INTERPRETATIONS
Having followed the worship of sex through its various phases, it is now
desirable to offer such interpretations of its meaning as the facts
appear to warrant. What was the significance of this elaborate ritual;
why did it develop, and how is it to be interpreted from a biological
standpoint in mental evolution. The history of the development of this
ritual may be of considerable interest in itself but we wish now to
consider the subject from the biological rather than the historical
standpoint. It remains to be shown what ends these beliefs serve in the
evolution of the primitive mind, or at least what they represent, and
what vestiges of them remain in our thoughts and feelings of today. Only
from this standpoint can the study of primitive motives be of value to
the Psychologist and the Psychiatrist.
In order to answer the above questions, it is desirable to refer to a
still more primitive form of religious belief, since our understanding
of this earlier religion offers a key to the understanding of sex
worship. We refer to the various forms of nature worship found in
primitive tribes. These nature rites consist of rain making ceremonies,
sun dances, and numerous other procedures which are carried out by
primitive people because of their supposed service in increasing the
products of the earth. Fortunately these rites are quite clearly
understood. It has been shown by many investigators that they are
enacted to increase the food supply. They are actuated by the desire on
the part of primitive people to meet nutritive demands.
Now this knowledge enables us to understand phallic ceremonies. A very
distinct parallelism is seen between the nature worship rites and
phallic rites. We feel that it is not difficult to show that while the
earlier rites were in accord with nutritive demands, phallic ceremonies
were an expression of the desire for human reproduction. We shall now
digress somewhat in order to discuss nature rites in some detail, as
thereby the phallic rites are very readily explained.
Among many of the Indian tribes of North America, the tribes of Central
Africa, the primitive races of Australia, the lower hill tribes of
India, and others, we find religious ceremonies all of which are carried
out in much the same way and with the same object in view. We are all
familiar with the rain making ceremonies of the North American Indians;
we find frequent reference in literature to the various Spring festivals
of the Egyptians at which grain is grown, etc., and in which vegetative
nature is deified. A great many of the nations of antiquity had similar
rites to increase the produce of the earth.
When the meaning of this general type of ceremony is understood, it is
found that it has the same significance throughout. As stated above,
these ceremonies are enacted to increase the food supply, either
directly or indirectly. If it is a dry and arid locality, as is the case
with our Western Indians, a rain making rite is performed. This is a
religious procedure in which various processes of magic are utilized.
This explains the importance of the thunder god as a deity, so clearly
illustrated by Miss J. Harrison. The thunder rites are to increase the
rain fall, and the magic in such procedures is imitative; that is, a
sound similar to thunder is produced, as primitive man believes thunder
to cause the rainfall since it often precedes it. Miss Harrison[26] has
given a picture of an early thunder god of the Chinese,--a deity
surrounded by many objects, which he strikes to cause thunder. Rattles
made of gourds are used for the same purpose with some tribes; or down,
etc., may be used in imitation of clouds, and water spurted about to
represent rain. In many instances a secret ceremonial object is used,--a
bull roarer in the rain making ceremonies. This is an object which, when
whirled about, makes a sound in imitation of thunder. It represents a
sort of thunder deity and so is associated with rainfall. It is held
very sacred, being carefully guarded from view and kept under custody by
the head men of the tribe.
In a primitive civilization engaged in pastoral pursuits where the herd
is the important source of food supply the ceremony centers about the
dairy and the herd. In Southern India, among the Toda tribes,[27] where
the buffalo herd is sacred, this is quite apparent. Certain buffaloes
are attended by the priests only, special dairies are sacred, and the
entire religious development has to do with the sanctity of milk. The
dairy utensils are sacred, and one special vessel, the one which
contains the fermenting material, is held in particular veneration. This
vessel is kept in a special part of the dairy, its location
corresponding to the sanctuary of a temple. If by chance the ferment
does not act properly, it is manufactured again by an elaborate rite.
Here we see that the religious rites have to do with the food supply
and fitting sacred ceremonials are performed.
When the food supply depends upon animal food a direct analogy in the
ceremonies is seen. Some Siberian tribes[28] perform a rite to increase
the supply of bear meat. A young bear is captured, suckled by a woman,
and assumes the aspects of a sacred animal. It is finally slain in a
ritual way, and the entire performance is for the purpose of increasing
the supply of bear meat.
A few references may be given to indicate the views of those who have
made special studies of these ceremonies. G. A. Dorsey[29] speaking of
the Hopi tribe of the Southwest, states: "When the Hopi are not at work
they are worshipping in the Kivas. The underlying element of this
worship is to be found in the environment. Mother nature does not deal
kindly with man in the desert. Look where you will, across the drifting
sands of the plains, and the cry of man and beast is 'Water!' And so,
to the gods of the rain clouds does the Hopi address his prayer. His
instruments of worship are so fashioned that his magic may surpass the
magic of these gods, and compel them to loosen their stores, full to
overflowing. Take any one of the great Hopi ceremonies, analyze the
paraphernalia worn by the men, dissect the various components of the
altar or sand paintings, examine the offerings made to the Spring and
those placed upon the shrines, and in everything and everywhere we see
prayers for rain."
Dr. Clark Wissler,[30] in speaking of primitive ceremonies, states: "One
striking feature of primitive ceremonies is the elaboration of
ritualistic procedure relating to the food supply. Particularly in
aboriginal America we have many curious and often highly complex rituals
associated with the cultivation of maize and tobacco. These often
impress the student of social phenomena as extremely unusual but still
highly suggestive facts, chiefly because the association seems to be
between things which are wholly unrelated. Thus, among the Pawnee we
find an elaborate ritual in which a few ears of maize are raised almost
to the status of gods. At a certain fixed time of the autumn the
official priest of this ritual proceeds with great ceremony to the
fields and selects a few ears, according to definite standards. These
are further consecrated and carefully guarded throughout the winter. At
planting time the women present themselves ceremonially to receive the
seed, the necessary planting instructions, etc. Thus, it appears that
during the whole year recital, there is a definite ritual in functions
associated with maize culture."
The primitive tribes of Australia afford an excellent example of this
type of ceremony, and fortunately these tribes have been very carefully
studied. At the puberty initiations of the young men, one of the main
ceremonies is a yam ceremony,[31] _i. e._, a procedure to ensure a
bountiful supply of the yams. A special type of yam is secured, and
cooked with much ceremony under fixed rules, much care and secrecy being
observed throughout. After the cooking ceremony is finished, the yams
are cut up and divided among the various members of the tribe. The
ceremony is supposed to increase the supply of yams. Miss J.
Harrison[32] in interpreting Australian ceremonies states: "The
primitive Australian takes care that magic shall not be wanting, a magic
of the most instructive kind. As soon as the season of fertility
approaches he begins his rites with the avowed object of making and
multiplying the plants, and chiefly the animals, by which he lives; he
paints the figure of the emu on the sand with vermillion drawn from his
own blood; he puts on emu feathers and gazes about him in stupid
fashion, like an emu bird; he makes a structure of boughs like the
chrysalis of a Witchetty grub--his favorite food, and drags his body
through it in pantomime, gliding and shuffling to promote its birth.
Here, difficult and intricate though the ceremonies are, and uncertain
in meaning as many of the details must always probably remain, the main
emotional gist is clear. It is not that the Australian wonders at and
admires the miracle of his Spring, the bursting of the flowers and the
singing of the birds; it is not that his heart goes out in gratitude to
All-Father who is the Giver of all good things; it is that, obedient to
the push of life within him his impulse is towards food. He must eat
that he and his tribe may grow and multiply. It is this, his will to
live, that he _utters and represents_."
In a monograph[33] of the Shinto religion of the Japanese, R. Hitchcock
states that the leading function of the female deity is to increase the
food supply. She is given the name of the Goddess of Food, or the
Producer of Trees and the Parent of Grasses. She is spoken of as
Abundant-Food-Lady, and seems to be a personification of the earth.
A further description of these rites is unnecessary, as wherever found
they are all of the same general type. They have been described in
North America, in Central Africa, in Japan, in Siberia, in India and
they probably exist in many other localities. The above references
indicate that they were primitive man's expression of his desire for
food, this fundamental motive finding expression in an elaborate ritual.
Now since in the above rites, where the increase of the food supply is
the main motive, the entire development and symbolism centers about
articles of food, and since in the phallic rites an entirely analagous
development and symbolism centers about the generative organs, it is
only reasonable to infer that the phallic rites have to do with the
desire for children. In this we have the meaning of sex worship. It is
primitive man's expression of his desire for the perpetuation of the
race and so it represents a biological necessity, the earlier motive
being for the preservation of the individual.
Fortunately the conclusions which the above arguments would appear to
warrant are borne out by the statements of those who have studied these
matters in great detail. Miss J. Harrison,[34] who also quotes Dr.
Frazer, states: "The two great interests of primitive man are food and
children. As Dr. Frazer has well said, if man the individual is to live
he must have food; if his race is to persist he must have children, 'to
live and to cause to live, to eat food and to beget children, these were
the primary wants of man in the past, and they will be the primary wants
of men in the future so long as the world lasts.' Other things may be
added to enrich and beautify human life, but, unless these wants are
first satisfied, humanity itself must cease to exist. These two things,
therefore, food and children, were what man chiefly sought to secure by
the performance of magical rites for the regulation of the seasons. They
are the very foundation stones of that ritual from which art, if we are
right, took its rise."
There is a very striking parallelism between these two rites. It would
be interesting to trace out these analogies step by step, but we shall
refer to them only in a general way.
The outward form of the two rites is very similar. In both a religious
ceremony is enacted. In the development of this ceremony a system, in
which a priesthood forms a prominent part, is developed in both
instances. The element of mystery runs through both procedures and, as
Steven D. Peet[35] has stated, the nature worship ceremony of the North
American Indians bears a remarkable resemblance to the mysteries of the
Eleusis and of the Bacchanalia.
In both the nature rites and the phallic rites, a sacred ceremonial
object develops, and about this object a very elaborate symbolism
evolves. Just as in the most primitive form of sex worship we saw that
the deity consisted of a rude representation of the generative organs,
so in nature worship we find that the ceremonial object is at first a
rude representative of the deified animal or plant. This sacred symbol
is eventually conventionalized. We have observed this in sex worship, as
explained by Inman, Payne Knight and others. In the same way in nature
worship, ceremonial objects are conventionalized. Spencer has shown this
in the case of the Australians, the ceremonial objects eventually coming
to bear a remote resemblance only to the original animal or plant
representation. A. L. Kroeber[36] has observed the same development in
the Arapaho Indians. The buffalo symbol for example, (a very important
one in this tribe since the buffalo is the chief food) has become highly
conventionalized, and is finally represented by a formal rectangular
design. This design now means the earth, and it is also used as a life
symbol.
Again, just as we saw how in sex worship the religious symbol came to be
expressed throughout decorative art, and in fact eventually became a
leading motive, so it has been shown that in the nature worship of the
Indians this same evolution takes place. A. L. Kroeber and Clark
Wissler, among others, have shown that the decorative art on the
moccasins, leggings, tents, food bags, etc., of the Indians, all
representing a highly conventionalized symbol, expresses religious
motives throughout. This symbolism can be interpreted only by an
understanding of religious motives. The analogy of this symbolic
development to that associated with sex worship is at once apparent.
Finally, just as in sex worship the motive came to dominate most of the
practices and usages of civil life, so it can be shown that in tribes
practicing nature worship, the religious motive has a very powerful
influence. The performance of rites to increase the food supply are
among the most important of primitive man's duties. Any man who enters
into these rites listlessly is not respected, and the leaders of the
rite are the head men of the tribe. In Australia, one of the main
functions of each Totem group is to increase the supply of its own
Totem animal or plant by magic ceremony.
In summing up, therefore, the analogies between sex worship and nature
worship, the following features may be reviewed: the outward form is the
same, _i. e._, that of a religious ceremonial rite in which a sacred
object is the representation of the deity. The symbolism associated with
this object develops in the same way in both instances. In the course of
time this symbolism becomes conventionalized, and eventually it finds
its way into primitive art. It then becomes the leading motive in
primitive art and finally the religious motive is forgotten and the
aesthetic motive alone remains. Were further proof necessary, these
analogies alone would be sufficient to enable us to understand the
meaning of sex worship.
The ritual associated with the worship of sex then, arose in response to
emotions which are grouped around the instinct of reproduction. These
feelings are so primitive and at the same time so fundamental, that it
is difficult for us to realize that early man should dignify them by
religious ritual. They stand out as expressions of a biological demand.
As stated above, sex worship was not a conscious expression on the part
of certain individuals, but it was the unconscious expression of
longings and desires on the part of the race. It represents a phase in
man's mental evolution, a process of mental development. Its dynamic
value, from a biological standpoint, is at once apparent. In order to
survive man must reproduce his kind, and the emotions associated with
reproductive instincts must be of adequate dynamic value.
* * * * *
It has been stated that sex worship, as practiced during the primitive
state of civilization, was a healthy phase in racial evolution. In a
higher degree of civilization, however, the reversion to this motive was
a regression, and decadent sex worship as it existed during the middle
ages was an attempt by certain unhealthy elements in the race to revert
to the primitive. In decadent sex worship we are dealing with an
instance of faulty mental adaptation in a way in which we had not been
accustomed to consider it. It is a case of faulty adaptation in the
race, or at least in certain elements of it, rather than in the
individual. These general analogies are noteworthy from the standpoints
of mental evolution and abnormal psychology.
In order to show how sex worship as practiced by a later civilization
was the expression of an unhealthy tendency, we must digress
sufficiently to show the setting in which decadent sex worship existed.
It is necessary to give a chronological outline indicating how primitive
beliefs succeeded each other as a result of man's progressive
development.
The earlier beliefs were an expression of nature worship. This as we
have shown, was mostly associated with the question of food supply. It
has been shown that during this period of primitive man's existence
group thinking predominated, and man thought of himself as part of the
group rather than as an individual. At this time, therefore, the idea
of the deity which was evolved was not that of an individual god.
Generally speaking, it was the "vegetation spirit" existing throughout
nature which was deified. This was the general period of earth
worship,--the forces of nature associated with the earth being man's
main interest. The earth at this time was highest in primitive man's
regard.
During the time of earth worship, the social organization of the tribe
was such that the mother was the dominating influence in social
structure. Descent was matrilinear, and a society known as matriarchy
existed, as contrasted to the later patriarchy. The mother was the
leading figure in social as well as in family life. At this period a
certain degree of sexual promiscuity existed; the mother of the child
was known but the father was not and so the descent was in the female
line. With earth worship, then, there was mother worship, and the term
"Mother Earth" had a very real significance.
With the social state of matriarchy, the mother cults developed. These
mother cults evolved the numerous female deities of antiquity, Themis,
Demeter, Cybele, and many others being the expression of mother worship.
These deities were generally associated with the wild elements of
nature,--with the wind, and the hills and the forests.
Associated with the mother religion in a way which at first does not
appear to be very clear arose the phallic cults. It should be here
stated that the mother religion was not the religion of the mother
alone, but also that of the mother and child. The child was the
adolescent,--a youth about to be initiated at the public ceremony, at
which he was often circumcised and after which he was able to take up
the reproductive functions of the male. Miss J. Harrison has shown that
Dionysus was the embodiment of this conception. Here the youth was
necessary only to the extent that he could become a father. It was his
generative attribute which was sanctified, rather than that he was a
male being existing as an individual. For this reason, the deification
of the phallic principle, _i. e._, the generative attribute, preceded
the deification of the male as an individual. At least this is the
impression one gains of this development. In any case, we note that the
phallic ceremonies were associated with the mother religion. The period
in which both existed was mostly prehistoric.
We see the beginning of the evolution of the male god in the phallic
cults. This was eventually followed by the patriarchal system and here
we are on more familiar ground. Patriarchy succeeded matriarchy, but
whether as a gradual evolution or otherwise is not clear. Some writers
speak of bitter conflicts in Persia, India, Greece and elsewhere. In any
case the religion of the father replaced that of the mother; the social
system changed and the father took his place at the head of the family.
During this period we are told[37] that man shifted his belief from the
earth to the sky, the sun was found to be the source of energy and
worship was transferred to the Heavens. Just as formerly the female
deity was identified with the earth, so the male deity was identified
with the sun, Zeus and Apollo being two examples of the latter type from
a great many.
We are now approaching a well known historic period. The religion of the
father and the son had replaced that of the mother and child. The age of
hero worship had commenced and this hero was often identified with the
sun. For this reason, the fact that a myth is in the form of a sun myth
does not argue against its being the expression of a very deep religious
motive. As has been stated, earlier motives are carried forward, and so
while sun worship is a somewhat later development than the phallic
beliefs, it is quite natural that many phallic ideas should find
expression at this subsequent period.
We have now reached a time when sex worship became decadent, for
Christianity followed sun worship and hero worship; and this brings us
to the present day. The religion of father and son remains, and much of
the form of the earlier worship has been retained in the modern.
The above outline of the changes and evolution of early religions is
most schematic. It enables us, however, to see that sex worship was
entirely out of place during the middle ages, in a civilization which
had long before discarded matriarchy. The questions of the food supply,
and of children, were no longer so immediately pressing, and the faith
in magical performances had been shaken. Man had emerged from the group
as a definite personality, and the development of a new religion which
expressed other feelings and desires had taken place. What we wish to
emphasize at present is, then, that sex worship as it was carried on
during the middle ages was a distinctly unnatural tendency in the race.
At this time opportunity may be taken to reconcile different
interpretations which some writers have given regarding early religious
motives. Considerable variation and some contradiction may be observed
in the writings of different authors in describing a religious
development of much the same period. One writer may describe the
features of nature worship and quite ignore the presence of sex worship.
Others may describe only phallic rites. These discrepancies may be
understood when the order in which the various beliefs developed is
recognized. Nature worship developed first, but much of its symbolism
was carried into the phallic ceremonies. Thus we see the phallus
associated with the pine cone and other elements of vegetative life.
Some of these elements, the pine cone for example, finally came to have
a phallic significance, but at an earlier period they probably
represented the vegetation spirit. In fact, reproductive attributes of
both nature and man were often worshipped at the same ceremony.
While we should not as a rule expect to find phallic rites associated
with the earlier forms of nature worship, since sex worship developed at
a somewhat later period, still in this connection we cannot be too
dogmatic; the primitive Australians appear to be at the stage of mental
development when simple nature worship predominated, yet, from _Mutter
Erde_[38] we learn that with the Australians a ceremony consisting of
the throwing of a spear into the earth was of phallic significance. This
co-existence of these two related motives is not unnatural since they
both equally represent fundamental biological demands on the part of the
race.
We may now return to the interpretation of decadent sex worship. When we
understand the setting in which sex worship was practiced in the middle
ages we are better able to appreciate its significance. As stated above,
it was the attempt by certain elements of the race to return to more
primitive motives, and to derive satisfaction from beliefs which had
long been outgrown by advancing civilization. This clinging to an early
type of reaction, or the return to more primitive feelings, must be
regarded as an unhealthy tendency. Moreover, at this time, the motive
itself was no longer expressed in the natural and healthy way of
primitive times. Sex worship during the middle ages became depraved;
excesses and perversions appeared and the entire development, as it
existed at that time, was biologically undesirable.
It also appeared that at certain times in the mental evolution of the
race a degree of development is reached from which no further progress
is made. At least, we are aware of such an instance in the case of a
very primitive community in Southern Italy. A writer, Norman
Douglas,[39] in 1914 found the existence of a phallic cult in Calabria.
The women sanctified a crack of one of the walls of the temple, their
attitude toward it corresponding to the yoni worship of India. Near by
was an ancient stone pillar held in great veneration, which was the
representative of the phallus.
It is observed that in this small community some remnants of phallic
belief of a very primitive type have been retained for centuries. The
religious development, an index of mental development, has become "set"
as it were and no further progress is possible. It is not entirely for
want of opportunity that this locality has not taken up higher religious
beliefs. The Catholic Church has introduced its teachings, but the
people have represented the images of the Saints, of the Virgin Mary,
and of Christ somewhat after the fashion of toy dolls. These are used as
fetishes to ward off disease and no higher conceptions are grasped.
Ideas regarding after life and immortality are disregarded in favor of
the immediate need of protection against supposed evil influences. With
these people, therefore, motives are utilized which satisfy only the
most fundamental and immediate desires.
* * * * *
We have now followed a definite motive in mental development through its
rise, its elaboration and its decadence. We therefore have its life
history in the race before us; we have been enabled by analogies of
other motives and by utilizing the conclusions of various writers, to
understand its meaning and to give its interpretation. It remains to be
seen what general conclusions regarding either racial or individual
development in this sphere may be drawn.
It appears that when an important motive of this sort develops in the
race, it embodies the expression of fundamental desires. Since it
carries with it a strong and ever present desire in this way, it is
strikingly _dynamic_ in nature. It dominates all social organization,
and with primitive people it dominates much of the conduct of the
individual. When such a motive is seriously entertained it is pragmatic,
_i. e._, it serves a useful end, or at least the conceptions which it
embodies are entertained because they are thought to be of the highest
value to the race.
As mental development continues, these more fundamental and primitive
motives cease to be all absorbing. Eventually, the subject of the food
supply becomes less pressing. Races continue to increase and multiply
with or without the performance of sacred rites and man begins to
question the utility of his imitative magic. Higher desires force
themselves into consciousness, and earlier motives are no longer
outwardly expressed; the form of the early motives is retained however:
usages, symbols and practices which have long ceased to be dynamic and
whose meaning is entirely forgotten are still observed; so we see
evidences of primitive racial motives cropping up in all sorts of ways
in later civilization.
But to say that the earlier motives are no longer outwardly expressed is
not to infer that they do not exist. Fundamental as they are in our
mental development, they enter into our general personality and become a
part of our makeup. How is the motive expressed in sex worship a part of
our motives and feelings of today? Superficially it does not appear to
be present, but a little reflexion shows that it is there. It has become
so much a part of us that we scarcely recognize its presence, the
instinct to reproduce being common to everyone. Every woman feels this
to be her duty,--her religious duty if the dictum of the Church is to be
followed:
"Lo, children are an heritage of the Lord; and the fruit of the womb is
his reward. As arrows are in the hand of a mighty man; so are children
of the youth. Happy is the man that has his quiver full of them; they
shall not be ashamed, but they shall speak with the enemies in the
gate." _Psalm 127._
During earlier times barrenness was regarded as a curse, and many charms
were in use to counteract this calamity. A sentence from a letter of
Julia Ward Howe to her young sister about to be married, affords an apt
reference to this sense of duty: "Marriage, like death, is a debt we owe
to nature, and though it costs us something to pay it, yet we are more
content and better established in peace when we have paid it." The
feeling associated with the command "to increase and multiply" is so
much a part of our innermost thoughts and feelings that further
references to it are unnecessary.
To what extent may we utilize the evolution of this motive in the race,
in understanding certain phases of mental development associated with
reproductive instincts in the individual? In interpreting the racial
history of this motive we have seen that it is dynamic; it develops in
response to biological demands. It is a very elementary and primitive
desire to be raised to the dignity of a religion, but none the less it
is a very essential one. We have seen that when this motive is replaced
by higher ones, a return to it bespoke faulty mental adaptations on the
part of those who did so. Analogies between the individual and the race
in this sphere exist in a general way, and their presence is
significant.
Analogies in the sphere in the normal mental development of the
individual may be considered first. In dealing with the developing
thoughts of childhood, we shall refer to one particular tendency, _i. e._,
that of _day dreaming_. We know that a certain amount of the day
dreaming of the child has to do with the feelings and emotions
associated with the questions of reproduction, considered in its
broadest sense; _i. e._, including fictitious lovers, marriages,
children, etc. Now probably with the child, the day dreaming associated
with these feelings is of biological significance, just as the rituals
associated with similar feelings are of value to the race. The little
girl who is the mother of her doll, who plays at housekeeping, who
fictitiously assumes the responsibilities of married life and what
not,--the child by developing this feature of her existence in fancy is
probably preparing herself for reality. The little boy who becomes a
hero in his own fancy, marries a princess, and who overcomes all sorts
of difficulties; or the small boy who in his play enters into all the
activities of adult life,--probably this child, by entertaining the
thoughts of his future life, prepares himself to some extent for future
life. These fundamental motives, therefore, which arise in response to
biological demands, are the expression of desires, both in the case of
the individual and of the race, and they act not only harmlessly but
probably beneficially at a certain stage of mental evolution.
Again, we have shown how in the race remnants of early and primitive
motives continue to appear in various ways long after their outward
dynamic value has been lost and when their meaning is no longer
understood. Is this not true of the individual? Do we not all recognize
in the moods and mental attitudes and even in some of the actions of the
adult, remnants of feelings and forces which were dynamic in childhood?
These feelings exist although they are not consciously appreciated. The
actual experiences are forgotten but the moods and emotions remain. This
is analagous to the influence which primitive racial thoughts, beliefs
and usages have on present day civilization. The meaning of these usages
and symbols is forgotten in many cases but the outward form still
exists.
In the individual, a motive of this kind does not become a religion or a
ritual as in the case with the race, but it nevertheless is forcefully
expressed in that it excites an absorbing interest and forces itself
strongly into consciousness, during the phase of its dynamic
development. As stated above, just as in the early mental evolution of
the race, we find that the question of reproduction comes prominently to
the fore, so with the individual we find that at the adolescent period
of life the sexual instinct is very fully elaborated. Just as with the
race reproduction is necessary for the continuation of the race, so with
the individual, elaboration of sexual instinct is necessary in order
that adult sexual responsibilities may be assumed. This consists of much
more than mere physical development. In a complex state of civilization
many adjustments in the sphere of sexual indulgence and continence and
marriage have to be made. This phase of the individual's life is a very
important one. It is the rule for proper reactions to occur at this
time, in which case the reproductive instincts assume their proper place
in mental life. But if satisfactory adjustments do not occur the
consequences may be serious. In the healthy mental evolution of the
individual, therefore, just as in the normal mental evolution of the
race, we see that motives arise, assume a dynamic character, play their
part in the developing mind, and leave lasting impressions. They serve a
useful purpose during one phase of mental evolution. We have seen that
they may be harmful in the race if utilized at a later period. Let us
see to what extent this is true of the individual.
* * * * *
Psychiatrists during recent years have come to believe that in certain
mental states we see a reversion to a more primitive type of
reaction,--a tendency to utilize earlier adaptations, the reactions of
infancy and childhood in meeting situations which arise in adult life.
If this assumption is correct it is seen that a reversion to something
more primitive is an undesirable reaction in the individual as well as
in the race. Here too we find that the emotions and feelings associated
with the reproductive instinct may be inadequately developed. It has
been shown above that the day dreams of the child are probably
beneficial rather than harmful. Is this day dreaming beneficial to the
adult? We know from our experience that it is not, and in its relation
to the reproductive sphere this is particularly true. The adult who
substitutes the realities of life by elaborate day dreams is approaching
dangerous ground. The young woman who in adult life is constantly
dreaming of an ideal but fictitious lover is deriving satisfaction from
unhealthy sources; and the young man who ecstatically becomes a hero or
a racial benefactor is equally at fault. In instances where such
thoughts are believed in and acted upon as we observe again and again in
mental disorders, a serious condition of the mind has arisen. When an
attempt is made to gain satisfaction in these immature ways at a later
stage of development, or when there is a failure to develop at a certain
point, the reaction is harmful in both the individual and in the race.
It is during the adolescent period that these failures of adaptation
generally occur. At this time, the whole development in the
reproductive sphere, particularly in the mental characteristics
associated with the sexual instinct, considered in its broadest sense,
does not take place. There may be much rumination about this topic, but
the responsibilities of adult sexual life, of marriage, of child bearing
with the female, are not adequately met. Fancies are substituted for
reality, and while, as stated above, young women may dream of ideal
lovers, they at the same time are shy and unnatural in their attitude
toward the opposite sex. Young men, instead of taking their place in the
life of the adult community, realize adult ambitions only by elaborate
day dreams. In abnormal mental states, we see young men in their fancies
become important personages, religious benefactors and national heroes.
They may shun all association with women but at the same time maintain
that they have a cultural mission to populate the earth. We see here how
the feelings associated with reproductive instincts have been faulty or
inadequate. This return to something more primitive is an unhealthy
atavistic tendency and makes for both racial and individual inferiority.
A word may be said regarding symbolism of the race as applied to the
individual. We have stated that symbolism is a primitive and rudimentary
way of expressing thought. It would seem logical therefore that if in
some abnormal mental states there is a return to more primitive
reactions, we may find a tendency to symbolize. This tendency is
frequently observed and the symbolism is often very elaborate. A
knowledge of the interpretation of racial symbolism is doubtless of
value in the case of the individual. When men's thoughts deal with the
same subject and when they tend to symbolize, they are likely to express
themselves in much the same way symbolically. If in abnormal mental
states thoughts are entertained which have to do with the motives we
have been discussing, it is reasonable to suppose that the racial and
individual symbolism will show certain analogies.
Again, in the pages of recent psychiatry, we learn that in abnormal
mental states there is a reversion not only to the primitive motives of
childhood, but also to the primitive motives of the race. Just to what
extent this tendency exists remains for studies of the future to show.
Certainly, striking instances may be cited; for example, let us quote
from a recent study in psychiatry:[40] "One such patient with a very
complicated delusional system states that he is the father of Adam, that
he has lived in his present human body thirty-five years, but in other
bodies thirty million years, and that during this time he has occupied
six million different bodies. He has been the great men in the history
in the development of the human race; he himself created the human race.
It took him three hundred million years to perfect the first fully
developed human being; he is both male and female and identifies all the
different parts of the Universe with his own body; heaven, hell and
purgatory are located in his limbs, the stars are pieces of his body
which had been torn apart by torture and persecution in various ages of
past history; he is the father and creator of the various races and
elements of the human organization, etc." Any one who has done even a
cursory reading in mythology cannot but be struck by the similarity in
form as well as in thought between this production and what we find in
myths.
* * * * *
The general analogies which we have indicated are such as one would have
reason to expect. The history of both the healthy and unhealthy mental
evolution of the race is in many respects the history of the individual;
in order to understand these analogies it is necessary to understand the
mental development of primitive man. Recent studies have given us much
valuable information in this direction. In primitive usages we find the
expression of early man's deepest longings and desires, and so a dynamic
interpretation of such motives is possible. It remains for the
psychiatrist to learn to what extent the findings of special
investigators of primitive races may be utilized in explaining mental
evolution, and also the development of abnormal mental states. This
study is a comparatively recent one but it already gives indications of
offering ample rewards.
REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
Brand, John: Observations on Popular Antiquities.
Bryant: System of Mythology.
Cox, Rev. G. W.: The Mythology of the Aryan Nations.
DeGubertnatis, Angelo: Zoological Mythology.
Deiterich, A.: Mutter Erde.
Dixon, Roland B.: The Northern Maidu.
Dorsey, George A.: Traditions of the Caddo, (Carnegie Institute.)
Indians of the South West.
Frazer, J. G.: Adonis, Attis and Osiris; Balder, the Beautiful; Psyche's
Task.
Goodrich, V. K.: Ainu Family Life and Religion, Popular Science Monthly,
November, 1888.
Grosse: The Beginnings of Art.
Harrison, Miss Jane: Ancient Art and Ritual; Themis.
Hearn, Lafcadio: Japan; an Attempt at Interpretation.
Herodotus: (Rawlinson's Trans.)
Higgins, Godfrey: The Anacalypsis; Celtic Druids.
Hitchcock, Romyn: Shinto or the Mythology of the Japanese, (Smithsonian
Institute.)
Howitt, A. W.: The Native Tribes of South East Australia.
Jennings, Hargrave: The Rosicrucians; The Indian Religions.
Jevons, F. B.: The Idea of God in Early Religions.
Judson: Myths and Legends of the Mississippi Valley and the Great Lakes.
Karpas, Morris J.: Socrates in the light of Modern Psychopathology.
(Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 1915.)
King, C. W.: The Gnostics and their Remains; Hand-book of Engraved Gems.
Knight, R. P.: The Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology; Two
Essays on the Worship of Priapus.
Kroeber, Alfred L.: Symbolism of the Arapaho Indians. The Arapaho,
(Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History.)
Langdon, S.: Tammuz and Ishtar.
Layard, A.: Babylon and Nineveh; Nineveh and its Remains.
Leuba, James H.: A Psychological Study of Religion.
Monsen, Frederick: Festivals of the Hopi. (The Craftsman, June, 1907.)
Murray, Gilbert: Hamlet and Orestes: The Rise of the Greek Epic.
Newton, John: Assyrian Grove Worship.
O'Brien, Henry: The Round Towers of Ireland.
Peet, Stephen D.: Secret Societies and Sacred Mysteries.
Perrot, and Chipiez: History of Art in Phrygia, Lidia, Caria and Lycia;
History of Art in Persia.
Prescott: Conquest of Peru.
Pratt, J. B.: India and Its Faiths.
Rawlinson, G.: History of Ancient Egypt; Ancient Monarchies.
Reclus, Elie: Primitive Folk.
Rivers, W. H. R.: The Todas.
Rhyn, Dr. Otto: Mysteria.
Roscoe, John: The Northern Bantu.
Rocco, Sha: Ancient Sex Worship.
Rousselet, Louis: India and Its Native Princes.
Spencer, B.: Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia.
Solas, W. J.: Ancient Hunters.
Starcke, C. V.: The Primitive Family.
Stevens, J.: Central America, Chiapez and Yucatan.
Symonds, J. A.: A Problem in Greek Ethics.
Wissler, Clark: Symbolism in the Decorative Art of the Sioux.
Westropp, Hodder M.: Primitive Symbolism.
Wood, Rev. J. G.: The Uncivilized Races.
Wood-Martin: Pagan Ireland.
INDEX
Adaptations, faulty, 131-132.
Adjustment, of individual, 129.
Adonis, sun god, 75.
American Cyclopedia, 23.
American Museum of Natural History, 6.
Anacalipsis, 38.
Analogies between the Individual and the Race, 126.
Ancient Grove Worship of Assyria, 49, 71.
Ancient Sex Worship, 25, 30, 41.
Androgyne deity, 36, 68.
Arapaho Indians, 109.
Bacchus, representative of male generative attribute, 22.
Bacchanalia, 74, 78, 87, 108.
Bear, sacred animal, 101.
Bull, phallic significance of, 63.
Bull roarer, nature of, 99.
Bureau of Amer. Eth., 5.
Caves of Elephanta, 43.
Ceremonial objects, conventionalization of, 109.
_Chinese Review_, 44.
Collective or group feeling, importance of, 21.
Collective thought of the race, relation to religious development, 17.
Crux Ansata, 51.
Dairy, sacredness of, 100.
Dances, at Witches' Sabbath, 89.
Decadent Sex Worship, 79, 81, 91, 113;
interpretation of, 120.
Deity, female, function of in Japan, 105.
Deities, Teutonic, 93.
Dietrich, A., 120.
Dionysia, 74, 78.
Dionysus, 115.
Dorsey, G. A., 101.
Douglas, N., 121.
Dragon, relation to serpent, 45.
Earth, Worship, 114.
Egg, 50, 62, 74.
Eleusinia, 74, 77, 87, 108.
Emasculation, a form of worship, 31.
Essay on the Assyrian "Grove," 39.
Female deities, 115.
Festivals to increase food supply, 98.
Fire, male principle, 36.
Fire Worship, 36, 88;
identified with sex worship, 42.
Fish, phallic significance, 35.
Frazer, 6, 17, 31, 32, 94, 107.
Gnostics, early secret society, 83;
phallic amulets of, 90;
reversions of, 84.
Goat, priapic animal, 88;
Symbol of Khem, 25.
Golden Bough, 6. (See Frazer.)
Group Thought, 113.
Harrison, J., 6, 18, 99, 101, 104, 107, 115, 116.
Hearn, L., 52.
Heraldry, origin of symbols, 51.
Hermes, phallic nature of, 36.
Higgins, 38.
Hitchcock, R., 105.
Holy Grail, Symbolism of, 93.
Homosexuality, in Greek life, 85;
practice of Rosicrucians, 84.
Hopi Indians, 101, 102.
Howe, J. W., 125.
Howitt, A. W., 6.
Initiative magic, 104.
_India and its Native Princes_, 43.
_India and its Faiths_, 80.
_Indian Religions_, 48.
_Indians of the Southwest_, 101.
Infantile reactions, 130.
Initiation ceremony, 115.
Inman, T., 5, 50, 54.
Interpretations of Sex Worship, 96.
_Japan, an attempt at Interpretation_, 52.
Jennings, H., 5, 28, 42, 48, 51, 62, 72, 92.
Karnac, 26.
Karpas, M. J., 83.
Khem, description of, 24.
King, C. W., 54.
Knight, R. P., 5, 27, 30, 37, 47, 48, 49, 54, 58, 63, 65,
83, 87, 90, 91.
Knights of the Round Table, 93.
Knights Templar, phallic amulets of, 90;
practices of, 86.
Kroeber, A. L., 109, 110.
Layard, A., 60.
Lingam with yoni, 41.
Lost god, the, 75.
Lotus, significance of, 56-58.
Male date palm, significance of, 49.
Matriarchy, 114.
May-pole, associated with phallic worship, 39, 47.
Moon, associated with female deity, 71.
Mother Earth, 70, 114.
Mother religion, 115, 116.
_Mutter Erde_, 120.
Murray, G., 20.
Mysteries, teaching of, 78-79.
Nature Worship, 5, 97, 108, 110.
Newton, J., 39, 49, 71.
_Nineveh and Its Remains_, 60.
North American Indians and sun worship, 70;
nature worship, 98, 108, 109.
Obelisk, phallic interpretation, 38.
O'Brien, 38, 56, 58.
Obscure Sex Symbolism, 36.
Order of the Garter, 93.
Osiris, 76.
Pan, significance of, 22.
Patriarchy, 114, 116.
Pepys, S., 48.
Peet, O. S., 108.
Persephone, 77.
Phallic hand, symbol of prostitution, 91.
Phallic rites, motive for, 106.
Phallic symbols, 27;
in art, 50.
Phallic Worship in China, 44.
Phallic Worship, nature of, 23, 98.
Phallus, as a charm, 90, 93;
as a decoration, 90.
Plant and Flower Symbols, 54.
Pomegranate, female symbol, 55.
Pratt, J. B., 80.
Priapiea, 87.
Priapus, disguises of, 88.
Primitive motives, continuance of, 128;
reversion to, 134.
_Primitive Symbolism_, 28.
_Problem in Greek Ethics_, 85.
_Psyche's Task_, 94.
Puberty Initiations, 103, 115.
Qualities of animal and vegetable nature venerated, 39.
Racial feelings, expression of, in religion, 19.
Racial Motives, in primitive religions, 19;
dynamic value of, 123.
Rain making rite, 99.
Rawlinson, 24.
Reproduction, motive of, 21.
Rhyn, O., 78.
_Rise of the Greek Epic_, 20.
Ritual, motive for, 106;
related to food supply, 102, 103.
Rivers, W. H. R., 6, 100.
Robin Goodfellow, 94.
_Rosicrucians_, 42, 92.
Rosicrucians, phallic amulets of, 90;
practices of, 84, 85, 93.
_Round Towers of Ireland_, 38, 73.
Rousselet, 43.
Sacred Animals, 60-65.
Sacred prostitution, evidences of, 29.
Satan, at Witches Sabbath, 88.
Secret Societies for decadent sex worship, 83.
Serpent Worship, 61, 62, 72, 73.
Sex Worship:
An unconscious racial expression, 22;
biological significance of, 96;
as basis of early religions, 28;
In Africa in Modern times, 26;
decadence of in Middle Ages, 90;
primitive form, 108;
influence in present thought, 124;
part of evolution of the human mind, 23;
in symbolism, 34;
where it existed as basis of early religions, 28.
Sex Worship and Nature Worship, analogies of, 111;
relation of, 119.
Sexual act, as part of worship, 27-28.
_Shinto, or the mythology of the Japanese_, 105.
Smithsonian Inst., 6.
Snake, phallic significance of, 35.
_Socrates in the light of Modern Psychopathology_, 83.
Spencer, 6.
Star and crescent, 54.
Stonehenge, significance of, 38, 69.
Sun Myth, 117.
Sun Worship, 36, 69, 72, 73.
_Symbolic Language of Ancient Art and Mythology_, 49, 59.
Symbolism, racial, in the individual, 133.
Symonds, J. A., 85.
_Themis_, 6, 99, 116.
Thunder god, 99.
Thunder rites, 99.
_Todas, the_, 6, 100.
Totem, 110.
Tree Worship, 48.
Upright objects as phalli, 37.
Vegetation spirit, 114.
Water, female principle, 36.
Weathercock, emblem of the sun, 50.
Westropp, H. M., 28, 45, 55.
Wilder, A., 59.
Witchcraft, 92.
Witches' Sabbath, nature of, 87, 92.
Wissler, C., 102, 110.
_Worship of Priapus_, 48, 83, 87, 91.
Yam ceremony, 103-104.
Footnotes:
[1] The Scope of Social Anthropology; Psyche's Task.
[2] Themis, Introduction Page XI.
[3] Hamlet and Orestes.
[4] Quoted by H. M. Westropp, Primitive Symbolism.
[5] J. W. Wood. The Uncivilized Races.
[6] The Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology.
[7] The Rosicrucians.
[8] Adonis, Attis and Osiris.
[9] Rousselet, India and Its Native Princes.
[10] Pepys Diary.
[11] Symbolic Language of Ancient Art and Mythology.
[12] Japan, an attempt at Interpretation.
[13] O'Brien: The Round Towers of Ireland.
[14] The Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology.
[15] The Enactment of a Rebirth.
[16] Dr. Otto Rhyn, Mysteria.
[17] J. B. Pratt, India and Its Faiths.
[18] R. P. Knight, the Worship of Priapus.
[19] Hargrave Jennings: The Rosicrucians.
[20] J. A. Symonds, A Problem in Greek Ethics. Morris J. Karpas,
Socrates in the light of Modern Psychopathology. Journal of Abnormal
Psychology. 1915.
[21] Worship of Priapus.
[22] Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l'Inconstance des Mauvais Anges et
Demons.
[23] Worship of Priapus.
[24] The Rosicrucians.
[25] The Scope of Social Anthropology; Psyche's Task.
[26] Themis.
[27] W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas.
[28] Miss J. Harrison: Ancient Art and Ritual.
[29] Indians of the Southwest.
[30] The Functions of Primitive Ritualistic Ceremonies. Popular Science
Monthly, August 15, 1915.
[31] Spencer, Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia.
[32] Ancient Art and Ritual, p. 64.
[33] Shinto, or the Mythology of the Japanese.
[34] Ancient Art and Ritual.
[35] Secret Societies and Ancient Mysteries: International Congress of
Anthropology, 1893.
[36] Symbolism of the Arapaho Indians: American Museum of Natural
History.
[37] Miss J. Harrison, Themis, Introduction.
[38] A. Dieterich: _Mutter Erde_.
[39] Norman Douglas: Old Calabria.
[40] Jelliffe and White, Diseases of the Nervous System, page 689.
Transcriber's Notes:
Passages in italics are indicated by _underscore_.
The following misprints have been corrected:
"barreness" corrected to "barrenness" (page 91)
"superstitition" corrected to "superstition" (page 92)
"Eleusenia" corrected to "Eleusinia" (Index)
"Kroebler" corrected to "Kroeber" (Index)
"Rawlison" corrected to "Rawlinson" (Index)
"Priapus, disguises of, 188." corrected to "Priapus, disguises of, 88."
Other than the corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in
spelling and capitalization have been retained.