The enemies of the Borgia pour into Rome--Fears of the Sacred
College--Orsini and Colonna--The Cardinals and Valentino--Caesar
enters into an agreement with France--The Cardinal d’Amboise--
Scheming before the conclave--Caesar leaves Rome--Return of
Giuliano della Rovere--The conclave--Election of Francesco
Piccolomini to the Papacy--The new Pope supports Caesar--
Valentino’s fortunes ebb--Death of Pius III.--Machinations
preparatory to electing his successor.
Rome was in a tumult; the enemies of the House of Borgia and of the
Spanish party began to pour into the city. The Orsini were the first to
appear; Fabio, Niccolò, and Giangiordano, with their followers, at once
prepared to take possession of their estates in the Romagna. Prospero
Colonna led his army up to the very gates of the city. The Vitelli were
advancing on Città di Castella, Giampaolo Baglioni attacked Perugia;
Urbino, Camerino, Cagli, and Piombino were ready to revolt; Caesar’s
domain was to crumble away in a day. Valentino did not lose courage; he
was resolute, defiant; he had--so he told Machiavelli later--prepared
for everything, even for the death of the Pope--for all but one
contingency, and that was his own illness.
The streets were thronged with troops; the Spanish cardinals,
officials, retainers, hangers-on, spies, informers, bullies were
panic-stricken; they barricaded their doors and armed themselves.
It was feared the French would seize the opportunity and advance on
the city, and to the south not far away was the army of the King of
Spain. The Sacred College, whose duty it was to elect a successor to
Alexander, had no military force at their command, and they were afraid
to appeal to Caesar, who, with his well-disciplined troops and able
commanders, was still the strongest power in the city.
The Orsini and the Colonna, now at the very gates of Rome, were ready
to fly at Valentino’s throat. The cardinals Santa Croce, Cesarini, and
De’ Medici went to the warder of the Castle of St. Angelo, Francesco
de Roccamura, a Spaniard, to assure themselves of his support, and,
although he was one of Alexander’s creatures, to his great credit and
in spite of Caesar’s efforts to win him over, he remained faithful to
the Sacred College as the representative of the papal power. He trained
his cannon on the streets leading to the castle and his men shouted
“Collegio, Collegio! Chiesa, Chiesa!” The same afternoon the Spanish
mob burned the Orsini palaces on Monte Giordano.
August 21st the cardinals, to the number of seventeen, again met in
the Minerva, and the question of entering into some agreement with
Valentino was discussed at length. The Duke had professed loyalty and
devotion to the Sacred College, and Pandolfo, a notary, was directed to
confer with Caesar’s secretary, Agapito of Amelia.
August 22nd, through his secretary, Caesar swore obedience to the
cardinals, who confirmed him in his office of Captain-General of the
Church. The cardinals had warned both the Colonna and the Orsini to
keep away from Rome, but, disregarding their orders, Prospero Colonna
entered the city with a small force of cavalry. The next day Ludovico
and Fabio Orsini also appeared with their followers. Determined
to avenge the murder of their kinsmen and the plundering of their
estates, they sought Caesar, and failing to find him, they wrecked
their vengeance on the Castilians generally. Valentino and the Spanish
cardinals kept to the Vatican, and without the whole city was in a
tumult. Gangs of ruffians rushed about shouting “Colonna! Orsini!
Borgia!”
Caesar’s political sagacity coming to his aid, he endeavoured to
separate the Colonna, whom he had injured the least, from the Orsini.
These great rival families had been brought together by the wrongs they
had suffered at the hands of the Borgia. Caesar offered to restore the
property of the Colonna, and this offer Prospero promptly accepted, at
the same time promising in return to support the Duke. This agreement
saved Caesar for a time, and it was thought that in the impending
conclave a Pope favourable to the Borgia might be elected. The Orsini
were frightened and, yielding to the demands of the cardinals, withdrew
from the city during the night of August 24th.
[Illustration: PROSPERO COLONNA
_From an early engraving._
To face p. 244.]
In the meantime the Italian cardinals had been insisting that Caesar
also leave Rome. The Sacred College had secured about two thousand
troops and had placed the city under the protection of the ambassadors
of the Emperor, of Spain, France, and Venice, who--August 25th--went
to Valentino, whom they found in the Vatican stretched upon a bed,
but completely dressed and surrounded by the Spanish cardinals, and
requested him to leave the palace. This he refused to do, saying that
he was ill and that he would be safe nowhere else. Thereupon they
offered him the Castle of St. Angelo for his abode. Caesar asked
permission for his troops also to occupy the stronghold. He was still
Duke of Romagna and he had more than nine thousand men under his
command. He also had large amounts of money on deposit with Alessandro
Spanocchi, consequently he was treated as a reigning prince. Both the
Spanish and French ambassadors knew that his aid would be valuable in
the war in Naples, and Prospero Colonna was endeavouring to persuade
him to enter the service of Gonsalvo de Cordova. At the same time
France was trying to secure him.
Finally, to the utter dismay of Colonna and the Spanish cardinals, he
decided to cast his fortunes with the latter power, for September 1st,
through the mediation of Grammont, the French ambassador, he entered
into an agreement by which he was to place his troops at the service of
France in the Regno and to hold himself in readiness at all times to
aid the King, and to use all his influence with the Spanish cardinals
to secure the election of the Cardinal of Rouen to the Papacy.
No sooner had Georges d’Amboise, Cardinal of Rouen, learned of the
death of Alexander VI. than he set out in great haste for Rome, feeling
certain that he could be elected to succeed the Borgia. The Papacy was
the dream of his life, and he was ardently supported by the King, who
would profit greatly by the election of his minister. In fact, Louis
thought that if Amboise, his intimate friend, his subject, his Prime
Minister, became Pope he could easily make himself master of all Italy.
Amboise, with the French army under the very walls of Rome, promptly
secured a strong following in the Sacred College.
By his agreement with France Caesar was assured the protection of the
King both as to his person and his property. The same day--September
1st--Valentino entered into an arrangement with the Sacred College,
one clause of which required him to leave Rome within three days.
Prospero Colonna had also been compelled to depart, and the ambassadors
of Maximilian and of Louis XII. guaranteed that while the papal throne
was vacant Caesar, the Colonna, and the Spanish forces would not
approach within ten miles of Rome; the orators of Venice and France did
the same with respect to the French army and the Orsini.
Giustinian says it was agreed that Prospero Colonna should leave
September 2nd, and Caesar, with all his artillery, the following
day. Colonna did depart on the appointed day and Caesar withdrew a
little later with all his troops, horse, foot, and artillery. The Duke
himself was so ill that he had to be borne on a litter. The Venetian
orator adds: “Now that Caesar has gone it is thought that the election
will take place quietly and without any disturbance, since every one
respects the Sacred College.” Still, some uneasiness was felt lest
the French should cause a disturbance, because Odoardo Bugliotto, the
King’s valet, had arrived with a large amount of money, determined
to make the Cardinal of Rouen Pope. Monsignor de Trans had told
Giustinian that neither Ascanio Sforza nor any of the other cardinals
then in France would attend the conclave, “nevertheless, yesterday
evening the report was circulated, and this morning it was confirmed,
that Amboise, Sforza, San Malo, and Aragona[27] were already on the
way, and,” he adds, “if this is true there will be much intriguing, for
these men are seditious and shameless and with their astuteness and
machinations cause much disturbance, and may God in his mercy watch
over Christendom.”
The same day--September 2nd--Giustinian informs his Government:
“It is learned that Valentino, without the knowledge of any one, has
entered into an agreement with France.”
Prospero Colonna was greatly chagrined by Caesar’s last trick, and when
he left Rome he took with him the Princess of Squillace--“who will be
some comfort to him--while the Prince went with the Duke. The Princess
departed willingly, hoping to recover her estates in the Regno--in
any event there is little love between her and her husband as they are
entirely unlike.” Owing to the trouble and discord she had occasioned
in the family, the Princess Sancia had been imprisoned by Alexander VI.
in the Castle of St. Angelo.
Burchard describes Valentino’s departure in detail. The very morning of
the agreement he paid his troops and sent thirteen heavy wagons laden
with engines of war forward through Trastevere. He had three large
bombards, two medium, and eight small ones. Then he dispatched his
guard to the Milvius Bridge, there to await him. More than a hundred
wagons were required for his baggage. They left the Vatican by the
Viridaria Gate and proceeded to Monte Mario, the Duke borne on a litter
by twelve halberdiers. After him was led a magnificent charger with
trappings of black velvet, embroidered with his arms and the ducal
crown.
The Spanish and French ambassadors accompanied him as far as the city
gate. Caesar set out for Nepi, a town belonging to his family, the
citadel of which was still loyal to him. Gregorovius says his mother
Vannozza and his brother Giuffre accompanied him.
Valentino was still a power to be reckoned with, and he undoubtedly
hoped to secure the election of a Pope who would be friendly to himself
and the Borgia family, for he knew that he could count on the votes of
the eleven Spanish cardinals.
Alexander’s obsequies began September 4th, and in accordance with the
papal custom continued for nine days. The cardinals, however, soon lost
interest in the ceremonies and were anxious to enter into conclave. One
after another the cardinals who, for various reasons, had been living
abroad returned. All Rome was looking forward to the event which to
Caesar was the most momentous in his entire career--not excepting the
election of his own father to the Papacy--for not only his future but
his very life depended on the outcome.
The French army, under Monsignor de La Trémoille and the Marquis of
Mantua, had entered the Romagna, where they were ordered to remain
until a successor to Alexander had been elected.
Giuliano della Rovere, after an absence of ten years in France,
returned to Italy September 3rd; Cardinal Colonna, who had been hiding
in Sicily for five years, appeared a few days later; the 9th the Romans
received Riario in triumph, and the next day Ascanio Sforza, Georges
d’Amboise, and the Cardinal d’Aragona made their entry. Amboise had
secured Sforza’s release from prison and had brought him with him
from France, counting upon securing his vote. The Cardinal of Rouen
also felt certain that at the proper moment Caesar would throw the
votes of the Spanish cardinals for him, and he believed that the near
presence of the French troops would influence the Sacred College in his
favour, because they would immediately see that the Papacy would be
greatly strengthened by having the support of the armies of France. He,
however, was not slow to discover that Ascanio Sforza was the favourite
of the Romans; moreover, the Sacred College promptly requested Amboise
not to permit any of the French troops to enter the city.
When Giustinian called upon Giuliano della Rovere on his arrival in
Rome the cardinal remarked to him: “I am here in my own interests and
not in those of any one else; I am not here to cast my vote for the
Cardinal of Rouen unless I should see that even without my vote he
could be elected--which I think is impossible.” He added that he was a
good Italian and that he could not be forced to make a Pope unless it
were for the good of the Christian religion and the peace and welfare
of Italy; he also expressed great affection for Venice and promised to
consider her interests.
September 16, 1503, thirty-eight cardinals entered the conclave which
was held in the Vatican. They first drew up an agreement which was
to be submitted to any power that would guarantee their rights; they
also promised to reform the abuses which were wellnigh universal in
ecclesiastical affairs, and agreed to summon a council for that purpose
within two years; they also promised to prosecute the war against the
Turks. The urgency of the situation in which they were placed cut short
the discussion. The Italians and the Spaniards united against Amboise
and agreed to elect a Pope who could not long survive, and, September
22nd, on the second scrutiny they selected Francesco Piccolomini,
Cardinal of Siena, to be the supreme head of the Church. He adopted the
name Pius III.
Piccolomini had been Cardinal-Deacon forty-three years; he was a man
of probity, advanced in years, and a sufferer from the gout, with not
long to live. Giuliano della Rovere, seeing that his own election was
impossible, had secured the elevation of Piccolomini. French politics
had failed signally, and Pius III. promptly compelled the Marquis of
Mantua to withdraw his troops from the Romagna.
The college had been divided into three nearly equal factions--the
French, the Spanish, and the Italian, whose respective candidates were
Georges d’Amboise, Bernardino Carvajal, and Giuliano della Rovere.
Caesar for obvious reasons had supported the French candidate, and had
succeeded in frustrating Della Rovere’s plans; the latter, however,
had immediately discerned the true situation, and with the aid of
Oliviero Caraffa, Cardinal of Naples, and Girolamo Basso della Rovere,
Cardinal of Recanati, succeeded in placing his Eminence of Siena in the
papal chair, thereby giving himself time to perfect his own plans for
securing the great prize on the demise of Pius III., which was sure to
take place soon.
Pius III. was born in Siena in 1439, consequently at the time of his
elevation to the Papacy he was sixty-four years of age. The cardinals
who had procured his election in the hope that he would not survive
long were not disappointed, for he died twenty-seven days after
assuming the tiara--so promptly that the usual rumour of poison
immediately spread. At first it was whispered that Pandolfo Petrucci,
tyrant of Siena, was guilty of the crime, and later the enemies of
Julius II. fancied they discovered the hand of the Cardinal of San
Pietro ad Vincola in the sudden death. Although Pandolfo had committed
many atrocities, it is extremely unlikely that any crime in this
instance had been committed. As to Della Rovere, he knew that the new
Pope could not live long, and therefore had no need to shorten his
days; in fact, he had procured his election for the express purpose of
gaining time to perfect his own plans to secure the throne of St. Peter.
Caesar had also been active in effecting the election of Piccolomini,
who, in the event of his elevation, had promised to confirm him in
his office of Captain-General of the Church and Vicar of Romagna.
Immediately after his elevation to the Papacy the new Pope began to
bestow marks of his favour upon Valentino. Bonafede, Bishop of Chiusi,
Caesar’s representative during the conclave, was made Governor of Rome
the very day the new Pontiff was proclaimed.
September 23rd the Pope granted Giustinian an audience, during which
the Venetian ambassador interceded in favour of the Romagnol barons,
who had returned to their estates. His Holiness replied: “As far as
Cesena is concerned, I agree perfectly with your Illustrious Signory,
but as to the other lords, God has punished them for their sins with
a _tristo_ instrument, and I wish to remind the Senate that all the
troubles of Italy originated in Romagna.” Then he said, smiling,
“Perhaps God will restore these lords after they have done penance.”
Undoubtedly the Pontiff had made some sort of an agreement with Caesar,
for he did not hesitate to maintain the Duke’s rights in Romagna. He
even went so far as to dispatch a legate to Perugia to break up the
league which Valentino’s enemies had formed against him, and he also
sent commissioners through Romagna to urge the people to be loyal to
him.
Thus enjoying the favour of the new Pope, Caesar returned to Rome with
a considerable following October 3rd. He was accompanied by Cardinals
Amboise, Sanseverino, and D’Albret.
The Pope, however, did not support Caesar very actively. In fact,
when he urged obedience upon the Romagnols, he remarked that he would
give the Duke no further aid--he wished, not to be a warlike Pope,
but a pacific one, to bring peace and quiet to Christendom. Regarding
Valentino, the Pope advised the Republic to do nothing, because it
would soon be all over with him--his illness was a punishment from
God. The 29th the ambassador writes: “Valentino has sent messengers
from Nepi to Rome to ask the Pope’s assistance, but the only result so
far is a few briefs.”
Caesar had only 200 men left; Ugo Moncada with the flower of his troops
had deserted him, and 2,000 men who had been under the command of
Romolino also left. Alessandro Spanocchi, the Duke’s treasurer, tried
to send money of his for deposit in Florence, Milan, Bologna, and
Ferrara--14,000 to 20,000 ducats. It was said that the Florentines
offered Valentino a free passage through their territory in case he
wished to go to Romagna.
The following day the Pope issued a brief threatening with
excommunication any one who should refuse to return any money or other
property removed from the apostolic palace during the illness of Pope
Alexander VI.--evidently this was aimed at Caesar and his agents.
Nothing escapes Giustinian. “The Duke is still at Nepi in bad health,
and deserted by nearly every one. The Pope has given him fair words,
but Caesar is distrustful.” October 1st Bartolomeo d’Alviano requested
the Venetian orator to secure the Senate’s permission for him to attack
Caesar in Nepi; he also informed the ambassador that Caterina Sforza
desired to join in the undertaking and had promised him a large sum
of money, but he had refused his consent because he would have been
obliged in return to help her recover her own estates, which would
offend Venice. October 2nd the orator writes that the Duke of Urbino
had sent a courier to Rome with a letter in which he said he had
attempted, but unsuccessfully, to persuade the people of Fano, which
was in the possession of Valentino’s forces, to return to the Holy
See--and he asked permission to compel them to do so. The Cardinal San
Pietro ad Vincola accompanied the messenger and explained all to his
Holiness, who replied that he could not make any open demonstration
against Caesar, but that he was willing that the Duke of Urbino should
do what he could--that it would not displease him; which shows that
the Pope was willing they should do as they saw fit with respect to
this Duke of Valence, provided it did not appear to come from him. The
Pope decided Valentino should return to Rome, and he arranged to put
the palace of the Cardinal of Ferrara near St. Peter’s at his disposal.
His Holiness stated that he could not bring himself to use extreme
measures with respect to the Duke--that he had decided to have pity on
him--however, “the chief reason why the Pope has been so indulgent is
that he heard the Duke was very ill and incapable of taking the field,
and being by nature very determined and avaricious, he hopes in case
the Duke dies, without using force, to get possession of the money and
other valuables he removed from Rome, although I think--and this is
the opinion of many--that in this he will be disappointed, because the
greater part of the valuables have been taken to the castle of Forli
and the money deposited in various places. The reason the Duke asked to
be allowed to return to Rome is because he is afraid of Alviano, who is
trying in every way to get his clutches on him.”
Valentino entered Rome October 3rd with his entire force, about 150
men-at-arms, 500 foot-soldiers, and a few light horse. Burchard’s
mention of Caesar’s return is even more concise.
The Duke was lodged in the palace of the Cardinal of San Clemente, and
many of the high Church dignitaries immediately called upon him. “He
is still sick,” adds Giustinian, “and it is thought he will die.” Two
days later the orator writes, perhaps somewhat regretfully: “Valentino
is not as ill as was supposed; he talks arrogantly and boasts that he
will shortly recover all his domain. To-day the Cardinal of Rouen went
to see him and succeeded in getting 30,000--some say 50,000--ducats
from him. Although the Pope is not very favourably disposed towards
him, Valentino, to obtain his support, is said to have lent him a large
sum of money for his coronation expenses. It is believed here that
the Pope will regard this money as his own and keep it, together with
the other valuables collected after the publication of the brief of
excommunication, and also the 24,000 ducats found on deposit in the
bank in the name of the _duchetti_”--the little Dukes, Don Giovanni
and Don Rodrigo.
The cardinals San Pietro ad Vincola and San Giorgio complained to the
Pope of Caesar’s presence in the city, and the ambassador reports a
conversation he had with his Holiness, in which the latter said: “I am
neither a saint nor an angel, but a man, and one who does not fancy
that he knows everything. I have been deceived. I thought the Duke
would ask to be made Captain-General of the Church, and then I should
have told him that I had no money for soldiers.” It was rumoured in
Rome that the city of Pesaro had been captured in the name of Caesar,
with the aid of Florence, and the Duke became more arrogant and
threatening. The French and the Cardinal of Volterra were scheming to
get him to enter the service of Florence.
The Pope was crowned in St. Peter’s, October 8th, but the event in
comparison with the actions of Valentino was of slight importance in
the opinion of Giustinian; the Florentines were negotiating with him,
and he was busily engaged enlisting soldiers for use in Romagna. The
agent of the Duke of Urbino informed the Venetian orator that Soderini,
Cardinal of Volterra, had asked him in what manner the Republic of
Venice had helped Valentino, and that he had also tried to convince him
that insomuch as Alexander VI. was dead, there was no reason whatever
to accord Caesar any protection any longer; to which Giustinian replied
that it would be a mistake for Urbino to second the endeavours of
Venice, who was trying to get possession of Romagna, for in that case
Valentino, France, and the other powers would take steps against him,
and the Duke of Urbino would lose his domain for the third time; “then
I advised him to make a compact with Florence and the French.” Urbino
was, however, more inclined toward Venice. The very day Pius III. was
crowned he issued a bull appointing Caesar Gonfalonier of the Church.
Valentino felt that his star was again in the ascendant. Favourable
reports were coming in from the Romagna, and about the end of
September the people of Cesena had dispatched an ambassador whom
Caesar received graciously and thanked for the loyalty of his people.
Immediately after the victories of Carpineto and Martirana, he sent
letters to the Romagnols urging them to resist until he should be well
enough to come to their assistance. The States he had more recently
acquired were somewhat doubtful, but most of them remained loyal to
him. His bitterest enemy, Giulio Orsini, had made peace with him, and
the Pope gave him permission to embark on a new campaign to punish
Pandolfo Malatesta for his attempt to seize Rimini, and Sforza for his
movement against Pesaro, and also to chastise the Duke of Urbino for
endeavouring to recover his own property.
Alvisi publishes a brief issued by the Pope October 13th, in which he
requests the Florentines to allow Caesar, “whom he loves tenderly,
paternally, on account of his rare and superior virtues,” to lead his
army through their territory.
It is difficult to judge how sincere the Pope was, but it is certain
that all Italy, except Romagna, feared and hated Caesar, and rejoiced
in his downfall; many were afraid that he might rise again; every
one was eager to betray him; Ferrara, in spite of Lucretia Borgia’s
marriage with Alfonso d’Este, hated him--the daughter of a dead Pope
was of slight account in Italian politics. The Romagnol barons had
entered into a treaty with him, but had no intention of keeping it.
Bartolomeo d’Alviano and Baglioni were gathering an army to crush him,
and, in conjunction with the Orsini, were trying to get possession
of his person; shortly after his return to Rome his enemies entered
into a solemn compact to pursue him to the death. Even Spain’s
representative in Naples, Gonsalvo de Cordova, signed the agreement.
Annibale Bentivoglio came to Rome early in October ostensibly to do
homage to the Pope, but in reality to watch Caesar’s movements. The
Holy Father told Bentivoglio he had written the briefs in Caesar’s
favour in good faith, but that henceforth he would do nothing for
him--but at the same time he was careful to add that he would do
nothing to injure him. Dissatisfied with this, Bentivoglio asked
Cardinal della Rovere to get the Pope’s permission for him to attack
Caesar. This the cardinal promised to endeavour to do, and Riario
likewise agreed to use his influence to this end.
In the meantime Valentino’s forces were rapidly dwindling away; of
the 6,000 foot-soldiers and 600 men-at-arms he had at the time of
his father’s death, not half were left to him. The clouds were fast
gathering; even the Florentines, who pretended to be his friends, were
more than suspicious of him. Gonsalvo de Cordova promulgated an edict
forbidding the Spanish captains to serve under Caesar’s orders, and
commanding them immediately to report to himself to check Louis XII.,
who was advancing on Naples; October 14th the edict, in the name of
Castile, was solemnly proclaimed in Rome before Valentino’s palace and
in two other places. Small companies of men under the lieutenants of
Alviano, of Baglioni, and Orsini were constantly being brought to Rome.
The Pope held a conference with the ambassadors of the various powers,
and asked them to put a stop to Alviano’s operations in the Romagna;
this they diplomatically declined to do.
Caesar’s palace was surrounded; it was impossible for him to escape. In
case he attempted to flee by way of Ostia, Mottino, formerly captain of
Alexander’s galleys, was ready to pounce upon him, and Giustinian says:
“This Alviano is like a mad dog determined to fly at his throat.”
Valentino, however, bribed the guards at the Porta Viridaria, and
Burchard records that he escaped with all his men October 15th, but
that some of his people immediately deserted and returned to Rome. When
Orsini heard of his flight he hurriedly left the city by another gate,
and Caesar, finding his road cut off, returned to Rome, where he was
admitted to the Vatican. All but seventy of his men-at-arms abandoned
him, and they, together with a few foot-soldiers, acted as a guard
before the palace.
On the ground that he was a common criminal the Orsini protested to the
Pope against affording him any protection.
Rome was on the verge of civil war; the Orsini burnt the Torrione gate,
and Fabio Orsini and Renzo di Ceri were ordered to attack the Borgo
which Caesar had fortified. With the Torrione gate destroyed, it was
easy to get into the Vatican. Valentino was driven to the wall, when
Cardinals Borgia, Salerno, Sorento, and Arborea had him conducted
through the subterranean passage to Hadrian’s Mole, where for a time at
least he was safe. With him he had his natural children and the little
Dukes of Nepi and of Sermoneta. His palace in the Borgo was sacked and
plundered. October 16th Giustinian tersely records: “The Duke has
retreated to castle S. Angelo with four or five servants; his people
are scattered; the Orsini have surrounded the castle; they are trying
to persuade the Spanish ambassador to take steps to prevent him getting
away.”
At the same time the Spanish cardinals were endeavouring to induce the
warder to permit Valentino to escape disguised as a friar. But the
Orsini were vigilant and took every precaution to prevent this. Caesar
was deserted by all his people; what little property he had managed
to save was now gone; the captain of the guard, a nephew of the Pope,
secured the greater part of it, and even the magnificent Bartolomeo
d’Alviano obtained two beautiful chargers; all was scattered and
Valentino was in sore straits.
The Orsini, finding themselves baffled, instituted a civil suit against
their enemy for seizing the estates of the barons, and demanded that he
be held in the castle of St. Angelo until a decision could be rendered.
To some extent Caesar still enjoyed the favour of the Pope, and he
conceived the idea of escaping by night and joining Michelotto at the
castle of Soriana, where, he believed, he might collect an army and
recover Romagna. He, however, had no chance to carry out this plan,
for the one friend still left--if friend he could be called--Pope
Pius III., died during the night of October 18, 1503, thus promptly
fulfilling the hopes and expectations of many of the cardinals.
Piccolomini had reigned just twenty-seven days. September 27th he
had undergone a painful operation, and the Venetian ambassador
followed his illness day by day as closely as he had done that of his
predecessor. October 16th he states that fears for the Pontiff’s life
were felt; he was worse the next day and during the night his brothers
removed his valuables from the Vatican to a place of safety. The
Orsini, determined to force the election of a Pope of their choice when
Pius passed away, remained in Rome.
When Alexander VI. died, the most scurrilous epitaphs were found
affixed to the palace walls, but when Pius III. passed away, numerous
laudatory epigrams were discovered. Angelo Colucci drew a striking
comparison of the short but respectable reign of Piccolomini and the
shameless pontificate of his predecessor.
The death of Pius was a great blow to Caesar, who had enjoyed his
support for a time. Even now, however, his courage did not entirely
desert him. Machiavelli, who arrived in Rome October 26th, wrote the
Signory that the Duke was more hopeful than ever of accomplishing great
things--providing a friendly Pope is elected. It was said that Caesar
finally despairing of any other aid, had made some sort of a compact
with the Cardinal of San Giorgio.
The Sacred College, after seriously considering the demands of the
Orsini that Caesar be held until a new Pope was elected, decided
that they had no authority to do so. During the meeting the Cardinal
of Rouen defended Caesar, hoping thereby to secure the support of
the Spanish prelates who were still devoted to Valentino and were
themselves influential and united. The cardinals decided that the Duke
was at liberty to go and come as he saw fit. There was, however, little
likelihood that he would leave, as he was safer where he was than he
would be anywhere else; moreover, when the new Pope should be elected
he would be in the best possible position to secure his favour through
the mediation of the cardinals who might remain loyal to him. How
influential Caesar still was is shown by the orator’s remark that all
those who aspired to the Pontificate were ready to promise him anything
he asked to secure the votes of the Spanish cardinals and “there is one
thing certain,” he adds: “no one will be Pope who does not consent to
all of Valentino’s demands.”
The Spanish prelates seemed to favour the astute Cardinal of San
Pietro ad Vincola, but Santa Prassede and Alexandrino were also strong
candidates.
Burchard records that the Cardinal of San Pietro ad Vincola came to the
apostolic palace October 29th with Valentino and his Spanish cardinals,
and entered into an agreement with them by which he promised, when he
became Pope, to make Caesar Captain-General of the Church, and also
to protect his interests and restore him to his estates; the Duke on
his part was to aid Della Rovere in the conclave, and all the Spanish
cardinals promised to cast their votes for him. The evening of October
30th, the obsequies of the deceased Pope being over, the cardinals
agreed among themselves that the Cardinal of San Pietro ad Vincola
should be his successor. The same day Machiavelli informed his Signory
that Giuliano della Rovere had secured the promise of the majority of
the votes of the Sacred College “by means adapted to this end.”
Giustinian repeats the various rumours current regarding the momentous
event, the election of the new Pope. The very day of the Pontiff’s
death he wrote: “There are three strong candidates--Naples, San Pietro
ad Vincola, and San Giorgio; the Spaniards incline to the second
because he will be able to satisfy their demands the best. The Cardinal
of Naples may get a few votes, but he is suspected of being French.
San Giorgio’s age is against him, consequently Della Rovere is the
strongest candidate. Sforza, Colonna, and Rouen are not mentioned now.”
The day following the Pope’s decease all the cardinals were “intent on
their machinations, some with little respect to God and the dignity
of their office. Bargains are openly made; the terms are no longer in
hundreds, but in thousands and tens of thousands--to the measureless
shame of our religion, and insult to God; there is now no difference
between the Papacy and the Sultanate--it will go to the highest
bidder.”
October 22nd the Orsini complained to the Sacred College of their
treatment and Alessandrino and Medici were delegated to confer with
them and Caesar. The Orsini, feeling that they had been grievously
wronged, and at the same time not wanting to oppose the Holy See and
the Sacred College, promised that if the Duke would leave Italy and
go to France or some other place they would allow him safe passage;
on the other hand, if he desired to remain in Italy in the Province
of Gesia, they demanded that he be required to give security for his
appearance before the future Pope to answer the charges lodged against
him; they also agreed to give bonds to appear and defend an action he
had threatened to bring against them. “It is not known what Caesar
said to these suggestions; many think he will decide to go to France,
but some say he will remain here.” The next day the orator heard that
Valentino had resolved to leave Italy, and that he had asked for eight
or ten days in which to make his preparations; he also demanded that
the Orsini be required to leave Rome and to give him a safe-conduct as
they had agreed. It is clear that he asked for this time to enable him
to persuade the Sacred College to force the Orsini to leave Rome and
also to permit him to carry on his machinations in connection with the
election.
The obsequies of the deceased Pope continued, but attracted little
attention, the impending election of his successor being the
all-absorbing topic--while the electioneering proceeded and the
scandal increased.
Cardinal Colonna went over to the Spanish faction, and this again
rendered the situation more complicated. The 27th of the month the
Venetian ambassador wrote that it was still uncertain who would secure
the great prize. The cardinals of Naples and San Pietro ad Vincola were
now the leading candidates; Ascanio Sforza was also mentioned. The
ambassador adds that while “the wishes of the King of France have some
weight, the Duke’s desires are more important than anything else--and
may God save us from having a Pope who, under obligations to Valentino,
may convulse the affairs of all Italy and even of all Christendom.”
Reports reached Rome that Antonio Ordelaffi had captured Forli and
that Sforza had recovered Pesaro; at the same time Pandolfo Petrucci
had entered Rimini, taken the fortress, and put Caesar’s men to rout;
this renewed activity was directly due to the Pope’s death and Caesar’s
retreat to the Castle of St Angelo.
The Duke was greatly discouraged by this news and dispatched a
messenger to the Venetian ambassador to ask the help of the Senate. By
this time Alviano and the Orsini had, in obedience to the wishes of the
cardinals, left Rome with nearly all their troops.
The Pope’s obsequies were concluded the 29th. Giampaolo Baglioni was
still in Rome under the protection of the Cardinal of Rouen, who stated
he desired his presence for his own security. The Sacred College,
however, to render this unnecessary, enlisted about five hundred
foot-soldiers to guard the conclave. Caesar was still in the Castle
of St. Angelo and daily received visits from Cardinals Borgia, Loris,
Romolino, and Vera to confer regarding the future Pope.
Although Valentino had received the safe-conduct he made no move to
depart; in fact, he had no intention of going before the election of
the new Pope. The morning of the 30th it became known that Della Rovere
had reached an agreement with the Spanish cardinals and Rouen, and
his election was assured. The betting, according to Giustinian, ran
as high as 82 per cent. on Della Rovere as against 6 per cent. on the
field--just how bets were placed in those days is not known.