gauld) all the rest would not
come neere him. Thinking thus to have returned to his boat, regarding
them, as he marched, more then his way, slipped up to the middle in an
oasie creeke and his Salvage with him, yet durst they not come to him
till being neere dead with cold, he threw away his armes. Then according
to their composition they drew him forth and led him to the fire, where
his men were slaine. Diligently they chafed his benumbed limbs. He
demanding for their Captaine, they shewed him Opechankanough, King of
Pamaunkee, to whom he gave a round Ivory double compass Dyall. Much they
marvailed at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which they could see so
plainly, and yet not touch it, because of the glass that covered them.
But when he demonstrated by that Globe-like Jewell, the roundnesse of
the earth and skies, the spheare of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, and
how the Sunne did chase the night round about the world continually: the
greatnesse of the Land and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietie of
Complexions, and how we were to them Antipodes, and many other such
like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding
within an houre after they tyed him to a tree, and as many as could
stand about him prepared to shoot him, but the King holding up the
Compass in his hand, they all laid downe their Bowes and Arrowes, and in
a triumphant manner led him to Orapaks, where he was after their manner
kindly feasted and well used.
“Their order in conducting him was thus: Drawing themselves all in fyle,
the King in the middest had all their Peeces and Swords borne before
him. Captaine Smith was led after him by three great Salvages, holding
him fast by each arme: and on each side six went in fyle with their
arrowes nocked. But arriving at the Towne (which was but onely thirtie
or fortie hunting houses made of Mats, which they remove as they please,
as we our tents) all the women and children staring to behold him, the
souldiers first all in file performe the forme of a Bissom so well as
could be: and on each flanke, officers as Serieants to see them keepe
their orders. A good time they continued this exercise, and then cast
themselves in a ring, dauncing in such severall Postures, and singing
and yelling out such hellish notes and screeches: being strangely
painted, every one his quiver of arrowes, and at his backe a club:
on his arme a Fox or an Otters skinne, or some such matter for his
vambrace: their heads and shoulders painted red, with oyle and Pocones
mingled together, which Scarlet like colour made an exceeding handsome
shew, his Bow in his hand, and the skinne of a Bird with her wings
abroad dryed, tyed on his head, a peece of copper, a white shell, a long
feather, with a small rattle growing at the tayles of their snaks tyed
to it, or some such like toy. All this time Smith and the King stood in
the middest guarded, as before is said, and after three dances they all
departed. Smith they conducted to a long house, where thirtie or fortie
tall fellowes did guard him, and ere long more bread and venison were
brought him then would have served twentie men. I thinke his stomacke at
that time was not very good; what he left they put in baskets and tyed
over his head. About midnight they set the meat again before him,
all this time not one of them would eat a bit with him, till the next
morning they brought him as much more, and then did they eate all the
old, and reserved the new as they had done the other, which made him
think they would fat him to eat him. Yet in this desperate estate to
defend him from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his gowne, in
requitall of some beads and toyes Smith had given him at his first
arrival in Firginia.
“Two days a man would have slaine him (but that the guard prevented it)
for the death of his sonne, to whom they conducted him to recover the
poore man then breathing his last. Smith told them that at James towne
he had a water would doe it if they would let him fetch it, but they
would not permit that: but made all the preparations they could to
assault James towne, craving his advice, and for recompence he should
have life, libertie, land, and women. In part of a Table booke he writ
his mind to them at the Fort, what was intended, how they should follow
that direction to affright the messengers, and without fayle send him
such things as he writ for. And an Inventory with them. The difficultie
and danger he told the Salvaves, of the Mines, great gunnes, and other
Engins, exceedingly affrighted them, yet according to his request they
went to James towne in as bitter weather as could be of frost and snow,
and within three days returned with an answer.
“But when they came to James towne, seeing men sally out as he had told
them they would, they fled: yet in the night they came again to the same
place where he had told them they should receive an answer, and such
things as he had promised them, which they found accordingly, and with
which they returned with no small expedition, to the wonder of them all
that heard it, that he could either divine or the paper could
speake. Then they led him to the Youthtanunds, the Mattapanients, the
Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds and Onawmanients, upon the rivers
of Rapahanock and Patawomek, over all those rivers and backe againe by
divers other severall Nations, to the King's habitation at Pamaunkee,
where they entertained him with most strange and fearefull conjurations;
'As if neare led to hell,
Amongst the Devils to dwell.'
“Not long after, early in a morning, a great fire was made in a long
house, and a mat spread on the one side as on the other; on the one
they caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house, and
presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with
coale mingled with oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with
mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, so as they met on the crowne
of his head in a tassell; and round about the tassell was a Coronet of
feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, backe, and shoulders,
and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish voyce and a rattle
in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions he began his
invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meale; which done
three more such like devils came rushing in with the like antique
tricks, painted halfe blacke, halfe red: but all their eyes were painted
white, and some red stroakes like Mutchato's along their cheekes: round
about him those fiends daunced a pretty while, and then came in three
more as ugly as the rest; with red eyes and stroakes over their blacke
faces, at last they all sat downe right against him; three of them on
the one hand of the chiefe Priest, and three on the other. Then all with
their rattles began a song, which ended, the chiefe Priest layd downe
five wheat cornes: then strayning his arms and hands with such violence
that he sweat, and his veynes swelled, he began a short Oration: at
the conclusion they all gave a short groane; and then layd downe three
graines more. After that began their song againe, and then another
Oration, ever laying down so many cornes as before, til they had twice
incirculed the fire; that done they tooke a bunch of little stickes
prepared for that purpose, continuing still their devotion, and at
the end of every song and Oration they layd downe a sticke betwixt the
divisions of Corne. Til night, neither he nor they did either eate or
drinke, and then they feasted merrily, and with the best provisions they
could make. Three dayes they used this Ceremony: the meaning whereof
they told him was to know if he intended them well or no. The circle of
meale signified their Country, the circles of corne the bounds of the
Sea, and the stickes his Country. They imagined the world to be flat and
round, like a trencher, and they in the middest. After this they brought
him a bagge of gunpowder, which they carefully preserved till the
next spring, to plant as they did their corne, because they would
be acquainted with the nature of that seede. Opitchapam, the King's
brother, invited him to his house, where with many platters of bread,
foule, and wild beasts, as did environ him, he bid him wellcome: but not
any of them would eate a bit with him, but put up all the remainder in
Baskets. At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the King's women and
their children flocked about him for their parts, as a due by Custome,
to be merry with such fragments.
“But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous shapes Of
bodies strange, and huge in growth, and of stupendious makes.”
“At last they brought him to Meronocomoco, where was Powhatan their
Emperor. Here more than two hundred of those grim Courtiers stood
wondering at him, as he had beene a monster, till Powhatan and his
trayne had put themselves in their greatest braveries. Before a fire
upon a seat like a bedstead, he sat covered with a great robe, made of
Rarowcun skinnes and all the tayles hanging by. On either hand did sit
a young wench of sixteen or eighteen years, and along on each side the
house, two rowes of men, and behind them as many women, with all their
heads and shoulders painted red; many of their heads bedecked with the
white downe of Birds; but everyone with something: and a great chayne of
white beads about their necks. At his entrance before the King, all the
people gave a great shout. The Queene of Appamatuck was appointed to
bring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of
feathers, instead of a Towell to dry them: having feasted him after
their best barbarous manner they could. A long consultation was held,
but the conclusion was two great stones were brought before Powhatan;
then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged him to them, and
thereon laid his head, and being ready with their clubs, to beate out
his braines. Pocahontas, the King's dearest daughter, when no entreaty
could prevaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne upon his to
save him from death: whereat the Emperour was contented he should live
to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper: for they thought
him as well of all occupations as themselves. For the King himselfe will
make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots, plant, hunt, or doe
any thing so well as the rest.
'They say he bore a pleasant shew,
But sure his heart was sad
For who can pleasant be, and rest,
That lives in feare and dread.
And having life suspected, doth
If still suspected lead.'
“Two days after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most
fearfullest manner he could, caused Capt. Smith to be brought forth to
a great house in the woods and there upon a mat by the fire to be left
alone. Not long after from behinde a mat that divided the house, was
made the most dolefullest noyse he ever heard: then Powhatan more like a
devill than a man with some two hundred more as blacke as himseffe, came
unto him and told him now they were friends, and presently he should goe
to James town, to send him two great gunnes, and a gryndstone, for which
he would give him the country of Capahowojick, and for ever esteeme him
as his sonn Nantaquoud. So to James towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent
him. That night they quartered in the woods, he still expecting (as he
had done all this long time of his imprisonment) every houre to be put
to one death or other; for all their feasting. But almightie God (by his
divine providence) had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians
with compassion. The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, where
Smith having used the salvages with what kindnesse he could, he shewed
Rawhunt, Powhatan's trusty servant, two demiculverings and a millstone
to carry Powhatan; they found them somewhat too heavie; but when they
did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs
of a great tree loaded with Isickles, the yce and branches came so
tumbling downe, that the poore Salvages ran away halfe dead with feare.
But at last we regained some conference with them and gave them such
toys: and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children such presents, and
gave them in generall full content. Now in James Towne they were all
in combustion, the strongest preparing once more to run away with
the Pinnace; which with the hazard of his life, with Sakre falcon and
musketshot, Smith forced now the third time to stay or sinke. Some no
better then they should be had plotted with the President, the next
day to have put him to death by the Leviticall law, for the lives of
Robinson and Emry, pretending the fault was his that had led them to
their ends; but he quickly tooke such order with such Lawyers, that
he layed them by the heeles till he sent some of them prisoners for
England. Now ever once in four or five dayes, Pocahontas with her
attendants, brought him so much provision, that saved many of their
lives, that els for all this had starved with hunger.
'Thus from numbe death our good God sent reliefe,
The sweete asswager of all other griefe.'
“His relation of the plenty he had scene, especially at Werawocomoco,
and of the state and bountie of Powhatan (which till that time was
unknowne), so revived their dead spirits (especially the love of
Pocahontas) as all men's feare was abandoned.”
We should like to think original, in the above, the fine passage,
in which Smith, by means of a simple compass dial, demonstrated the
roundness of the earth, and skies, the sphere of the sun, moon, and
stars, and how the sun did chase the night round about the world
continually; the greatness of the land and sea, the diversity of
nations, variety of complexions, and how we were to them antipodes, so
that the Indians stood amazed with admiration.
Captain Smith up to his middle in a Chickahominy swamp, discoursing
on these high themes to a Pamunkey Indian, of whose language Smith was
wholly ignorant, and who did not understand a word of English, is much
more heroic, considering the adverse circumstances, and appeals more to
the imagination, than the long-haired Iopas singing the song of Atlas,
at the banquet given to AEneas, where Trojans and Tyrians drained the
flowing bumpers while Dido drank long draughts of love. Did Smith,
when he was in the neighborhood of Carthage pick up some such literal
translations of the song of Atlas' as this:
“He sang the wandering moon, and the labors of the Sun; From whence
the race of men and flocks; whence rain and lightning; Of Arcturus, the
rainy Hyades, and the twin Triones; Why the winter suns hasten so
much to touch themselves in the ocean, And what delay retards the slow
nights.”
The scene of the rescue only occupies seven lines and the reader feels
that, after all, Smith has not done full justice to it. We cannot,
therefore, better conclude this romantic episode than by quoting the
description of it given with an elaboration of language that must
be, pleasing to the shade of Smith, by John Burke in his History of
Virginia:
“Two large stones were brought in, and placed at the feet of the
emperor; and on them was laid the head of the prisoner; next a large
club was brought in, with which Powhatan, for whom, out of respect,
was reserved this honor, prepared to crush the head of his captive. The
assembly looked on with sensations of awe, probably not unmixed
with pity for the fate of an enemy whose bravery had commanded
their admiration, and in whose misfortunes their hatred was possibly
forgotten.
“The fatal club was uplifted: the breasts of the company already by
anticipation felt the dreadful crash, which was to bereave the wretched
victim of life: when the young and beautiful Pocahontas, the beloved
daughter of the emperor, with a shriek of terror and agony threw herself
on the body of Smith; Her hair was loose, and her eyes streaming with
tears, while her whole manner bespoke the deep distress and agony of her
bosom. She cast a beseeching look at her furious and astonished father,
deprecating his wrath, and imploring his pity and the life of his
prisoner, with all the eloquence of mute but impassioned sorrow.
“The remainder of this scene is honorable to Powhatan. It will remain
a lasting monument, that tho' different principles of action, and the
influence of custom, have given to the manners and opinions of this
people an appearance neither amiable nor virtuous, they still retain the
noblest property of human character, the touch of pity and the feeling
of humanity.
“The club of the emperor was still uplifted; but pity had touched his
bosom, and his eye was every moment losing its fierceness; he looked
around to collect his fortitude, or perhaps to find an excuse for his
weakness in the faces of his attendants. But every eye was suffused
with the sweetly contagious softness. The generous savage no longer
hesitated. The compassion of the rude state is neither ostentatious nor
dilating: nor does it insult its object by the exaction of impossible
conditions. Powhatan lifted his grateful and delighted daughter, and the
captive, scarcely yet assured of safety, from the earth....”
“The character of this interesting woman, as it stands in the concurrent
accounts of all our historians, is not, it is with confidence affirmed,
surpassed by any in the whole range of history; and for those qualities
more especially which do honor to our nature--an humane and feeling
heart, an ardor and unshaken constancy in her attachments--she stands
almost without a rival.
“At the first appearance of the Europeans her young heart was impressed
with admiration of the persons and manners of the strangers; but it is
not during their prosperity that she displays her attachment. She is not
influenced by awe of their greatness, or fear of their resentment,
in the assistance she affords them. It was during their severest
distresses, when their most celebrated chief was a captive in their
hands, and was dragged through the country as a spectacle for the sport
and derision of their people, that she places herself between him and
destruction.
“The spectacle of Pocahontas in an attitude of entreaty, with her hair
loose, and her eyes streaming with tears, supplicating with her enraged
father for the life of Captain Smith when he was about to crush the head
of his prostrate victim with a club, is a situation equal to the genius
of Raphael. And when the royal savage directs his ferocious glance for a
moment from his victim to reprove his weeping daughter, when softened by
her distress his eye loses its fierceness, and he gives his captive to
her tears, the painter will discover a new occasion for exercising his
talents.”
The painters have availed themselves of this opportunity. In one picture
Smith is represented stiffly extended on the greensward (of the woods),
his head resting on a stone, appropriately clothed in a dresscoat,
knee-breeches, and silk stockings; while Powhatan and the other savages
stand ready for murder, in full-dress parade costume; and Pocahontas, a
full-grown woman, with long, disheveled hair, in the sentimental dress
and attitude of a Letitia E. Landon of the period, is about to cast
herself upon the imperiled and well-dressed Captain.
Must we, then, give up the legend altogether, on account of the
exaggerations that have grown up about it, our suspicion of the creative
memory of Smith, and the lack of all contemporary allusion to it? It
is a pity to destroy any pleasing story of the past, and especially to
discharge our hard struggle for a foothold on this continent of the few
elements of romance. If we can find no evidence of its truth that stands
the test of fair criticism, we may at least believe that it had
some slight basis on which to rest. It is not at all improbable that
Pocahontas, who was at that time a precocious maid of perhaps twelve
or thirteen years of age (although Smith mentions her as a child of ten
years old when she came to the camp after his release), was touched with
compassion for the captive, and did influence her father to treat him
kindly.