NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE
Nautilus reconstructed and tested at Brest (1801). Reports to
Monge, Laplace and Volney. Great expectations. Final rejection
(1802). Partnership with Robert R. Livingston. Work begun on
steamboat. British Admiralty aware of his submarine
accomplishment. Induced to return to England (May, 1804).
The always faithful Monge and Laplace came once more to the aid of their
temperamental friend. They personally intervened with the First Consul,
and actually succeeded in persuading him to authorize the reconstruction
of the Nautilus in spite of the adverse professional opinion of the
Minister. He appointed a new commission to investigate, naming MM.
Monge, Laplace and Volney. The last, unlike the first two, was not a
scientist. He was an eminent scholar, a great traveller and member of
the Institute. He had visited the United States five years previously
and had written a book on its climate and soil. He narrowly escaped the
guillotine, was created a count under the Empire, and a peer of France
after the restoration. He died in 1820.
With the encouragement induced by the naming of this friendly
commission, Fulton at once began his task. The Nautilus was transported
from Havre to Brest and there refitted with the alterations and
improvements that occurred to Fulton as the result of the Havre
experiments. On July 3rd, 1801, he made his first plunge at Brest in his
improved boat. This time he was accompanied by three men instead of two
as on the previous occasions.
An account of what he did at Brest is preserved in a manuscript copy of
a report that he made to the commissioners. This report was published by
Mrs. Sutcliffe in her book on the “Clermont” but it is so graphic that
with Mrs. Sutcliffe’s consent it is reprinted in full exactly as Fulton
wrote it:
Paris 22^d, fructidore An 9
Robert Fulton to the citizens Monge, La Place and Volney, members of
the National Institute, and Commissioners appointed by the first
Consul to promote the invention of Submarine Navigation—
Citizens, yesterday on my return from Brest I received your note, and
will with pleasure communicate to you the result of my experiments,
during the summer, also the mode which I conceive the most effectual
for using my invention against the enemy. Before I left Paris I
informed you that my plunging boat had many imperfections, natural to
the first machine of so difficult a combination, added to this I found
she had been much injured by the rust during the winter in consequence
of having in many places used Iron bolts and arbours instead of copper
or brass, the reperation of those defects and the difficulty of
finding workmen consumed near two months. And although the machine
remained still extremely imperfect yet she has answered to prove every
necessary experiment In the most satisfactory manner.
On the 3d of thermidor I commenced my experiments by plunging to the
depth of 5 then 10 then 15 and so on to 25 feet but not to a greater
depth than 25 feet as I did not conceive the Machine Sufficiently
Strong to bear the Pressure of a Greater column of water, At this
depth I remained one hour with my three companions and two candles
burning without experiancing the least inconvenience.
Previous to my leaving Paris I gave to the Cn. Gueyton member of the
Institute a calculation on the number of cube feet In my boat which is
about 212 in Such a Volume of Air he calculated there would be
sufficient Oxszine to nourish 4 Men and two small candles 3 hours.
Seeing that it would be of great Improvement to despence with the
candles I have constructed a Small window in the upper part of the
Boat near the bow which window Is only one inch and a half diameter
and of Glass 9 lines thick, with this prepared I descended on the 5th
of thermidor to the depth of between 24 and 25 feet at which depth I
had Suffecient light to count the minuets on the Watch, hence I
conclude that 3 or 4 Such windows arranged in different parts of the
boat would give suffecient light for any operation during the day each
window may be Guarded by a Valve in Such a manner that Should the
glass break the Valve would immediately Shut and Stop out the Water,
finding that I had air and light Suffecient and that I could Plunge
and Rise perpendicular with facility. On the 7th Ther^d I commenced
the experiments on her movements. At 10 in the Morning I raised her
anchor And hoisted her Sails which are the Mainsail and Gib the breeze
being light I could not at the Utmost make more than about two thirds
of a league per hour. I tacked and retacked tryed her before and by
the wind And in all these operations found her to Answer the helm And
Act like a common dul Sailing boat, After exersising thus About An
hour I lowered the mast and Sails and commenced the operation of
Plunging this required about two Minuets. I then placed two men at the
engine which gives the Rectileniar Motion, And one At the helm, while
I governed the machine which keeps her ballanced between two waters.
With the bathomater before me And with one hand I found I could keep
her at any depth I thought Proper the men then commenced movement and
continued about 7 Minuets when mounting to the Serface I found we had
gained 400 Matres. I again plunged turned her round under water and
returned to near the Same place. I again plunged And tried her
movements to the right and left, in all of which the helm answered And
the compass acted the same as if on the serface of the Water having
continued these experiments the 8, 9, 10 and 12th untill I became
fameliar with the movements And confidence in their operation, I
turned my thoughts to Increasing or preserving the Air, for this
purpose the Cn. Gueyton advised to precipitate the carbonic acid with
lime, or to take with me bottles of Oxizine which might be uncorked as
need required; but as any considerable quantity of bottles would take
up to much room, And as oxizine could not be created at Sea without a
Chymical operation which would be Very Inconvenient, I adopted a mode
which occured to me 18 months ago which is a Simple Globe or bombe of
copper capable of containing one cube foot to (Manuscript is torn
here) A Pneumatick Pump by means of which Pump 200 Atmospheres or 200
cube feet of common Air may be forced Into a Bomb consequently the
Bomb or reservoir will contain As much oxegine or Vital air as 200
cube feet of common respirable Air, hence if according to Cn.
Gueyton’s Calculation 212 feet which is the Volume of the boat will
nourish 4 Men and two small candles 3 hours this additional reservoir
will give Suffecient for 6 hours—this Reservoir is constructed with a
measure and two cocks So as to let measures of Air Into the Boat as
Need may require require—
Previous to my leaving Paris I gave orders for this machine but it did
not arrive till the 18 of thermidore on the 19 I ordered 2 Men to fill
it which was an operation of about one hour I then put It into the
boat and with my three companions but without candles plunged to the
depth of about 5 feet, At the expiration of one hour and 40 Minuets I
began to let off Measures of air from the reservoir and So on from
time to time for 4 hours 20 Minuets without experiancing any
Inconvenience—
Having thus succeeded
To Sail like a common Boat
To obtain Air And light
To Plunge and rise Perpendicelar
To turn to the right and left at pleasure
To steer by the Compass under Water
To renew the Common Volume of Air with facility
And to Augment the respirable air by a reservoir, which may be
obtained at all times, I conceived every experiment of importance, to
be proved in the most satisfactory manner hence I Quit the experiments
on the Boat to try those of the Bomb Submarine. It is this bomb which
is the Engine of destruction the Plunging boat is only for the purpose
of carrying the bomb to where it may be used to Advantage. They are
constructed of Copper and of different sizes to contain from 10 to 200
Pounds of powder each bomb is arranged with a Gun lock In Such a
manner that if it Strikes a Vessel or the Vessel Runs against it, the
explosion will take place and the bottom of the Vessel be Blown in or
so Shattered as to insure her destruction. To prove this Experiment
the Prefet Maritime, And Admiral Vellaret ordered a Small Sloop of
About 40 feet long to be anchored in the Road, on the 23d of Thermidor
With a bomb containing about 20 Pounds of powder I advanced to within
about 200 Matres then taking my direction So as to pass near the Sloop
I Struck her with the bomb in my Passage the explosion took Place and
the Sloop was torn into Atoms, in fact nothing was left but the buye
and cable, And the concussion was so Great that a Column of Water
Smoak and fibres of the Sloop was cast from 80 to 100 feet in Air,
this Simple Experiment at once Proved the effect of the Bomb Submarine
to the Satisfaction of all the Spectators; of this experiment you will
See Admiral Villarets description in a letter to the Minister of
Marine Marine—
Having Given in a Short Sketch of the Sucession of my Experiments, the
mode of using these inventions Against the enemy is now to be
considered, on this Point time and experience will make numerous
improvements As in all other new inventions and discover modes of
operation which could not possibly accur to me; when Powder was
Invented Its Infinite applications were not thought of, nor did the
Inventors of the Steam Engine conceive the numerous purposes to which
It could be applied, in like manner it is Impossible At present to See
the Various modes, or the best methods of Using a plunging boat or the
bomb Submarine—
But as far as I have Reflected on this point I conceive the best
operation to be as follows—
First
To construct one or two Good Plunging Boats each 36 feet long and 12
feet wide Boats of this capacity would be Sufficient to contain 8 Men
and Air for 8 hours. With Provisions for (paper is torn here) and
transport from 25 to 30 Bombs at a time, their Cylenders Should be
Brass and of a Strength to admit of descending 60 or 80 feet under
Water in case of need And they may be Constructed to Sail from 5 to 7
Miles per hour; here it may be well too proove that Quick Sailing is
not one of the most important considerations in this invention, if
such a boat is Pursued, She plunges under water and as She Can remain
under Water from 4 to 8 hours and Make at least one Mile Per hour She
Could rise Several miles from the Place where She Plunged to renew her
air, thus the enemies Ports could be approached, And particularly
under the cover of the Night Nor do I at Present See that any Possible
Vigilence could Prevent these invisible engines entering their Ports
and Returning at Pleasure—
Second
Let there also be Some hundreds of Bombs Submarine Constructed of
Which there Are two Sorts one arranged with Clockwork in Such a manner
as to Go off at any Given Period from 4 Minuets to 4 hours, the Other
with a gun Lock as before mentioned So as to go off when it Strikes
against a Vessel or when a Vessel runs Against it. Each of these
carcasses is arranged So as to float from 4 to 15 feet under water in
Proportion to the Water which the Vessels to be attacked Draws, And in
this there are two advantages, the first is that the bomb is
Invisible, the Second is that when the explosion takes place under
water the Pressure of the colume of water to be removed forces the
whole action of the powder Against the Vessel; it was the resistance
of the water which caused the Sloop on which I proved the experiment
to be reduced to Atoms; for Water when Struck Quick such as the Stroke
of a cannon ball or the expansion of Powder acts like a Solid, and
hence the whole force was Spent on the Sloop or rather passed through
the Sloop in finding its Passage to the air by the perpendicular and
Shortest line of Resistance—the Same effect would no doubt be produced
on a Vessel of Any dimensions by applying a Proportionate Quantity of
powder Such as 2, 3 or 4 hundred Weight,
Therefore being prepared with plunging boats and Bombs submarine let
the business of the boats be to go with cargoes of bombs and let them
loos withe the current into the harbours of Portsmouth, Plymouth,
Torbey or elsewhere, those with their graplings floating under water
could not be perceived Some would hook in the cables, bow or Stern, or
touch in their Passage; many no doubt would miss but Some would hit go
off and destroy the Vessels they touched, one or more Vessels
Destroyed in a Port by such invisible agents would render it to
dangerous to Admit of any Vessel remaining. And thus the enemy may At
all times be attacked in their own Ports—and by a means at once cheap,
Simple And I conceive certain in its operation. Another mode Should be
to go with cargoes of Bombs and Anchor them in the entrance of rivers
So as to cut off or Blockade the commerce 2 or 3 hundred for example
Anchored in the Thames or the channels leading to the Thames would
completely destroy the commerce of that river and Reduce London and
the Cabinet of St. Jameses to any tirms; no Pilot could Steer clear of
Such hidden dangers, no one dare to raise them even if hooked by
graplings as they could not tell the moment they Might touch the
Secret Spring which would cause the explosion and destruction of
everything Around them. No Vessel could Pass without the utmost danger
of running on one of them And her instant destruction, if this measure
Should ever become necessary Some Vessels Will most certainly be
destroyed and their Destruction alarm the whole commerce of the
Thames, by this means the Thames may be blockaded and the trade of
London completely stoped nor can the combined fleets of England
prevent this Kind of attack—And this is Perhaps the most Simple and
certain means of convincing England that Science can put her her in
the Power of France and of compelling her to become a humble Pleader
for the liberty of the Seas She now denies to her Neighbors—I
therefore conceive that it will be good Policy to commence as Soon as
Possible the construction of the Boats and bombs if they can be
finished before the arrival of Peace their effects may be Proved
during this War Should Peace be concluded before they are finished the
experiments can be continued Men can be exersised in the use of the
engines; And it is Probable in a few years England will See it her
best policy never to give france reason to exersise this invention
against her—if England cannot prevent the Blockade of the Thames by
the means of plunging boats and Bombs submarine, of what use will be
her boasted navy, the free Navigation of the Thames nourishes the
immense commerce of London And the commerce of London is the Nerves
and Vitals of the Cabinet of St. Jameses—convince England that you
have the means of Stopping that Source of Riches—And She must Submit
to your terms—
Thus Citizens I have presented you with a Short account of my
experiments and Plan for using this invention Against the enemy,
hoping that under your protection it will be carried to Perfection,
and Practised to promote the Liberty of the Seas—
Health and Sincere Respect
ROBERT FULTON
After reading the above, the commissioners desired further information
which Fulton gave in the following letter:
Complimentary day an 9
(i.e. September 20, 1801)
Robert Fulton to the Citizens Monge, La Place and Volney members of
the National Institute and Commissioners appointed by the first Consul
to Promote the invention of Submarine Navigation.
Citizens this morning I received yours of the 2d Comp^l As to the
expence of Plunging boat, I believe when constructed in the best
manner with every improvement which experience has Pointed out She
cannot cost more than 80,000 Livers, the bombs Submarine may be
estimated at 80 Livers each on An Average independent of the Powder.
I am Sorry that I had not earlyer information of the Consuls desire to
See the Plunging boat, when I finished my experiments. She leaked Very
much and being but an imperfect engine I did not think her further
useful hence I took her to Pieces, Sold her Iron work lead and
Cylenders and was necessitated to break the greater part of her
movements In taking them to Pieces, So that nothing now remains which
can give an Idea of her Combination, but even had She been complete I
do not think She could have been brought round to Paris—You will be so
good as to excuse me to the Premier Consul, when I refuse to exhibit
my drawings to a committee of Engineers for this I have two reasons,
the first is not to put it in the Power of any one to explain the
Principles or movements least she Should Pass from one to another till
they enemy obtained information, the Second is that I consider this
invention as my Private Property the Perfectionment of which will give
to france incalculable advantages over her most Powerful and Active
enemy. And which invention I conceive aught to Secure to me an ample
Independence, that consequently the Government Should Stipulate
certain terms with me before I proceed to further explination: the
first Consul is too Just and you know me too well to construe this
Into an Avericious disposition in me.
I have now laboured 3 years and at considerable expence to Prove my
experiments. And I find that a man who wishes to Cultivate the useful
Arts cannot make rapid Progress without Sufficient funds to put his
Sucession of Ideas to immediate Proof—And which Sufficiency I conceive
this invention Should Secure to me, You have intimated that the
movements and combination of So interesting an engine Should be
confided to trusty Persons least any accident Should happen to me,
this Precaution I took Previous to my departure from Paris for my last
experiment by Placing correct Drawings of the machine and every
improvement with their descriptions In the hands of a friend So that
any engineer capable of constructing a Steam engine could make the
Plunging Boat and Carcasses or Bombs. You will therefore be so good as
to beg of the first consul to permit you to treat with me on this
business, And on this Point I hope there will not be much difficulty
Health and Sincere respect
(Signed) ROBERT FULTON
From the above letter it appears that Napoleon had expressed a wish to
inspect the Nautilus, which was prevented by Fulton having destroyed her
immediately after the termination of the experiments. Had she been saved
what an intensely interesting exhibit she would make today!
Fulton’s haste in dismantling her is quite on a par with his refusal to
exhibit his drawings on the ground that they were his private property.
Apparently he expected the French government to adopt his ideas on his
own statement of facts and unverified interpretation of his experiments.
In his impetuosity and lack of judgment he could not see that he was
defeating his own purposes.
The Brest experiments not only repeated the success shown at Havre, but
gave evidence of improvements as was recognized by the authorities.
Their attitude is perhaps shown by the Préfet Maritime at Brest who
after witnessing the tests was forced to approve the Nautilus and all of
Fulton’s claims, but added, “This manner of making war against an enemy
carries the adverse criticism that the person using the device and
sinking with it would be lost. Certainly that is not a death for
military men.” How little did the estimable and high-minded préfet
foresee the ruthless methods of warfare to be employed in another
century.
Delpeuch asks what were the reasons that prevented use being made of the
Nautilus or at least from trying it, and in answering his own question
says that it is a mystery that has been impossible to clear away. There
was no mystery. All innovations, and perhaps particularly so in
connection with ships, have been forced on the world against the
opposition of those to be directly benefited. It was so with Fulton’s
submarine, and later with his steamboat. The change from side wheels to
propellers, the use of metal for hulls, the introduction of watertight
bulkheads and the elimination of sails were all adopted only after long
delay and strong antagonism, due to the same official and unreasoning
opposition.
Realization of defeat came slowly to Fulton, and was all the more bitter
because it came so. He returned to Paris from Brest elated by his
success in demonstrating the value of the improvements to his previous
design. He expected to be notified immediately that his offer had been
accepted. As the days passed without word from Bonaparte, certainty of
victory first gave way to doubt, then doubt to hope, and finally hope
was changed to despair. In his impatience he wrote a personal letter to
Bonaparte. This letter dated 19 Fructidor an IX (16 Sept., 1801) urging
and begging favorable action is still preserved in the Archives
Nationales at Paris.
Bonaparte made no reply.
He had made up his mind to travel the road that led to St. Helena.
Although he gave Fulton no answer, it is reported that he spoke of
Fulton as being a charlatan and a swindler, intent only on extorting
money.
There is one piece of evidence showing that Bonaparte subsequently
regretted his action and realized the value that Fulton and his
inventions might have been to him. Desbrière in his book entitled
“1793–1805, Projets et Tentatives de Débarquement aux Iles
Britanniques,” quotes a letter written on July 21st to M. de Champagny,
at that time Counsellor of State in the Marine department:[4]
I have just read the proposition of Citizen Fulton that you have sent
to me much too late _to permit it to change the face of the world_.
However I desire that you will immediately refer its examination to a
commission composed of members chosen from the different classes of
the Institute. It is there that the wisdom of Europe should seek
judges to solve the problem in question. As soon as the report is made
it will be transmitted to you and you will send it to me. Be sure that
this will not take more than a week.
Desbrière states that the year when this letter was written is commonly
put down as 1804. But he points out that in July of that year Fulton was
in England and Champagny in Austria. The year was probably 1803, because
in July, 1803, Fulton was exhibiting a steam-propelled boat on the
Seine, concerning which innovation an official of the Navy department
would undoubtedly have informed the First Consul.
During the agonizing period of waiting for an answer to his personal
letter to Bonaparte, from which he had the right to expect some
acknowledgment at least in view of the high standing of his introducers,
Fulton still hoped. But when he heard that Bonaparte had characterized
him as a swindler, he knew that all was ended, and that the door to
further progress in France had been shut and finally barred. This was
something much more to Fulton than a mere refusal of an inventor’s offer
of an incomplete device. Such a refusal he could have endured with
courage and some equanimity. He had gone through similar painful
experiences with his canal schemes and his various excavating machines.
Now he had to suffer that disappointment and in addition the still
harder blow of having his altruistic offer of service and his views on
political philosophy rejected with slanderous contempt to which he was
powerless to reply. His writings show that his heart was as much set on
his conception of liberty and freedom as on his mechanical contrivances.
After his defeat, one that Fulton recognized as final so far as France
was concerned, he laid aside permanently his long cherished plans for
constructing small canals, and temporarily his consideration of
submarine warfare, to devote his attention to the development of a boat
propelled by a steam engine. His only subsequent move to promote a
system of canals coupled with his scheme to overcome differences in
elevations by inclined planes was in a letter to Albert Gallatin, dated
Washington, Dec. 8, 1807. Gallatin was then Secretary of the Treasury of
the United States and was about to issue in pursuance of a resolution of
the Senate a report upon “Public Roads and Canals.” Fulton in his long
letter, that Gallatin made a part of his report, urged the construction
of canals in preference to highways. Engrossed, however, in his
steamboat to which, following the rejection of the Nautilus, he had
thrown his impetuous energy, Fulton made no effort personally to carry
his canal plans into execution either in France or the United States.
In 1801, Robert R. Livingston had arrived in France as American Minister
to the French Government. He and Fulton met at the critical period in
the latter’s career. The statesman, whose mind was sympathetic to the
consideration of mechanical applications, soon became interested in his
countryman’s projects. Stimulated by Livingston’s personal encouragement
and supported by his financial aid, Fulton pushed his studies of a
practical steam engine for navigation and entered into correspondence
with Messrs. Boulton and Watt, then the most prominent builders of
engines in England. The junior member of this firm was the famous James
Watt (1736–1819), the discoverer of the principle that power could be
produced from the elastic energy of steam, and the inventor of the steam
condensing engine. Livingston as an individual with his own limited
resources was about to accomplish in a few years a complete revolution
of vessel propulsion that Napoleon with the almost unlimited resources
of France could have done in much less time, certainly in time to offset
England’s superiority on the high seas. Livingston with greater vision
seized the opportunity that Napoleon rejected. But with this we are not
concerned.
While Fulton was working under Livingston’s direction, the British
Government was not unmindful of what he had done in the matter of
submarine experiments. They had a secret service at work in enemy lands
as other governments have done before and since. In England there were
some men in authority who appreciated the possibilities lying dormant in
the scheme of under-water attack.
In the British naval archives there has recently been found the
following letter with its enclosure, recording the information possessed
by the government and sent confidentially to the naval commanders that
they might be on their guard against attack, if, perchance, any of
Fulton’s boats should have been made secretly and unknown to the British
navy. The British authorities did not deceive themselves, nor were they
oblivious of the latent merits and actual accomplishments of Fulton’s
design.
_SECRET_
CIRCULAR
Adml. Lord Keith
Sheerness.
Admiral Montagu /20th/
Portsmouth.
Rear Adml. Montagu
Downs.
Honbl. Adml. Cornwallis /20th/
at Sea.
Adml. Sir Jno. Colpoys, K. B. /20th/
Plymouth.
Admiralty Office,
19th June, 1803.
My Lord,
My Lords Commissioners of the Admty. having been informed that a plan
has been concerted by Mr. Fulton, an American resident at Paris, under
the influence of the First Consul of the French Republic, for
destroying the Maritime Force of this Country; I am commanded by their
Lordships to send you herewith the substance of the information they
have received relative thereto, that you may be apprised thereof, in
order to your taking such measures as may appear to you necessary for
frustrating any attempt on the part of the Enemy, connected therewith.
I have the Honour to be,
etc.
(Signed) EVAN NEPEAN
(ENCLOSURE)
Mr. Fulton, an American resident at Paris, has constructed a Vessel in
which he has gone down to the bottom of the Water, and has remained
thereunder for the space of _seven_ Hours, at one time—that he has
navigated the said Vessel, under water, at the rate of two Miles and
an half per Hour; that the said sub-marine Vessel is uncommonly
managable, and that the whole plan to be effected by means thereof,
may be easily executed, and without much risk; That the Ships and
Vessels in the port of London are liable to be destroyed with ease,
and that the Channel of the River Thames may be ruined; and that it
has been proved that only twentyfive pounds of weight of Gunpowder was
sufficient to have dashed a Vessel to pieces off Brest, tho’
_externally_ applied.
But Fulton contributed directly to the information possessed by the
British Government of what he had been doing and what he had in mind. He
himself states that he wrote to his old friend the Earl of Stanhope
giving him “general ideas of my plans and experiments.” Stanhope became
so much interested, or “alarmed,” as Fulton puts it, that he made a
public speech on the matter in the House of Lords. The speech by the
Earl and the confidential information secured by the Admiralty led the
British authorities to open communication with Fulton and finally,
though without great difficulty, to induce him to go to England. They
saw that it would be better to have the ingenious American a friend on
their side rather than attached to the enemy’s cause. But let Fulton
tell this story in his own words as given in the manuscript that he left
with Consul Lyman to be delivered to Mr. Barlow in the event of his
being lost on the voyage home. This paper will be subsequently called
the “Descriptions” as named by Fulton.